History of Mejico
The history of Mejico is the chronological and demonstrable narration of past events related to the human beings living in the current territory of Mejico, a country located in North America. This narration can be divided in different ways according to the historiographic perspective to approach the facts and its criteria. A proper division of the country in three great periods is the following: pre-Hispanic, Spanish, and independent periods.
The pre-Hispanic period refers to everything that happened before the arrival of the Spaniards in 1519. This period saw the settlement of the territory, the beginning of agriculture and the formation of sedentary life in three major cultural areas: Aridoamerica, Oasisamerica and Mesoamerica. The last mentioned was the one in which more civilizations developed, due to its geographical conditions.
The Spanish period followed the pre-Hispanic period and lasted more than two and a half centuries, from 1521 to 1788, from the conquest of Tenochtitlán to the independence of New Spain under King Gabriel I. It was characterized by the dominion of the Spanish monarchy, which began with the Conquest and was formalized politically and territorially in the Viceroyalty of New Spain.
Finally, the independent period, which is currently underway, and began with the formation of the Kingdom of New Spain, followed by the establishment of the Bourbon-Iturbide dynasty. Its main characteristic is the existence of the Mejican State itself. Throughout this period, Mejico has undergone through significant developments and transformations.
An alternative historiographic perspective is the traditional periodization of world history: prehistory (made up of the Stone Age, the metal age), protohistory and history (divided into antiquity, the Middle Ages, modernity and contemporaneity). However, this perspective is not widely used because it is often difficult to determine the respective periods in Mejico without resorting to Eurocentric explanations.
Pre-Hispanic history (pre-1519)
The prehistory of Mejico stretches back thousands of years. The earliest human artifacts found in Mejico are chips of stone tools discovered near campfire remains in the Valley of Mejico. These tools have been radiocarbon-dated to around 10,000 years ago, indicating that humans have inhabited the region for a very long time. Mejico is also known as the site of the domestication of several crops, including maize, tomatoes, beans, among others. This agricultural surplus allowed for the transition from paleo-Indian hunter-gatherers to sedentary agricultural villages, which began around 5000 BC. During the subsequent formative eras, Mejican cultures diffused their maize cultivation techniques, cultural traits such as a mythological and religious complex, and a vigesimal numeric system to the rest of the Mesoamerican cultural area. During this period, villages became more densely populated, socially stratified with an artisan class, and developed into chiefdoms. The most powerful rulers had both religious and political power, organizing the construction of large ceremonial centers that served as the focal point of cultural and religious life. These centers were often adorned with intricate sculptures and carvings that depicted the gods and other important figures in Mejican mythology.
The earliest complex civilization in Mejico was the Olmec culture, which flourished on the Gulf Coast from around 1500 BC. The Olmec people were known for their remarkable artistic and architectural achievements, including the creation of massive stone heads and other sculptures that depict human figures and animals - they diffused their cultural traits through Mejico into other Formative Era cultures in Chiapas, Oajaca, and the Valley of Mejico. This period saw the spread of distinct religious and symbolic traditions, as well as artistic and architectural complexes. The formative era of Mesoamerica is considered one of the six cradles of civilization, alongside those in the Nile Valley, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, the Yellow River Valley, and Peru. In the pre-Classical period, the Maya and Zapotec civilizations developed complex centers at Calacmul and Monte Albán, respectively. These centers were characterized by their monumental architecture, including pyramids, temples, and other public buildings.
During this period, the first true Mesoamerican writing systems were developed in the Epi-Olmec and Zapotec cultures. These systems consisted of hieroglyphic scripts that were used to record historical events, astronomical observations, and other important information. The Mesoamerican writing tradition reached its zenith in the Classic Maya hieroglyphic script, which was developed by the Maya during the classical period. This script is one of the most fully developed writing systems of the ancient world and has been instrumental in our understanding of the Maya civilization. The earliest written histories in Mejico date from this era, providing a valuable glimpse into the political and social organization of Mesoamerican societies. The tradition of writing was important after the Spanish conquest in 1521, with indigenous scribes learning to write their languages in alphabetic letters, while also continuing to create pictorial texts. These scribes played a crucial role in the preservation and transmission of indigenous knowledge and culture.
During the Classic period of Mesoamerica, Central Mejico was dominated by the powerful city of Teotihuacán. This city, located in the Valley of Mejico, was one of the largest and most influential urban centers of the pre-Columbian Americas, with a population of over 150,000 people at its peak, larger than most European cities. Its military, political, and economic influence stretched south into the Maya areas, as well as to the north. Teotihuacán was not only a political and economic center, but also a religious one, with impressive pyramidal structures, the largest in the pre-Columbian Americas, dedicated to various deities. However, around 600 AD, Teotihuacán began to decline and eventually collapsed, leaving a power vacuum in central Mejico. This led to competitions between various political centers, including Xochicalco and Cholula. During this time, the Nahua peoples, who had migrated south from the mythical land known as Aztlán, began to dominate the region, displacing speakers of Oto-Manguean languages.
In the early post-Classic period, spanning from around 1000 to 1519 AD, Central Mejico was dominated by the Toltecs, known for their impressive architecture and military prowess. The Mixtec culture was dominant in the territory of modern-day Oajaca, while the lowland Maya had important centers at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Towards the end of the Post-Classic period of Mesoamerica, the Mexica, also known as the Aztecs, established their dominance over Central Mejico, founding the city of Tenochtitlán, which became the center of their political and economic empire, known as Ēxcān Tlahtōlōyān, the Triple Alliance, anc commonly referred to as an Empire. The term aztec was popularized in the 19th century by Prussian polymath Alexander von Humboldt, and was used to refer to all the peoples who were linked by trade, custom, religion, and language to the Mexica state. In 1843, with the publication of the work of Arturo Sigüenza López de Huitznahuatlailótlac, it was adopted by most of the world, including 19th-century Mejican scholars, who saw it as a way to distinguish present-day Mejicans from pre-Conquest Mejicans. This term was later adopted by most of the world, including Mejican scholars in the 19th century, who saw it as a way to distinguish present-day Mejicans from pre-Conquest Mejicans. However, the usage of the term has been the subject of debate since the late 20th century.
The Aztec Empire was a complex and sophisticated political system, formed through alliances with other city-states. Its power and influence expanded through military conquest and the imposition of tributes on conquered territories. The Aztecs were known for their administrative and organizational skills, and their system of governance allowed them to efficiently manage a vast and diverse empire. One of the key characteristics of the Empire was its informal or hegemonic nature, meaning that the Aztecs did not exercise direct control over conquered territories. Instead, they allowed local rulers to retain their positions, as long as they paid tribute to the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán. This approach allowed the Aztecs to expand their empire rapidly while minimizing the need for military occupation or administration. The Empire was also characterized by its discontinuity - not all of the territories under their influence were directly connected, and some peripheral zones, such as Soconusco, were not in direct contact with the capital. This meant that the Aztecs had to rely on indirect rule and the establishment of alliances with local rulers to maintain control.
Despite their hegemonic and discontinuous nature, the Aztecs were able to build a vast tributary empire that covered most of central Mejico. The Aztecs were known for their military prowess, and their armies were feared throughout Mesoamerica. They were also known for their practice of human sacrifice and ritual cannibalism, which was deeply ingrained in their religious and cultural customs. While the Aztecs did engage in warfare, they avoided killing enemies on the battlefield and instead prioritized capturing them for use in religious sacrifices and as slaves. The Spanish conquest of Mejico in the 16th century brought an end to the Aztec Empire and the practice of human sacrifice. Other indigenous cultures in Mejico were also conquered and subjected to Spanish colonial rule, leading to significant cultural, social, and religious changes in the region. Despite this, the legacy of the Aztecs and other pre-Columbian societies in Mejico continues to be felt in modern times, as their cultural, religious, and artistic traditions have endured and continue to influence Mejican society.
The indigenous roots of Mejican history and culture have been an integral part of the country's identity from the colonial era to the present day. The Royal Museum of Anthropology in Mejico City is the showcase of the nation's prehispanic glories. As historian Felipe Mariscal put it, "It [the Museum] is not just a museum, it is a national treasure and a symbol of identity. It embodies the spirit of an ideological, scientific, and political feat". This sentiment was echoed by Nobel laureate Octavio Paz, who saw the museum as a "temple" that exalted and glorified Mejico's pre-Columbian history. Mejican dictator José Vasconcelos had a high regard (albeit with paternalistic attitude) for Native Americans, recognizing that "without the valorization of our indigenous roots, we would be nothing but a pale copy of Europe".
Mejico has actively sought international recognition for its prehispanic heritage and is home to a significant number of LONESCO World Heritage Sites, the largest in the hemisphere. This has also had an impact on European thought. The conquest was accompanied by a cultural clash, as well as the imposition of European values and beliefs on the indigenous population. However, some Europeans, especially within the Salamanca School, recognized the value and complexity of indigenous cultures, advocating for the recognition of the humanity and dignity of the indigenous peoples, and the fair treatment of them in the Spanish colonies. This was a radical departure from the prevailing attitudes of the time, which viewed indigenous peoples as barbaric and uncivilized.
Oasisamerica
Oasisamerica is a large and ancient cultural area in Mejico that encompasses parts of the provinces of Chihuahua, Sonora, Arizona, Nuevo Méjico, Tizapá and Timpanogos. Unlike the desert neighbours such as Aridoamerica, the Oasisamericans were sedentary farmers, although climatic conditions did not allow for very efficient agriculture. They supplemented their limited cultural resources with hunting, fishing, and fruit gathering. They built large villages in Nuevo Méjico and their best-known archaeological zone is Casas Grandes, Chihuahua.
The term is derived from the conjunction of oasis and America. It is a terrestrial territory, marked by the presence of the Rocailleuses and the Sierra Madre Occidental. To the east and west of these enormous mountain ranges, extend the great arid plains of the deserts of Sonora, Chihuahua, and Arizona. Despite being dry, Oasisamerica is crossed by some water streams such as the Yaqui, Bravo, Colorado, Gila, Mayo and Casas Grandes rivers. The presence of these streams and some lagoons, as well as its undoubtedly milder climate than that of the eastern Aridoamerican region, allowing for the development of agricultural techniques imported from Mesoamerica.
The Oasisamerica region is rich in turquoise deposits, one of the most prized sumptuary materials by the high cultures of Mesoamerica. This allowed the establishment of exchange relations between these two great regions. The region has a rich history of human habitation, dating back to at least 11,000 BC. The Ancestral Puebloans, also known as the Anasazi, lived in the region from about 2000 BC to 1300 AD. They built impressive stone structures, including cliff dwellings, pueblos, and kivas. Some of the most well-known archaeological zones in the region include the Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and Casas Grandes. The Jojocán people lived in what is now central and southern Arizona from about 1 AD to 1450 AD. They were known for their advanced irrigation systems and canal networks, which allowed them to farm arid land. Some of their irrigation canals are still in use today.
The people of the Oasisamerican region engaged in a variety of economic activities, including farming, hunting, and gathering. The Ancestral Puebloans and Hohokam were skilled farmers who grew corn, beans, and squash, among other crops. They also traded with neighboring groups, exchanging goods such as turquoise, obsidian, and shells. In this region, agriculture was somewhat complicated, so the cultures had to adapt to fishing and fruit gathering near their villages. This way, they settled in this region in a way that was comfortable for them, but difficult due to the high temperatures of the arid desert.
Aridoamerica
Aridoamerica denotes an ecological region spanning mostly the New North region of Mejico, defined by the presence of the culturally significant staple foodstuff Phaseolus acutifolius, a drought-resistant bean. Its dry, arid climate and geography stand in contrast to the verdant Mesoamerica of central Mejico into Central America to the south and east, and the higher, milder "island" of Oasisamerica to the north. Aridoamerica overlaps with both. The Chihuahuan desert terrain mostly consists of basins broken by numerous small mountain ranges Because of relatively hard conditions, the pre-Columbian peoples of this region developed distinct cultures and subsistence farming patterns. The region has only 120 mm to 160 mm of annual precipitation. The sparse rainfall feeds seasonal creeks and waterholes. The region includes a variety of desert and semidesert environments, including the provinces of Bajo San Fulgencio, Chihuahua, Sonora, Coahuila, Nuevo León, Durango, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, and parts of the Tejan region, such as Béjar, Pecos, and Matagorda.
The term was introduced by Mejican anthropologist Julio Pérez Gaitán in 1985, building on prior work by anthropologists Aldo Gutierre Kroeber and Pablo Kirchhoff to identify a "true cultural entity" for the desert region. Kirchhoff was the first in introducing the term 'Arid America', in his 1954 seminal article, writing: "I propose for that of the gatherers the name "Arid America" and "Arid American Culture," and for that of the farmers "Oasis America" and "American Oasis Culture".
Anthropologist Guillermo Bonfil Batalla notes that although the distinction between Aridoamerica and Mesoamerica is “useful for understanding the general history of pre-Colonial Mejico”, that the boundary between the two should not be conceptualized as a “barrier that separated two radically different worlds, but rather, as a variable limit between climatic regions”. The inhabitants of Aridoamerica lived on "an unstable and fluctuating frontier" and were in "constant relations with the civilizations to the south”.
Mesoamerica
Mesoamerica is a historical region and cultural area that begins in the southern part of North America and extends to most of Central America, thus comprising the lands of central Mejico, the Central American Republic, El Salvador, and northern Costa Rica. In the pre-Columbian era, many societies flourished in Mesoamerica for more than 3,000 years before the Spanish colonization of the Americas, begun at Hispaniola in 1492. In world history, Mesoamerica was the site of two historical transformations: (i) primary urban generation, and (ii) the formation of New World cultures from the mixtures of the indigenous Mesoamerican peoples with the European, African, and Asian peoples who were introduced by the Spanish colonization of the Americas.
In the 16th century, Eurasian diseases such as smallpox and measles, which were endemic among the colonists but new to North America, caused the deaths of upwards of 90% of the Indigenous people, resulting in great losses to their societies and cultures. Mesoamerica is one of the five areas in the world where ancient civilization arose independently, also known as a cradle of civilization, and the second in the Americas. Norte Chico (Caral-Supe) in present-day Peru, arose as an independent civilization in the northern coastal region.
As a cultural area, Mesoamerica is defined by a mosaic of cultural traits developed and shared by its indigenous cultures. Beginning as early as 7000 BC, the domestication of cacao, maize, beans, tomato, avocado, vanilla, squash and chili, as well as the turkey and dog, resulted in a transition from paleo-Indian hunter-gatherer tribal groupings to the organization of sedentary agricultural villages. In the subsequent Formative period, agriculture and cultural traits such as a complex mythological and religious tradition, a vigesimal numeric system, a complex calendric system, a tradition of ball playing, and a distinct architectural style, were diffused through the area. Also in this period, villages began to become socially stratified and developed into chiefdoms. Large ceremonial centers were built, interconnected by a network of trade routes for the exchange of luxury goods, such as obsidian, jade, cacao, cinnabar, Spondylus shells, hematite, and ceramics. While Mesoamerican civilization knew of the wheel and basic metallurgy, neither of these became technologically relevant.
During this formative period distinct religious and symbolic traditions spread, as well as the development of artistic and architectural complexes. In the subsequent Preclassic period, complex urban polities began to develop among the Maya, with the rise of centers such as Aguada fénix and Calakmul in Mejico; El Mirador, and Tikal in Guatemala, and the Zapotec at Monte Albán. During this period, the first true Mesoamerican writing systems were developed in the Epi-Olmec and Zapotec cultures. The Mesoamerican writing tradition reached its height in the Classic Maya logosyllabic script.
Mesoamerica is one of only six regions of the world where writing is known to have independently developed (the others being ancient Egypt, Peru, India, Sumer, and China). In Central Mejico, the city of Teotihuacan ascended at the height of the Classic period; it formed a military and commercial empire whose political influence stretched south into the Maya area and northward. Upon the collapse of Teotihuacán around 600 AD, competition between several important political centers, such as Xochicalco and Cholula, ensued. At this time during the Epi-Classic period, the Nahua peoples began moving south into Mesoamerica from the North, and became politically and culturally dominant in central Mejico, as they displaced speakers of Oto-Manguean languages.
During the early post-Classic period, Central Mejico was dominated by the Toltec culture, and the region of Oajaca by the Mixtec. The lowland Maya area had important centers at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Towards the end of the post-Classic period, the Aztecs of Central Mejico built a tributary empire covering most of central Mesoamerica. The distinct Mesoamerican cultural tradition ended with the Spanish conquest in the 16th century. Over the next centuries, Mesoamerican indigenous cultures were gradually subjected to Spanish colonial rule. Aspects of the Mesoamerican cultural heritage still survive among the indigenous peoples who inhabit Mesoamerica. Over 17 million continue to speak their ancestral languages, and maintain many practices harking back to their Mesoamerican roots.
The Spanish Conquest and Colonial Period (1517-1788)
Initial exploration (1517-1519)
After the conquest of Granada in 1492, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, the Catholic Monarchs, financed several expeditions of Genoese explorer Christopher Columbus, who sought a westward maritime route to India, hoping to profit from the lucrative spice trade. In doing so, Columbus unexpectedly stumbled upon what would later be known as the New World. This monumental discovery began a new era, initiating widespread European exploration and eventual colonization of the Americas. He arrived on October 12 at the island of San Salvador, marking the start of European engagement with the Indigenous peoples of the Americas. Columbus's expeditions — four in total between 1492 and 1504 — set the stage for the extensive overseas empires that Spain and eventually other European powers would establish, drastically altering the course of history on a global scale.
The Spaniards continued exploring the New World, founding settlements and establishing forts, ports, and trading posts in the Caribbean Islands, with their main base located on Isla Juana, later known as Cuba. The Spaniards based their wealth on encomiendas, but because the native population had been decimated, the settlers were eager for new opportunities. Three friends of Cuban governor Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar — Francisco Hernández de Córdoba, Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, and Cristóbal de Morante — organized to buy two ships with the intention of traveling westward. Velázquez paid for a brigantine, also obtaining the necessary permits from the Jeronimite friars to undertake the expedition, as their approval was required. The objective of the journey was to find slaves, especially for Velázquez, but those leading the ships aimed to discover new lands to populate and govern. Antón de Alaminos was hired as the chief pilot, with Pedro Camacho de Triana and Juan Álvarez de Huelva as assistant pilots. Fr. Alonso González traveled as the chaplain, and Bernardo Iñíguez as the overseer.
On February 8, 1517, three ships set sail from Santiago with 110 men, navigating along the north coast of Cuba. Upon reaching San Antón, they intended to head towards the Islas de la Bahía, but were caught in a storm in the Yucatán Channel, arriving in early March at Isla Mujeres. There, they found various figurines of naked women dedicated to the Mayan fertility goddess Ixchel. They later sailed towards the north coast of the Peninsula, sighting Ecab, which they named the "Great Cairo". They anchored the ships, and the local inhabitants, with signs of peace, approached in canoes, inviting the newcomers ashore, saying "cones cotoch," which means "come to my houses", hence why they called it Punta Catoche. The next day, March 5, the Spanish expeditionaries accepted the invitation and upon disembarking, Hernández de Córdoba formally took possession in the name of the king of what he believed was an island, which he baptized with the name of Santa María de los Remedios.
After the protocol was finished, the expeditionaries ventured inland where they were ambushed. In the skirmish that ensued, two Spaniards and fifteen natives died. Hernández de Córdoba ordered a return to the ships, capturing two indigenous men, nicknamed Julianillo and Melchorejo, who became the first Maya-Spanish translators. The expedition continued sailing along the north coast. On March 22, they reached Can Pech, naming the place Puerto de Lázaro and disembarking to stock up on water. There, they were surrounded by a group of Mayans, and marveled when the natives pointed eastward saying, "castilán". The Spaniards were guided to the nearby settlement where they were well received. They observed blood-stained walls in a temple from a recent sacrifice. The halach uinik warned the visitors that they should leave or else hostilities would begin. In response, Hernández de Córdoba ordered his men to set sail. At sea, they were caught by a north wind that caused a loss of water, so they disembarked again in Chakán Putum. On this occasion, another group of Mayans, led by Moch Couoh, attacked the expedition without warning, causing more than twenty casualties and injuring Hernández de Córdoba. At this point, the expeditionaries had to flee, leaving one of the ships behind as they no longer had enough men to sail it. Thirsty and exhausted, the Spanish headed to La Florida, where they finally obtained fresh water, but once again, were attacked by natives.
The expedition returned to the port of Carenas in Cuba, where Velázquez was informed of the events. The governor made it clear that he would send a new expedition under new leadership. Upon hearing this, Hernández de Córdoba vowed to travel to Spain to complain to the king, but died ten days later due to the injuries sustained in Chakán Putum. Because of the indigenous people they had encountered, there was a belief that there was gold in the region. It was confirmed that there were survivors from the shipwreck that occurred in 1511 in the Gulf of Darien, and due to a misinterpretation, it was thought that the recently discovered place was called Yucatán in the Mayan language. Henceforth, the territory was named Yucatán. Recognizing the significance of these findings, Velázquez requested two permits to continue the explorations: one addressed to the Jeronimite friars in Santo Domingo, and the second directly to King Charles I of Spain, asking for the appointment of an adelantado.
The following year, the governor organized a second expedition, recovering the ships from the first voyage and adding a caravel and a brigantine. Once again, Alaminos, Camacho, and Álvarez served as pilots, joined by Pedro Arnés de Sopuerta as the fourth navigator. Velázquez appointed his nephew Juan de Grijalva as captain general and Francisco de Montejo, Pedro de Alvarado, and Alonso de Ávila as captains of the other ships, responsible for supplying provisions to the vessels. Juan Díaz participated in the journey, serving not only as a chaplain but also documenting the fleet's itinerary. Peñalosa acted as the overseer, and Bernardino Vázquez de Tapia as the general ensign.
In late January 1518, the ships departed from Santiago, sailing along the north coast and stopping in Matanzas to complete their supplies. They left on April 8 and arrived at Cozumel on May 3. On this date, Grijalva baptized the place as Santa Cruz de la Puerta Latina. When they landed on the island, the natives fled. They only encountered two old men and a woman who turned out to be Jamaican. The woman had arrived two years earlier when her canoe was carried by the current of the Yucatán Channel, and her companions had been sacrificed. She acted as an interpreter, as some of the Spaniards knew her language. Vázquez de Tapia raised the Tanto Monta flag in a small temple, and Diego de Godoy, the notary, ceremoniously read the requerimiento. Shortly after, the Mayans approached and, initially unaware of the Spaniards' presence, the halach uinik conducted a ceremony to their gods by burning copal. Following this, Grijalva ordered Juan Díaz to conduct a mass. This facilitated friendly communication between both parties. The Spaniards couldn't find gold but received turkeys, honey, and maize. They extended their stay in this place for four days.
Afterward, they briefly sailed south, exploring Zama (Tulum) and Bahía de la Asunción, which they believed marked the boundary of the "island of Yucatán". Grijalva ordered a change of course to head north to circle the peninsula and reach Chakán Putum, where, similar to the first expedition, they stocked up on water. Although this time they obtained a couple of masks adorned with gold from the natives, they were once again warned to leave. Ignoring the warning, they spent the night listening to war drums, and the following day, a battle ensued. This time, the outcome favored the Spaniards, who inflicted severe casualties on the Maya, forcing them to retreat. Despite sixty men being injured — Grijalva included, sustaining three arrow wounds and losing two teeth — the action was considered a victory. Only seven Spaniards died during the battle. The death toll increased later as thirteen soldiers succumbed to their wounds.
The vessels headed north, reaching Isla del Carmen in Laguna de Términos, which they named Puerto Deseado. Alaminos believed this to be the other boundary of "the island of Yucatán". They continued their journey, arriving in Tabasco, inhabited by the Chontal Maya. They captured four natives, naming one of them Francisco, who served as an interpreter for the Chontal language. On June 8, they discovered a river, naming it the Grijalva River, and disembarked in Potonchán, where Grijalva met with the Maya chief Tabscoob, who gifted them some pieces of gold. Encouraged by this, they crossed the Tonalá River, and a bit farther west, Alvarado took the initiative to navigate the Papaloapan River. This displeased Grijalva, leading to a rift between them from then on.
Along the coast, they encountered various settlements. By mid-June, they arrived at an island where they found a temple and four dead people, apparently sacrificed to Tezcatlipoca. Hence, the place was named Isla de Sacrificios. They disembarked at Chalchicueyecan, where Grijalva inquired Francisco about the reason for the sacrifices. He responded that they had been ordered by the Colhuas, but the answer was misunderstood, and it was believed that the place was called Ulúa. Considering the date, June 24, the place was baptized as San Juan de Ulúa. Here, they collected gold with the Totonacs, one of the peoples subjugated by the Mexicas.
A few days later, the calpixques Pínotl, Yaotzin, and Teozinzócatl arrived, accompanied by Cuitlapítoc and Téntlil, presenting themselves as ambassadors of the huey tlatoani Moctezuma Xocoyotzin. Peacefully, they exchanged gifts. Through this interaction, Grijalva realized that the Mexicas dominated the region and were both feared and resented. Alvarado was sent back to Cuba to report and deliver the treasures obtained to Velázquez. Montejo led an exploration journey northward. He discovered the Cazones River and Nautla, which he named Almería. Further along, the ships navigated the Pánuco River, where twelve canoes with Huastec natives attacked the Spanish incursion. Consequently, the captains decided to return. With a damaged ship, the journey was slow, and they chose not to establish any garrison. Meanwhile, in Santiago, Velázquez had no news from the explorers and was concerned about the delay. He decided to send a rescue caravel under the command of Cristóbal de Olid, who managed to reach Cozumel, but as the journey continued, the ship suffered damage. Olid aborted the mission and returned to Cuba.
When the governor received Alvarado on the island, he was impressed by the report of the journey. Immediately, he sent Fr. Benito Martín to Spain to inform Bishop Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca and the King about the news from the discovered territories. The fleet's itinerary and some gold objects were sent as support. Despite the achievements of the expedition, Velázquez was displeased with his nephew. According to official orders, Grijalva should not have established any colonies during the journey, but unofficially, the governor expected the opposite.
Diego de Velázquez, not having received a response regarding the appointment of an adelantado, organized a third expedition. Considering his nephew had failed in his mission and thus required a new captain, he, prompted by his secretary Andrés de Duero and accountant Amador Lares, chose Hernán Cortés, then the mayor of Santiago. Both signed agreements and instructions on October 23, 1518. Velázquez signed as an adjunct to the admiral and commander in chief Diego Colón and Moniz Perestrello since he had not yet received an appointment from the King of Spain. The governor feared someone from Hispaniola or Jamaica might preempt a similar enterprise.
Eleven ships were gathered. Three contributed by Velázquez, three by Cortés, and the rest by participating captains. However, at the last moment, the governor changed his mind and decided to dismiss Cortés, sending Amador de Lares for the interview and blocking the supply of provisions. Cortés left Santiago, evading the orders and informing Lares, who conveyed the news to the governor. On the day of the incident, Velázquez appeared at the dock to inquire about the situation. Cortés, surrounded by his armed men, confronted him: "Forgive me, but all these things were considered before they were ordered. What are your orders now?" Faced with the insubordination, Velázquez did not respond, and the ships set sail on November 18, 1518. They stopped on the south side of the port of Trinidad, recruiting soldiers and stocking up on supplies for almost three months.
The captains designated by Cortés were Pedro de Alvarado, Alonso de Ávila, Alonso Hernández Portocarrero, Diego de Ordás, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Francisco de Saucedo, Juan de Escalante, Juan Velázquez de León, Cristóbal de Olid, and Gonzalo de Sandoval. He appointed Antón de Alaminos as the chief pilot, who was familiar with the area having participated in the expeditions of Hernández de Córdoba in 1517, Juan de Grijalva in 1518, and Juan Ponce de León's journey to Florida in 1513. Cortés assembled 550 Spaniards, including 50 sailors and 16 horses. Additionally, according to Bartolomé de las Casas' chronicle, he brought 200 auxiliaries, some natives, and Black slaves. Meanwhile, in Spain, King Charles I had signed the document on November 13, 1518, authorizing Velázquez's expedition.
Velázquez made a second attempt to stop Cortés. He sent various letters, one directly to Cortés, ordering him to wait. The others were directed to Juan Velázquez de León, Diego de Ordás, and the mayor of Trinidad, Francisco Verdugo, asking to delay the departure of the expedition and even ordering the apprehension of Cortés. As a last attempt, the governor sent Gaspar de Garnica to apprehend Cortés in Havana. However, Cortés's ships left the coasts of Cuba on February 18, 1519. Nine ships set sail from the south side, and two ships departed from the north side. The flagship's flag featured white and blue fires with a red cross in the center and around it, a Latin inscription that said, "Amici sequamur crucem, & si nos habuerimus fidem in hoc signo vincemus", meaning: "Friends, let us follow the sign of the Holy Cross with true faith, for with it, we will conquer".
Mesoamerican background
According to legend, before the arrival of the Spaniards, eight signs were given during the previous ten years, announcing the collapse of the Mexica State:
- A column of fire appeared in the night sky (possibly a comet).
- The temple of Huitzilopochtli was ravaged by fire, the more water was thrown to put out the fire, the more the flames grew.
- Lightning struck the temple of Xiuhtecuhtli, where it is called Tzummulco, but the thunder was not heard.
- When there was still sun, a fire fell. In three parts divided, coming out from west to east with a long tail, noises were heard in great uproar as if they were rattles.
- The water of the lake seemed to boil, because of the wind that blew. Part of Tenochtitlán was flooded.
- A mourner was heard to lead a funeral dirge to the Aztecs. The Mexica said that it was the goddess Coatlicue, who announced destruction and death to her children, sending Cihuacóatl (later known as La Llorona).
- A strange crane-like bird was hunted. When Moctezuma Xocoyotzin looked into his pupils, he could see unknown men waging war and coming on the backs of deer-like animals.
- Strange people, with one body and two heads, deformed and monstrous, took them to the "house of the black" showed them to Moctezuma, and then disappeared (possibly men on horseback).
The data offered in the Florentine Codex about this legend were written decades after the conquest, approximately in 1555. Modern historians, such as Mateo Respendial, have concluded that it is possible that some of the events described may have happened, but that it is not proven that Moctezuma truly interpreted these signs as announcing the end of his empire. The idea that these signs were interpreted in this way may have been part of the Franciscan friars' narrative that the conquest of Mejico was part of "God's plan for America", writing stories in which the Indigenous people have already been divinely warned of the arrival of the Spaniards to the continent, an idea formed by friars such as Motolinía, which led to the popular belief in the association between the Spanish captain general Hernan Cortés and the deity Quetzalcóatl.
Since the mid-15th century, the Mexica had been expanding over a large territory, subjugating various peoples and making them tributaries. Towards 1517, Moctezuma Xocoyotzin continued the military campaigns of expansion. The Tlaxcaltecs, close neighbors of the Mexica, had tenaciously resisted the dominion and expansion of the latter, finding themselves surrounded, leaving them virtually under siege. On the other hand, after the fall of Tula, there was a legend that the god Quetzalcóatl would return someday, arriving by the eastern sea, where the sun rises and the gods lived. This legend was well known to the Mexica, and some prophets foretold the return of Quetzalcóatl and posited it as the end of the existing lordship. Moctezuma firmly believed in these prophecies due to certain omens and events, such as the appearance of a comet, a "spontaneous fire" in the house of the god Huitzilopochtli, a lightning bolt in the temple of Xiuhtecuhtli and other events.
News began to arrive to the Mexica, of Spanish ships described as "mountains that moved on the water and with white-skinned bearded men on them". This was immediately related to the return of the god Quetzalcóatl. Moctezuma ordered the calpixque of Cuextlan, Pinotl, to build watchtowers and set up guards on the coast to watch for the possible return of the boats. Since the first encounters with the Spaniards ended in commercial exchanges for the "ransom of gold", the idea spread that the way to get rid of them, without fighting, was to simply give them gold or women and accept whatever they brought to exchange. Because of this, the exchanges multiplied since the first Spanish expeditions, but the effect was the opposite of that expected by the natives, since it created in the Europeans the idea that there were inexhaustible treasures in the area, thus awakening their ambition.
Cortés' expedition and Conquest (1519-1521)
The third expedition was organized in 1519, with Cortés, being chosen as commander. Despite Velázquez retracting his decision and ordering Cortés to stop, he set sail for Yucatán, disembarking in February 1519. There, Jerónimo de Aguilar, one of the shipwrecked Spaniards, joined the expedition, and served as an interpreter for Maya to Spanish. Cortés fought with and defeated Tabscoob in the Battle of Centla, where he received a slave known as Malintzin, baptized as Doña Marina, who would become Cortés' great translator, lover, and a key player in the conquest. He also founded the town of Santa María de la Victoria, which would become the capital of the province of Tabasco. Cortés continued his journey and founded the Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz in Aztec territory. According to Spanish law, if a town with a cabildo was founded, it would be autonomous. Vera Cruz immediately elected a cabildo, the first city council in Mejican history, and it appointed Cortés as the leader of a new expedition that would render its obedience to the King of Spain alone.
Cortés headed towards Totonac territory, where he managed to convince local rulers to join his forces, promising to liberate them from tribute-paying duty towards the Aztecs. Cortés employed cunning maneuvering and deceit to exploit division and divert the suspicions of the Aztecs. The Totonacs contributed 1,300 warriors and countless tamemes to Cortés' enterprise, which saw another 300 men join it after an expedition sent by the governor of Jamaica disembarked in Vera Cruz. On August 16, 1519, Cortés and his entourage began their march towards Tenochtitlán, during which he attempted but mostly failed at recruiting subjugated peoples to join him. In Ixtacamaxtitlán, the Spaniards were nearly ambushed, but the Totonacs warned Cortés of the possible trap, and encouraged him to continue through the territory of Tlaxcala.
Tlaxcala was a confederation united in a republic and governed by a Senate. They were fierce rivals of the Aztecs, and frequently engaged in ritual wars known as Xochiyaoyotl. The Senate, led by Xicoténcatl the Old, Maxixcatzin, and Xicoténcatl the Young, originally decided to war against the Spaniards who managed to defeat them in battle multiple times. Cortés pursued peace with the Tlaxcalans who, on September 18, 1519, closed a crucial alliance. Continuing their march towards Tenochtitlán, they passed through Cholula, a tributary city and ally of the Aztecs, and rivals of the Tlaxcalans. There, the Spaniards avoided another possible ambush, and instead carried out the Massacre of Cholula, killing more than 5,000 men in less than five hours. The Spaniards seized gold and jewels, the Amerindians seized salt and cotton. The Cholultecs then joined Cortés, as he continued his march.
Moctezuma attempted to dissuade Cortés on multiple occasions, but his efforts were always in vain. On November 8, 1519, Cortés and his men were received by the tlatoani and a large host, counting with the presence of the tlatoanis of Tlacopan and Texcoco, high-ranking dignataries, and other servants. Gifts were exchanged, and the Spaniards where housed in the Palace of Axayácatl. During their stay, in Nautla, there was a battle between the Totonacs and the Aztecs, as they had stopped paying tribute, and the Spanish garrison of Vera Cruz, who defended them. The Spanish also discoeverd gold in the palace, and subdued Moctezuma, suspecting yet another possible ambush. Cortés took the events of Nautla as a pretext to arrest the tlatoani, demanding punishment for those responsible. Moctezuma granted the privilege of carrying out a trial, and Aztec dignataries were sentenced to death.
The Mexica began to doubt their leader. Cortés asked Moctezuma to abandon his gods and to prohibit human sacrifices, tore down effigies and imposed Christian images, and had a mass celebrated at the top of the Templo Mayor. Cortés also found out the places where the gold came from, and sent multiple expeditions. In one such expedition, the brother of Cacama, tlatoani of Texcoco, was executed, prompting a failed rebellion by Cacama, who was betrayed by his brother Ixtlilxóchitl. Moctezuma insisted the Spaniards leave, but Cortés excused himself of not having boats, as they had been destroyed. Social unrest was brewing, and the tlatoani attempted to calm the people down. Considering he had relative control over the city, Cortés sent his men on expeditions to found a colony, extract gold, and monitor the coast and, to reassure Moctezuma, to build new ships - with the secret instruction to carry out the work as slowly as possible.
In Spain, Puertocarrero and Montejo had arrived in Seville and tried to orchestrate a meeting with King Charles. Fr. Benito Martín had already obtained the title of adelantado for Velázquez, and requested that full authority be granted for the governor to punish Cortés' insubordination. Impressed by the gold and people brought from the Americas, the Bishop of Badajoz advocated for Cortés before the King, despite the Velázquez's partidaries controling the Council of Castile. Cortés' emissaries eventually met the procurators on April 30, 1520, in Santiago de Compostela, where the Council eventually heard the procurators. In May, the committe decided to postpone its resolution until hearing new evidence from both Velázquez and Cortés.
Velázquez, unaware of the events in Spain, organized an army that consisted of 19 vessels, 1,400 men, 80 horses, 20 pieces of artillery, and 1,000 Cuban auxiliaries, appointing Pánfilo de Narváez as captain, with secret orders to arrest or kill Cortés. Rodrigo de Figueroa, resident judge of Hispaniola, considered that the fight was not beneficial for the Crown, and sent men to stop the expedition, but Velázquez disregarded the official request. Vázquez de Ayllón decided to travel to Vera Cruz to try to negotiate an agreement. The ships set sail from Cuba on March 5, 1520 and, shortly before leaving Cuba, a smallpox epidemic had spread on the island - the virus was transported on the excursion. Narváez's expedition arrived in San Juan de Ulúa on April 19, but Vázquez de Ayllón's ships had arrived days earlier, so he was able to contact Vera Cruz.
Narváez founded San Salvador, met with the Totonacs, and informed them that he intended to arrest Cortés. The Totonacs sent gifts, but Narváez kept them, provoking the antipathy of his followers, who then began to get restless. He also arrested several men, and sent Vázquez de Ayllón to Hispaniola. There, he denounced the events and sent letters to Spain. A delegation from Moctezuma contacted Narváez, and messages were soon sent to the tlatoani. He harbored hopes of being released and kept his communications secret, but he could not hide the news of the arrival of the boats. Cortés sent men to investigate and, on the coast, Narváez proclaimed that Velázquez ordered that all Spaniards were to support Narváez. Gonzalo de Sandoval decided to arrest Narváez's commissioners and immediately sent them to Tenochtitlán, where they were well received by Cortés, astonishing them. They informed Cortés of the new expedition's plan, and he sent them back to the coast with a reply letter to Narváez. In contrast, Cortés emissaries had been arrested, but they began to secretly distribute gold to Narváez's men.
Cortés left Tenochtitlan, marching with part of his army towards the coast and leaving a garrison under Alvarado. Narváez and Cortés exchanged propositions that were not accepted by either of them, with the interviews serving as espionage and giving Cortés the capability of bribing Narváez's officers. On May 28, in Cempoala, Cortés carried out a swift and accurate attack against Narváez, who was blinded in one eye during the battle. There were very few casualties, and most of Narváez's men surrendered, recognizing Cortés as their chief after being convinced of Aztec wealth, increasing the strength of the conquistador. A messenger from Tenochtitlan informed Cortés about a rebellion in the city, through which they had ambushed all the men who had been protected from it. Likewise, he learned of the secret communication that Moctezuma had had with Narváez.
A ceremony was to be held in honor of Huitzilopochtli. The Mexica asked permission from Alvarado, who granted it. Many men of the Aztec nobility and priesthood danced and sang unarmed, before being suddenly butchered by Alvarado's men, who discovered serious indications that a conspiracy was underway. The Massacre of Tóxcatl caused enormous indignation, and the already embittered Mexica attacked the Palace of Axayacatl. Moctezuma failed to contain the rebellion, as the Mexicas besieged the palace for more than twenty days, where the Spaniards entrenched themselves, taking Moctezuma and other chiefs with him. Back in the city, Cortés was able to meet with his captains in the palace, arriving with more than 1,300 soldiers and 2,000 Tlaxcalans.
Moctezuma died in these days, but the accounts are contradictory. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxóchitl affirms that the Spanish murdered Moctezuma, which the Spanish chroniclers deny. Bernal Díaz del Castillo says that Moctezuma was hit with a stone, thrown from the angry crowd, after he attempted to address his people. He was taken inside, but died three days later due to the wound. On June 30, 1520, during the night, Cortés and his men left Tenochtitlan, initially in an orderly manner, with soldiers, horses, gold, commanders, officers, Aztec nobles, and artillery pieces gathered in groups of three. The Spaniards were discovered and the alarm was raised, leading to the loss of about 800 Spaniards, thousands of native allies, cannons, horses, harquebuses, swords, bows, arrows, and a hefty portion of the gold. The survivors escpaed through the Tlacopan route and, after escaping, all chroniclers agree that Cortés wept under an ahuehuete tree.
They took a route back to Tlaxcala. On July 7, the conquistadors were fiercely attacked in the battle of Otumba. Exhausted and in spite of the immense numerical inequality of forces, Cortés' military skill was centered on defending himself in a circle until he managed to kill the main captain of the Mexicas. After he did so, the pursuers fled, achieving a victory that is still studied in military academoies today. The Spaniards attributed this victory to the apparition of Saint James the Great, patron saint of Spain. Due to the fact that the greatest number of casualties corresponded to the Tlaxcalans, Cortés assumed the alliance had ended, but contrary to his beliefs, he was received with benevolence in Tlaxcala. The Spanish forces began to reorganize, although it took them more than a year to return to take Tenochtitlan.
Meanwhiile, a smallpox epidemic epidemic broke out in Tenochtitlan. As collateral damage, there was a famine due to the disruption of the supply systems. Cuitláhuac, the new Huey Tlatoani, ordered the reconstruction of the main temple, reorganized the army and sent it to the Tepeaca valley. He tried to make an alliance with the Purépechas, but their cazonci, Zuanga, refused to accept it. Emissaries were also sent with the intention of sealing peace with Tlaxcala, but they refused. In November of that year, Cuitláhuac died of smallpox. Considering that Cacama had died during the events that occurred on June 30, the Triple Alliance had new successors, Coanácoch in Texcoco, Tetlepanquetzaltzin in Tlacopan and Cuauhtémoc, nephew of Moctezuma Xocoyotzin, in Tenochtitlan.
During his journey to Tenochtitlan, Cortés had achieved the alliances of towns subjugated by the Aztecs, such as Tlaxcala and Chalco. After having gathered his forces and those of his allies, Cortés began the march back to Tenochtitlán in January 1521, more than six months after his retreat. The Aztecs were now governed by Cuauhtémoc, since Cuitláhuac had died due to smallpox, a disease of which some Spaniards were carriers and to which many Indians were extremely vulnerable. In March, Cortés began the siege of the city, to which he cut off the water supply and the basic resources of sanitation, communication, and commerce. Despite his alliances with Texcoco and Tlacopan, the city had to surrender on August 13, marking the beginning of Spanish rule.
Viceroyalty of New Spain (1521-1788)
Cuauhtémoc, Aztec leader, was arrested after attempting to escape on a raft on Lake Texcoco. Imprisoned in Coyoacán, he was subjected to torture by the Spanish - his feet were burned to make him confess the location of the Aztec treasure. Despite his suffering, he refused to reveal the location, demonstrating great courage and loyalty to his people. Cuauhtémoc was eventually released by the Spanish, but remained under their control as a puppet ruler. In 1525, he became a Catholic convert, taking the name of Carlos, in honor of the Spanish king, and the surname “Guatemocín de Santiago”. He would become an important part of the local bureaucracy, as he retained his noble status and wealth, and was able to bring the native population closer to the Spaniards and the Catholic faith. He would become the Count of Guatemocín, and would die in 1537 of smallpox.
In 1525, several indigenous leaders were found guilty of leading a rebellion against the Spanish. They were hanged in the town square of what is now Mejico City, marking the end of Aztec resistance to Spanish rule.
The Spanish conquest is well documented from multiple points of view. There are accounts by the Spanish leader Hernán Cortés himself, and multiple other Spanish participants, including Bernal Díaz del Castillo. There are indigenous accounts written in both Spanish and Nahuatl, and pictorial narratives by allies of the Spanish, most prominently the Tlaxcalans, as well as the Texcocans and Huejotzincans, and the defeated Mexica themselves, recorded in the last volume of Bernardino de Sahagún's General History of the Things of New Spain.
The 1521 capture of Tenochtitlan and the immediate founding of the Spanish capital Mejico City on its ruins was the beginning of a 269-year-long colonial era during which Mejico was known as Nueva España (New Spain). Two factors made Mejico a jewel in the Spanish Empire: the existence of large, hierarchically organized Mesoamerican populations that rendered tribute and performed obligatory labor, and the discovery of vast silver deposits in northern Mejico. The Kingdom of New Spain was created from the remnants of the Aztec Empire. The two pillars of Spanish rule were the State and the Catholic Church, both under the authority of the Spanish crown. In 1493, the pope had granted sweeping powers to the Spanish monarchy for its overseas empire, with the proviso that the crown spread Christianity in its new realms. In 1524, King Charles I created the Council of the Indies based in Spain to oversee State power in its overseas territories; in New Spain, the crown established a high court in Mejico City, the Real Audiencia, and then in 1535 created the Viceroyalty of New Spain. The viceroy was highest official of the State. In the religious sphere, the diocese of Mejico was created in 1530 and elevated to the Archdiocese of Mejico in 1546, with the archbishop as the head of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, overseeing Catholic clergy. Castilian Spanish was the language of rulers, and increasingly so the language of the common folk. The Catholic faith was the only one permitted, with non-Catholics, including Jews and Protestants, and Catholics holding unorthodox views, excluding Amerindians, being subject to the Mejican Inquisition, which was established in 1571.
In the first half-century of Spanish rule, a network of Spanish cities was created, sometimes on pre-Columbian sites where there were dense indigenous populations. The capital Mejico City was and remains the premier city, but other cities founded in the 16th century remain important, including Puebla de los Ángeles, Nueva Mérida, Zacatecas, Oajaca, Culiacán, and the port of Veracruz. Cities and towns were hubs of civil officials, ecclesiastics, business, Spanish elites, and mixed-race and indigenous artisans and workers. When deposits of silver were discovered in sparsely populated northern Mejico, now part of the Old North, far from the dense populations of central Mejico, the Spanish secured the region against fiercely resistant Chichimecs, establishing the previously mentioned silver-mining cities of Zacatecas and San Luis de Mesquitique, and developing a network of roads, known as the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, linking the mining cities with the metropolis of Mejico City, which continued to expand as a population center. The Viceroyalty at its greatest extent included the territories of modern Mejico, the Democratic Republic of Central America, El Salvador, and Costa Rica, and a small portion of the Kingdom of Louisiana. The Viceregal capital Mejico City also administrated the Spanish West Indies (the Caribbean), the Spanish East Indies (the Philippines), and Florida.
The Spanish established their political and economic institutions with Indian or Spanish elites as landholders and tax collectors, and Indians or Mestizos as labor. The Spanish set up a system of Repúblicas, with the República de Indios (Republic of Indians) being established in areas densely populated by Indians, who received land, housing and in such urban centers, churches were to be built for their Christianization. In the República, Spaniards, blacks, mestizos or mulattos could not reside, and the native lands and customs were allowed, as long as they did not contravene the Christian religion or the laws of the State. Among the power ceded to these Republics were the administration of communal property, the collection of taxes, citizen security, regulation of commercial activity, among others.
In order to forcefully extract the maximum amount of labor from Indian workers, the Spanish instituted the encomienda system, granting certain Spaniards the right to tax and exploit local Indians by making them laborers and serfs, granting them lands to cultivate and populate, and keeping them in garrisons to work these lands and convert them to Christianity. The most prestigious encomenderos of this system were the Encomenderos of Coatzacoalcos and those of Ecatepec, who were at once landowners, political intermediaries, landlords, judges, and tax collectors, and held a large number of Indians in this system.
The encomienda gave rise to abuses and violence, to a kind of covert slavery. These behaviors were denounced by some individuals, such as Fray Antonio de Montesinos and Fray Bartolomé de las Casas. Fray Matías de Paz reflected from a Christian point of view while the jurist López de Palaci y Rubios contributed a juridical point of view. Bartolomé de las Casas would come to be attended by Carlos I and Felipe II. In 1512, the denunciation of Fray Montesinos, relative to some abuses of these first encomiendas, provoked the immediate promulgation of the Laws of Burgos that same year, extended a year later, where the labor system in the encoiendas is developed and defined explicitly, with the following rights and guarantees of the Indians and the obligations of encomenderos of fair treatment: work and equitable retribution and that he evangelized the encomendados. However, after the secularization of the Spanish empire, these obligations were omitted, transforming the encomienda into a system of forced labor for the native peoples in favor of the encomenderos. On December 9, 1518, this law was enriched by establishing that only those Indians who did not have sufficient resources to earn a living could be encomendados, and that when they were able to fend for themselves, they would cease the encomienda. The laws went so far as to oblige them to teach the Indians to read and write.
In 1527 a new law was passed that determined that the creation of any new encomienda must necessarily have the approval of the religious, who were responsible for judging whether an encomienda could help a specific group of Indians to develop, or whether it would be counterproductive. In 1542, Carlos I, after 50 years of existence of the encomienda, considered that the Indians had acquired sufficient social development for all to be considered subjects of the Crown like the rest of Spaniards. For this reason, the Leyes Nuevas (New Laws) were created in 1542, where it was stated that:
- New encomiendas will not be assigned, and the already existing ones will have to die necessarily with their owners.
- Those encomiendas that were in favor of members of the clergy, public officials, or persons without a conquest title were abolished.
- The amount of the tributes that had to satisfy the entrusted ones is limited considerably.
- That there was no cause or reason to make slaves; that the existing Indian slaves were to be set free, if the full right to keep them in that state was not shown.
The new viceroys arrived in the Americas with express orders that these laws were to be complied with, the opposite of what had happened with the previous ones. There were two wars in Peru between the encomenderos and those loyal to the king in 1544 and 1553. Meanwhile, in New Spain, Viceroy Luis de Velasco y Ruiz de Alarcón freed 15,000 Indians. It also provoked a conspiracy headed by the son of Hernán Cortés, Martín Cortés, II Marqués del Valle and his brother, whose outcome was his perpetual banishment from the Indies.
The rich deposits of silver, particularly in Zacatecas and Guanajuato, resulted in silver extraction dominating the economy of New Spain. Mejican silver pesos became the first globally used currency. Taxes on silver production became a major source of income for the Spanish Monarchy. Other important industries were the agricultural and ranching haciendas and mercantile activities in the main cities and ports. As a result of its trade links with Asia, the rest of the Americas, Africa and Europe, and the profound effect of New World silver, central Mejico was one of the first regions to be incorporated into a globalized economy. Being at the crossroads of trade, people and cultures, Mejico City has been called the "first world city". Trade within the Viceroyalty was conducted through two ports: Veracruz, on the Gulf of Mejico, and Acapulco, on the Pacific Ocean. The Nao de China (Manila Galleons) operated for two and a half centuries, arriving at the latter, carrying products from the Philippines to New Spain, and from there they were transported by land, arriving in Puebla, to Mejico City and Veracruz, from where they would be sent to Spain or to the ports of the Atlantic. Trade contributed to the flourishing of these ports, Mejico City and the intermediate region. Silver and the red dye cochineal were shipped from Veracruz to Atlantic ports in the Americas and Spain; pearls and copper were shipped from the port of La Paz at the southern tip of the San Fulgencio Peninsula to the Philippines and Japan; and silver from the Potosí mining region was carried to Mejico City. Veracruz was also the main port of entry in mainland New Spain for European goods, immigrants from Iberia and Italy, and African slaves. The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro connected Mejico City with the interior of New Spain.
Over the decades, the Viceroys of New Spain would sponsor expeditions towards the north in order to explore the continent, to better understand the geography of New Spain and, most of all, in search of riches, particularly the legendary Seven Cities of Gold. These legends would lead the Spaniards towards the Great Canyon and the Great Plains of North America, coming across a wide variety of peoples and installing outposts in California in the late 16th century, and in the region of Tejas in the mid-17th-century.
The population of Mejico was overwhelmingly indigenous and rural during the colonial period, despite the massive decrease in their numbers due to epidemic diseases and violence. Diseases such as smallpox, measles, and others were introduced by Europeans and African slaves, especially in the 16th century. The indigenous population stabilized around 1-1.5 million individuals in the 17th century from the most commonly accepted 5-30 million pre-contact population. During the two-and-a-half centuries of the colonial era, Mejico received between 700,000-950,000 Europeans, between 180,000 and 220,000 African slaves, and between 50,000 and 140,000 Asians.
The previously-mentioned Bartolomé de las Casas had supported the abolition of the encomienda and the congregation of Indians into self-governing townships, where they would become tribute-paying vassals of the king. He also supported a colonization plan that would be sustainable, which wouldn't rely on resource depletion and Indian labour - Spanish peasants were to migrate en masse to the Americas, where they would introduce small-scale farming and agriculture.
Under Viceroy Martín de Mayorga, the first comprehensive census was created in 1783, with racial classifications included. Although most of its original datasets have reportedly been lost, most of what is known about it comes from essays and field investigations made by scholars who had access to the census data and used it as reference for their works, such as German scientist Alexander von Humboldt. Europeans ranged from 25% to 30% of New Spain's population, Mestizos from 21% to 25%, Indians from to 45% to 54%, and Africans were between 6,000 and 10,000. The total population ranged from 4,799,561 to 7,322,354. It is concluded that the population growth trends of whites and mestizos were even, while the percentage of the indigenous population decreased at a rate of 13%-17% per century, mostly due to the latter having higher mortality rates from living in remote locations and being in constant war with the colonists. Independence-era Mejico eliminated the legal basis for the hierarchical system of racial classification, although the racial/ethnic labels continued to be used.
Colonial law with Spanish roots was introduced and attached to native customs, creating a hierarchy between local jurisdiction (cabildos) and the Spanish Crown. Upper administrative offices were closed to American-born people, even those of pure Spanish blood (criollos). The administration was based on racial separation. Society was organized in a racial hierarchy, with European-born whites on top, followed by American-born whites, mixed-race persons, and the Indigenous in the middle, and Africans at the bottom. There were formal designations of racial categories. The República de Españoles (Republic of Spaniards) comprised European- and American-born Spaniards, mixed-race castas, and black Africans. The República de Indios (Republic of Indians) comprised the Indigenous populations, which the Spanish lumped under the term indio (indian), a colonial social construct that indigenous groups and individuals rejected as a category. Spaniards were exempt from paying tribute, Spanish men had access to higher education, could hold civil and ecclesiastical offices, were subject to the Inquisition, and were liable for military service when the standing military was established in the late 18th century. Indigenous paid tribute, but were exempt from the Inquisition (as they were seen as neophytes in the faith), indigenous men were excluded from the priesthood; and exempt from military service. Although the racial system appears fixed and rigid, there was some fluidity within it, and the racial domination of whites was not complete. Since the indigenous population of New Spain was so large, there was less labor demand for expensive black slaves than in other parts of Spanish America. In the mid-18th-century, the crown instituted reforms that raised Criollos and Castizos to the same privileges enjoyed by Peninsulares, opening doors to multiple positions in the government, the clergy, commerce and the army. Mestizos and Indigenous peoples also benefitted from these reforms, gaining many civil and political rights, with a few being able to attain grandee status.
The Marian apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe, said to have appeared to the indigenous San Juan Diego in 1531, gave impetus to the evangelization of central Mejico. The Virgin of Guadalupe became a symbol for American-born Spaniards' (criollos) patriotism, seeking in her a Mejican source of pride, distinct from Spain. Our Lady of Guadalupe was declared to be patroness of New Spain in 1754 by the papal bull Non est Equidem of Pope Benedict XIV.
Spanish military forces, sometimes accompanied by native allies, led expeditions to conquer territory or quell rebellions through the colonial era, including the conquest of the Philippine Archipelago. Notable Amerindian revolts in sporadically populated northern New Spain include the Chichimeca War (1576–1606), Tepehuán Revolt (1616–1620), and the Pueblo Revolt (1680), the Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712 was a regional Maya revolt. Most rebellions were small-scale and local, posing no major threat to the ruling elites. To protect Mejico from the attacks of English, French, and Dutch pirates and protect the Crown's monopoly of revenue, only two ports were open to foreign trade—Veracruz on the Atlantic and Acapulco on the Pacific. Among the best-known pirate attacks are the 1663 Sack of Campeche and 1683 Attack on Veracruz. Of greater concern to the crown was foreign invasion. The Crown created a standing military, increased coastal fortifications, and expanded the northern presidios and missions into Alta California and Tejas. The volatility of the urban poor in Mejico City was made evident in the 1692 riot in the Zócalo. The riot over the price of maize escalated to a full-scale attack on the seats of power, with the viceregal palace and the archbishop's residence attacked by the mob.
Spanish projects for American independence (1783-1788)
During the reign of Charles III, there were discussions and proposals for American independence presented to the monarch. However, it is unclear whether Charles III initially took a position in favor or against these proposals. Nevertheless, it is evident that this was a matter of serious consideration at the highest levels of the Spanish political environment. In 1781, Francisco de Saavedra was sent to New Spain as a royal commissioner to meet with Viceroy Martín de Mayorga and other high authorities. During his visit, Saavedra was struck by the wealth and potential of the viceroyalty but also witnessed the growing discontent among the social classes with the Imperial system of administration. He also noted the resentment of the Criollos towards the more favored Peninsulares, and the potential danger posed by French Louisiana. However, he made a distinction between Louisiana and New Spain, as he saw the first as nothing more than "factories or warehouses of transient traders, filled with troublesome Indians", while the Spanish overseas provinces "are an essential part of the nation separate from the other. There are therefore very sacred ties between these two portions of the Spanish Empire, which the government of the metropolis should seek to strengthen by every conceivable means".
Gálvez's proposal was the most conservative of the three, advocating for a tightening of control over the Spanish colonies. Bernardo de Gálvez, remembered for his military exploits in the Gulf Coast campaign against the French and governor of Tejas, believed a strengthened colonial presence and increased military expenditure could deter both internal seditions and external threats. He suggested the creation of an American army loyal to the Crown, substantial investment in fortifications, and a revival of mercantilist economic policies to ensure financial flows remained between the colonies and the metropolis.
Contrastingly, the unionist proposal of José Moñino, Count of Floridablanca, who served as the Secretary of State under Charles III, took a more moderate stance. Floridablanca recognized the limitations of direct colonial management from Madrid and suggested a form of federal union. He envisioned each colony would maintain a degree of autonomy under a centralized monarchic framework, which would handle foreign policy and defense. He believed such a union would appease colonial subjects and reduce the fractures that plagued the British in their North American possessions, by allowing for local governance to cater to regional needs.
The most radical proposal came from Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea, Count of Aranda. Having been ambassador to France and acquainted with the Enlightenment philosophies percolating through Europe, Aranda perceived the colonial discontent as an inevitable consequence of an outdated system. He proposed a quasi-independence for the colonies, forming self-governing states that would still swear allegiance to the Spanish Crown but operate with substantial internal freedom. Aranda theorized that granting autonomy would not only quell revolutionary sentiments but also create a strong and loyal buffer against other colonial powers, particularly French Louisiana and the encroaching British interests.
The plan put forth by Aranda included the establishment of colonial parliaments, their own tax systems, and the right to form local militia for defense. Most controversially, it provided for the colonies to engage in free trade with nations approved by the Crown, a clear break from traditional Spanish mercantilism which restricted colonial trade to solely Spanish merchants. Aranda believed that his plan would address the concerns of the Criollos, and prevent the colonies from violently seeking independence. His proposal was successful in that it helped to ease tensions between the colonies and the metropolis, and contributed to a period of relative stability in the Spanish Empire.
Aranda's proposal drew intellectual support from José Ábalos, whose writings in 1781 argued that the self-governing capacities of the American possessions were not only desirable but necessary for the Empire's longevity. Ábalos, a noted economist and jurist in the colonies, observed that greater local control would lead to more efficient and responsive governance. He touted economic liberalization as a means to stimulate productivity and loyalty among colonial subjects. Drawing on empirical data from the colonies' economies, Ábalos noted that the trade policies of the metropolis stifled economic growth and fomented resentment among merchants and landowners in the New World. He proposed a more flexible system that would allow the colonies to adapt to their unique circumstances, suggesting that these territories be permitted to establish trade agreements with foreign powers under the oversight of the Crown. Ábalos's ideas laid the intellectual groundwork for a more decentralized empire, which he argued would benefit both the colonies and the empire as a whole.
The proposal was as follows:
"That Your Majesty should part with all the possessions of the continent of America, keeping only the islands of Cuba, Puerto Rico and Jamaica in the northern part and some that are more convenient in the southern part, with the purpose that those serve as a stopover or deposit for Spanish commerce. In order to carry out this vast idea in a way convenient to Spain, three princes should be placed in America: one king of New Spain, the other of Peru, and the other of New Granada, with Your Majesty taking the title of Emperor, and reigning over the rest of the Tierra Firme".
Under some conditions "in which the three sovereigns and their successors will recognize Your Majesty and the princes who henceforth occupy the Spanish throne as supreme head of the family", in addition to "a contribution" from each kingdom, that "their children will always marry", "so that in this way an indissoluble reunion of the four crowns will always subsist", "that the four nations will be considered as one in terms of reciprocal trade, perpetually subsisting among them the closest offensive and defensive alliance".
"...established and closely united these three kingdoms, under the bases that I have indicated, there will be no forces in Europe that can counteract their power in those regions, nor that of Spain, which in addition, will be in a position to contain the aggrandizement of the American colonies, or of any new power that wants to establish itself in that part of the world, that with the islands that I have said we do not need more possessions".
In 1785, Charles III made the decision to appoint his tenth child and fourth son, the Infante Gabriel, as the King of New Spain. This was a significant decision, as New Spain was one of the most important colonies of the Spanish Empire, encompassing present-day Mejico, parts of Central America, Florida, and the administrative center of the Philippines. The appointment of a royal prince as the King of New Spain was seen as a way to strengthen the ties between the colonies and the metropolis, and to ensure the loyalty of the Criollo elites, who were becoming increasingly restless under the rule of the Peninsulares.
Gabriel was born on 12 May 1752 and was only 33 years old at the time of his appointment. Before that, he had served as a military officer and had accompanied his father on various diplomatic missions. Gabriel was described as intelligent, well-educated, and cultured, with a passion for the arts and sciences. Gabriel arrived on the Americas on 12 December 1788, which was a day of great significance for the people of New Spain, as it was the Feast Day of Our Lady of Guadalupe. His arrival was greeted with much fanfare and celebration, as it signified a new era of royal attention and autonomy that could elevate New Spain's political importance within the Empire.
Upon his arrival, Gabriel met with the outgoing viceroy and the Archbishop of Mejico City. He spent the next few weeks getting to know the people and the culture of the colony, with celebrations including a game of bola criolla and bullfighting. On 29 December 1788, he was crowned at the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mejico City in a lavish ceremony that was attended by the nobility of New Spain, high-ranking church officials, representatives of the local indigenous communities, as well as envoys from other Spanish territories. The coronation was seen as a pivotal moment that marked the transition from direct colonial administration to a semi-autonomous kingdom under the Spanish Empire. Gabriel was given the regal name Gabriel I, King of New Spain, and he adopted a coat of arms that combined elements of the Spanish royal family with symbols representative of the New World.
Independent era (1788-present)
Early post-Independence (1788-1825)
Upon his arrival, Gabriel met with the outgoing viceroy and the Archbishop of Mejico City. He spent the next few weeks getting to know the people and the culture of the colony, with celebrations including a game of bola criolla and bullfighting. On 29 December 1788, he was crowned at the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mejico City in a lavish ceremony that was attended by the nobility of New Spain, high-ranking church officials, representatives of the local indigenous communities, as well as envoys from other Spanish territories and from friendly European and American states. The coronation was seen as a pivotal moment that marked the transition from direct colonial administration to a semi-autonomous kingdom under the Spanish Empire. Infante Gabriel was given the regal name Gabriel I, King of New Spain, and he adopted a coat of arms that combined elements of the Spanish royal family with symbols representative of the New World.
King Gabriel I's reign was characterized by several reforms designed to address the concerns of various social groups within the kingdom. Inspired by enlightened absolutism, he sought to modernize the administration, promote economic development through selective trade liberalization, and foster a sense of shared identity between New Spain and the metropole. Gabriel implemented measures to improve the efficiency of the bureaucracy, reducing corruption and favoritism that had long plagued the system. In line with Aranda's proposal, he established a number of local parliaments called "Asambleas Reales" (Royal Assemblies), to provide regional governance while remaining loyal to the Crown. These assemblies were primarily composed of Criollo elites, but included representation from various racial and social groups, serving as precursors to modern representative democracy within Mejico's structure.
Gabriel also implemented significant reforms in Mejico City, aimed at improving its infrastructure. He introduced drainage and sewers to all streets, paved them, and installed public lighting to illuminate them at night. He also established a cleaning and garbage collection service and had the houses numbered. Gabriel ordered the beautification of promenades, squares, and avenues and these efforts culminated in a renaissance of urban development. The Alameda Central, Mejico City's oldest municipal park, was refurbished under his patronage, adding neoclassical statues and fountains to mirror the European ideals. He sought to elevate Mejico City not merely as the seat of governance but as a cultural beacon of the Spanish world. He also introduced rental cars and organized the police service, both during the day and at night, provided by the "serenos". He applied a policy of persecution to thieves and murderers, and his government was characterized by the hard hand he used against criminals.
To encourage economic advancement, Gabriel took an experimental approach by permitting limited free trade, allowing New Spain to engage in commerce with nations approved by the Crown, taking advantage of its unique position as a nexus between the Pacific and Atlantic trade routes. This brought about an economic boom, as new markets opened for Mejican silver, which was in high demand. It also enabled the importation of scientific knowledge and innovation, which Gabriel keenly supported. The economic reforms led to investments in the mining sector and agricultural development, bringing a degree of prosperity to the region that had been previously stifled by strict trade regulations.
Another of the measures to which his government paid much attention was the improvement of the Intendencias, which led to the promotion of cotton, hemp, silk, and linen cultivation. To improve communication and commercial traffic, Gabriel and Güemes ordered the design and construction of a wide network of modern roads, including the one that went from Mejico City to the port of Veracruz, carrying out engineering works to save ravines and rivers. They also established the General Directorate of Post and Telegraph, creating the first line of telegraph between Mejico City and Veracruz.
Gabriel was interested in indigenous cultures and supported several anthropological expeditions. In 1790, during excavations in the Plaza de Armas, the Aztec Calendar was found. Captain Alejandro Malaspina traveled along the coast of Osolután in San Salvador de Guatemala and later San Francisco de Yerbabuena in the Fulgencines to secure Spanish possessions, causing diplomatic problems with Great Britain. Gabriel also supported Martín de Sessé's expedition to form the Mejican flora. As a promoter of education, he endowed the San Carlos Academy with great and outstanding teachers, created the chairs of mathematics applied to architecture, anatomy in the general hospital and physiology, and in 1793 inaugurated the Museum of Natural History.
As the newly appointed King, Gabriel I held audiences for all members of Mejican society, regardless of their social status. This was a significant departure from the norm, as previous viceroys and governors had tended to favor the Peninsulares, who were born in Spain, over the Criollos, who were of Spanish descent but born in the Americas, and the Mestizos and Amerindians, who were of mixed or Indigenous descent. Gabriel's willingness to listen to all members of society gave hope to the Indigenous population of Mejico, as he showed them that he intended to create a society where everyone could participate and that they would be considered fully requal to everyone else. This was a radical departure from the colonial mindset, which had viewed the Indigenous population as inferior and in need of protection and guidance.
His rule was also characterized by a great concern for the well-being of the population, as he ordered many hospitals to be opened, which provided medical care for the poor and the sick. He also ordered the expansion of Mejico City's market hall, which helped to stimulate the local economy and provided opportunities for small businesses to thrive. In addition, Gabriel was concerned about the issue of public hygiene, and he ordered the construction of the first public temazcales, which were a great boon for the populace, both rich and poor. All of these actions were a result of Gabriel's concern to increase the quality of life of his subjects. He recognized that a healthy and prosperous population was essential for the long-term success of the colony, and he was willing to invest in the infrastructure and institutions that were necessary to achieve this goal. Gabriel's rule was therefore marked by a strong commitment to social justice and public welfare, which made him popular with many of his subjects. He would be succeeded by his son, Pedro, in 1808.
At the beginning of his reign, Pedro I faced a coup d'état led by Gabriel de Yermo against his Secretary of State, the Count of Tlascopa, Juan José de Aldama, accused of taking advantage of the imprisonment of King Ferdinand VII of Spain and the subsequent political crisis experienced in New Spain to seize his throne. The Royal Court of Mejico appointed Field Marshal Pedro de Garibay, the highest ranking military officer in New Spain, to deal with the problem. Pedro, Garibay and Aldama formed a kind of triumvirate in which they used acts of extreme rigor against the coup plotters and possible republicans. That same night José Antonio Cristo, war auditor; Azcárate, who remained several months in prison, and the Mercedarian friar Melchor de Talamantes, who died in San Juan de Ulúa, where he had been transferred from the jails of the Inquisition, were apprehended. Gabriel de Yermo, on the other hand, was pardoned at the insistence of King Pedro, and retired to his hacienda, but not before creating a volunteer corps that was named after Pedro I and that the population immediately called "chaquetas", a name that was assigned from then on to the supporters of the crown.
Once the situation in New Spain calmed down, Pedro went on to ratify the decree suspending the payment of tribute by the indigenous peoples and mulattos. Likewise, he prohibited any publication likely to propagate revolutionary ideas among the population, and established special police courts, as well as a Military Junta in the capital of all the intendancies of New Spain.
After the Tumult of Aranjuez and the deposition of his cousin, Charles IV of Spain, in favor of his second cousin once removed, Ferdinand VII, Pedro resolved to receive the Spanish royal family in his kingdom if it were needed. Ferdinand was made a prisoner by Napoleon, giving rise to the Spanish War of Independence. The Abdications of Bayonne received a mixed reaction, with part of the population supporting the Constitutionalism offered by Napoleon and the French, and the other against the dynastic change in Spain, recognizing Ferdinand as Emperor of Spain and the Indies. A two-year civil war broke out between supporters and detractors of Napoleon, led by the priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, which was crushed by Agustín de Iturbide, who gained prominence in Novo-Hispanic politics, became Generalissimo of the army, and was married to Pedro's sister, Infanta María Carlota.
After Ferdinand VII was made a prisoner by Napoleon, the Abdications of Bayonne took place, resulting in a divided response from population of New Spain. Some were drawn to the Constitutionalism offered by Napoleon, which promised a modern and progressive form of government, while others remained staunchly loyal to the traditional monarchy and recognized Ferdinand as the legitimate Emperor of Spain and the Indies. Supporters of Napoleon, also known as Afrancesados and inspired by the Enlightenment ideals, began to rally around local leaders who advocated for social and political reforms, seeking the same thing for New Spain. This faction aimed to weaken the power of the Church and the nobility, promote individual rights, and establish a more inclusive and representative government.
Supporters of the traditional monarchy rallied around local leaders who were vehemently opposed to foreign interference and the deposition of the rightful monarch. Agustín de Iturbide, a rising star of Novo-Hispanic politics, a fervent Fernandist and loyalist, became the charismatic leader of this movement. Together with priest Miguel Hidalgo, a priest with fiery rhetoric, they drew upon the sentiments of national pride and loyalty to the Spanish monarchy, seeking to reinstate Fernando VII and resist the influence of the French and their allies. Additionally, Iturbide's marriage to Infanta María Carlota, King Pedro's sister, solidified his connection to other influential royalist families and provided him with the resources needed to lead an effective resistance.
The two-year civil war saw numerous battles and clashes between the loyalists and the supporters of Napoleon. Agustín de Iturbide's military strategy and his ability to rally his forces under the banner of Ferdinand VII played a pivotal role in the loyalists' efforts to regain control of New Spain. These battles were marked by fierce ideological debates and intense struggles for control over key regions. Iturbide's leadership eventually led to a turning point in the civil war, having won the siege of Veracruz on June 23, 1810, and then the Battle of Córdoba one month after, Iturbide managed to suffocate the rebellion in New Spain, cementing Iturbide's legacy as a hero.
With the victory of the Fernandists in New Spain, efforts were made to extend support to metropolitan Spain. King Pedro recognized the opportunity to strengthen the loyalist cause in the Spanish homeland, which had been under French occupation during the Peninsular War. Empowered by such reinforcements, loyalist forces in Spain saw a significant boost in their capabilities. With Iturbide's strategic insight and the newly arrived forces, the loyalists managed to coordinate their efforts and launch a series of successful campaigns against the French.
In 1809, the Napoleonic government was expelled from Spain due to the combined efforts of Spain and its American colonies, leading to a decisive defeat of the French armies. Through the Treaty of Valençay, Napoleon recognized Ferdinand VII as King of Spain, and the treaty was vehemently supported in the Americas. The Constitution of Cadiz, which had been supported by liberals, was declared null and void, and absolutism was re-established. Once again, Pedro, acting with caution, supported the return of his cousin to the throne, and the recognition of the authority of the Spanish Empire by all the inhabitants of New Spain.
King Pedro's reign marked a departure from the absolutist tendencies that had characterized much of Europe during his era. Unlike Spain, which clung to traditional power structures, Pedro embraced a vision of governance that aimed to modernize his kingdom. Recognizing the need for change, he enacted a series of reforms that would shape the future of the nation. These reforms encompassed a wide spectrum of issues. Pedro championed the protection of private property, a move that not only instilled confidence in the citizenry but also facilitated economic growth. With the assurance of property rights, entrepreneurs and investors felt emboldened to contribute to the nation's economic development.
But his vision extended beyond economic prosperity. He understood the importance of freedom of expression and the power of an informed populace. Thus, he ensured the free press, allowing ideas to flow unrestricted and facilitating the spread of knowledge. This move contributed to an intellectually vibrant society that embraced new ideas and perspectives. Another pivotal aspect of the Petrine Reforms, as they are called, was his endorsement of political pluralism, permitting the formation of political parties and installing universal male suffrage. By granting all adult men the right to vote, Pedro democratized the political process and sought to establish a government that truly represented the will of the people. Tragically, King Pedro's untimely death on July 4, 1823, would prevent him from witnessing this historic event.
Upon Pedro's passing, the mantle of kingship passed to his young heir, an 11-year-old by the name of Gabriel II. Recognizing the exigencies of governance during a monarch's minority, a Regency Council was assembled to steward the kingdom's affairs. The council's composition was an amalgam of sagacious minds drawn from various walks of life, a testament to the complexity of governing a diverse realm during a period of transition. The council's ranks comprised luminaries such as María Teresa, Gabriel's mother, and Carlos José, his uncle. Ecclesiastical representation was realized through the Archbishop of Mejico, Pedro José Fuente, and the Inquisitor General, Francisco García Diego. This was complemented by political voices, including José Mariano de Michelena and Pedro Celestino Negrete, individuals tasked with steering the nation through the delicate tides of governance.
In the course of King Gabriel II's reign, an independentist uprising emerged in the regions of Guatemala and Nicaragua. This dissent, marked by localized rebellions and aspirations for autonomy, posed a direct challenge to the monarchy's authority. In response, Iturbide, a prominent figure noted for his previous involvements, took a decisive role in addressing the unrest. He organized and led forces in campaigns to suppress the insurrections. The year 1824 saw significant clashes between Iturbide's forces and the insurgent groups.
Among these engagements, the Battle of Quetzaltenango stands out as a key confrontation. Taking place in the urban landscape, this battle saw Iturbide's loyalist forces pitted against well-entrenched rebels. Iturbide's tactical acumen and strategic maneuvering contributed to a resounding victory for the loyalists. Additionally, the Siege of Granada marked another pivotal event. This siege, characterized by a protracted struggle, challenged Iturbide's leadership and military expertise. Laying siege to the city, Iturbide's forces confronted the insurgents, eventually quelling their rebellion and restoring order.
Establishment of the House of Bourbon-Iturbide (1825-1857)
As Gabriel II was only a child, and the increasingly-popular Agustín de Iturbide, who had ties to the Bourbon dynasty through his marriage of Infanta Carlota, daughter of King Gabriel I, seemed to be a better and more capable option to take the reins of the country, his Regency Council chose to carry out a non-bloody coup d'état, deposing the child king and establishing Carlota as Queen and Agustín as King of New Spain. They were crowned on 21 September 1825, in a ceremony held in Chapultepec Castle. Thus, he was formally named Agustín I of New Spain, and his first official move as King was to change the name of the nation to Mejico, which received support from the criollos, castizos, mestizos and the indigenous. The House of Bourbon-Iturbide was thus established in Mejico, and it continues to reign until the present day. The deposition of Gabriel II gave rise to a line of legitimists - a monarchist group which advocated for the re-installment of Gabriel II later in his life, and believed in his divine right to rule in New Spain.
The first years after the establishment of Mejico's new dynasty were marked by economic growth, social disorder, and ideological conflict between Conservatives and Liberals throughout the country, primarily in the regions of Central America, which were more liberal and republican-minded, while the rest of the country was more socially conservative and monarchist-leaning in nature. Catholicism remained the only permitted religious faith, and the Catholic Church as an institution retained its special privileges, prestige, and property, standing as a bulwark of Conservatism. The army, another Conservative-dominated institution, also retained its privileges. Former Royal Army General-turned-Emperor Agustín de Iturbide, together with his wife Carlota were seen as beacons of Conservatism, an image which they used to further stabilize their hold on the throne.
Agustín and Carlota were able to secure the loyalty of their subjects through a number of reforms such as the reorganization of the government, the modernization of the Royal Army, the establishment of new universities and educational institutions and favorable newspapers, and the creation of a centralized judicial system. This was seen as a move towards strengthening the power of the monarchy, and as a result, a number of political factions emerged in opposition to it. These included the Republican Party, the Federalist Party, and the Liberal Party, each of which had its own agenda and vision for the country. Despite the opposition, the monarchy managed to remain in power over the course of the century, albeit with a number of changes and reforms.
The years between 1830 and 1843 were a period of significant challenges for the Mejican monarchy, as it faced growing opposition from various political factions and economic pressures. The period saw the rise of a number of influential figures and events that would shape the course of Mejican history. One of the most significant events during this period was the secession of Central America in 1838, which marked the beginning of a prolonged period of instability in the region. Despite this, Agustín and Carlota continued to pursue their vision of a strong, centralized monarchy, and implemented a number of policies aimed at consolidating their power. They continued to invest in the military, creating new regiments and modernizing their equipment, in an effort to stimulate growth and reduce dependence on foreign powers.
Moreover, the monarchy faced internal strife with the outbreak of a revolt in Zacatecas, a key mining region in the country. The uprising erupted in 1835, fueled by discontent over taxation policies and growing frustrations with the central authority's perceived neglect of regional interests. The revolt escalated into a full-blown armed conflict, known as the Zacatecas Revolution, which posed a formidable threat to the stability of the young country. The revolt was short-lived, as Iturbide himself mobilized the army to crush the governor's rebels in the Battle of Zacatecas.
At the same time, the monarchy faced growing opposition from various political factions, including the Republican Party, which advocated for the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of a democratic government. The Liberal Party, meanwhile, sought to limit the power of the monarchy and promote individual freedoms, civil liberties, and to secularize the country. These factions gained strength in the wake of the Central American secession, the Zacatecan Rebellion, and the resulting economic and political instability, and began to coalesce into a unified opposition movement. The monarchy responded by attempting to quell the growing opposition through a series of political reforms and concessions. Agustín I realized that he needed to address the concerns of the opposing factions to prevent further escalation of tensions and potential threats to the country's stability.
In a landmark move, the Emperor convened a National Assembly in 1836 to address the nation's pressing issues and to provide a platform for representatives from all political factions to voice their concerns and propose solutions. The assembly, while initially met with skepticism by some opposition leaders, became a symbol of the monarch's willingness to engage in democratic practices. During the National Assembly, the opposition put forward their respective demands, which included guarantees of individual rights, religious freedoms, and limitations on the monarchy's power. To address the concerns of the Conservatives, Agustín made efforts to incorporate their input into the decision-making process, creating a council of advisors to provide counsel on crucial matters of state.
The National Assembly became a forum for heated debates, as representatives from different factions clashed over their visions for the country's future. It became evident that achieving consensus would be a challenging task, and the Emperor had to carefully navigate between various political interests. To prevent a full-scale conflict, Agustín emphasized the importance of preserving the monarchy and the Catholic Church as a unifying symbol of the nation's history and identity. As a result of these efforts, through an Imperial Decree, the monarchy was maintained, but some powers were devolved to the legislative bodies, and more power was given to the individual provinces.
During this period, a wave of Catholic missionaries surged into the regions of San Fulgencio and Tejas, playing a crucial role in encouraging the evangelization and pacification of these regions, finally managing to convert the Apaches and Navajos, who had been especially reluctant. The Royal Decree of Graces of 1830 played a pivotal role in facilitating the settlement of these regions with new inhabitants. This decree offered land grants and other incentives to attract European and American immigrants to the New North. Many responded to the call, enticed by the promise of land and opportunities for a better life. This influx of settlers, along with the efforts of the missionaries, helped to solidify Spanish influence in the region and establish a more stable governance structure. As the Indigenous resistance waned, the monarchy was better able to extend its authority and enforce law and order in these territories.
In 1843, under the Liberal government of the newly elected Marquess Herrera de Aculco, gold was discovered in upper San Fulgencio when a group of prospectors stumbled upon a vein of gold near the San Fulgencio River, which gave way to the San Fulgencio Gold Rush and turned San Fulgencio into a proper province in the following year. Word of the Gold Rush spread slowly at first; the earliest gold-seekers were people who lived near the Fulgencines or those who heard the news from ships on the fastest sailing routes from the Fulgencines. The first large group to arrive were several thousand Oregonians who came down the Siskiyou Trail. Next came people from Javay, and several thousand Mejicans, as well as people from Peru and from as far away as Chile, both by ship and overland. By the end of 1843, some 6,000 gold-seekers had come to the Fulgencines. Only a small number traveled overland from the rest of Mejico that year. Some of the "forty-eighters", as the earliest gold-seekers were commonly called, were able to collect large amounts of easily accessible gold - in some cases, thousands of dollars worth each day. Ordinary prospectors averaged daily gold finds worth 10 to 15 times the daily wage of a laborer in central Mejico. A person could work for six months in the gold fields and find the equivalent of six years' wages back home.
By the beginning of 1844, word of the Gold Rush had spread world-wide, and an overwhelming number of gold-seekers and merchants began to arrive from virtually every continent. The largest group of "double-quads" were Mejicans, arriving by the tens of thousands overland across the continent and along various sailing routes. Thousands of British North Americans and Louisianans arrived, traveling through the Appalachian Mountains, taking riverboats, and wagon trains. Others came by way of the Isthmus of Panama and steamships. Filipinos, Antipodeans, and New Avalonites picked up the news from ships carrying Javayan newspapers, and thousands boarded ships for the Fulgencines.
More prospectors came from Mejico, particularly from the minig districts near Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Guanajuato and Zacatecas. Gold-seekers and merchants from Asia, primarily from China and Japan, began arriving in modest numbers. The first immigrants from Europe, with a longer distance to travel, began arriving in late 1844, mostly from France, with some Germans, Spaniards, Italians, and Britons. It is estimated that approximately 90,000 people arrived in the Fulgencines in 1844, about half by land and half by sea. Of these, perhaps 30-40,000 were Mejicans, and the rest were from other countries. By 1855, it is estimated that at least 350,000 gold-seekers, merchants, and other immigrants had arrived in the Fulgencines from around the world. The largest group continued to be Mejicans, but there were tens of thousands of North Americans, Louisianans, Chinese, Spaniards, Britons, Antipodeans, French, and other Iberoamericans, together with many smaller groups of miners, such as Filipinos, Africans, and Greeks. With the arrival of the prospectors, the population for San Fulgencio grew from 200,000 to 1.4 million in the space of a decade.
When the Gold Rush began, the goldfields were peculiarly lawless. While there were multiple land grants in the Fulgencines, almost all the goldfields were outside those grants. Instead, they were primarily on land formally owned by the Mejican government. However, as the province was slightly underdeveloped, there were practically no law enforcement mechanisms. In the goldfields, at least at the beginning, there was no private property, no licensing fees, and no taxes. The miners informally adapted Mejican mining law; for example, the rules attempted to balance the rights of early arrivers at a site with late arrivers; a "claim" could be "staked" by a prospector, but that claim was valid only as long as it was being actively worked. Miners worked at a claim to determine its potential - if a claim was deemed as low-value, as most were, miners would abandon the site in search of a better one. If a claim was abandoned or not worked upon, others could "claim-jump" the land, which meant that a miner began working on a previously claimed site.
The human and environmental costs of the Gold Rush were substantial. Indigenous Mejicans, dependent on traditional hunting, gathering and agriculture, became the victims of starvation and disease, as gravel, silt and toxic chemicals from prospecting operations killed fish and destroyed habitats. The surge in the mining population also resulted in the disappearance of game and food gathering locales as gold camps and other settlements were built amidst them. Later farming spread to supply the settlers' camps, taking more land away from the Indigenous. In some areas, systematic attacks against tribesmen in or near mining districts occurred, and various conflicts were fought. The Indigenous people were often seen as impediments to mining activities.
The San Fulgencio Gold Rush stimulated migration to the Pacific coast, leading to the San Fulgencio genocide and the creation of additional provinces in the New North. The release of large amounts of land to settlers, nearly 10% of the total area of Mejico, and private railroad companies and universities as part of land grands, stimulated economic development in the area. One of the most attractive aspects for the miners was the atmosphere of freedom. In spite of the news of easy riches, very few made a fortune in mining. There were, however, gold and silver mines in Upper San Fulgencio and New Mejico, and the extraction of lead, zinc and copper was also important. The new transcontinental railroads facilitated the relocation of settlers, expanded internal trade and increased conflicts with Native Americans. In 1869, a new Peace Policy nominally promised to protect the Indigenous from abuses, prevent further warfare, and secure their eventual Mejican citizenship. Nevertheless, large-scale conflicts continued throughout the New North into the 20th century.
From 1849 to 1855, the Mejican Empire experienced a period of political instability and social unrest. The country was facing various challenges both domestically and internationally. One of the most significant events during this time was the outbreak of the Cholera epidemic that spread across the country, causing widespread death and disruption. In 1849, the Conservative Mariano Paredes became the President of the Government - he was a staunch conservative who believed in maintaining the traditional social and political structures of Mejico. During his tenure, he focused on strengthening the military, enacting protectionist economic policies, upholding legislation that benefitted the hacendados and traditional landed gentry. However, Paredes would face significant opposition from various groups, including the Liberal faction led by Benito Juárez, who would end up dying of the cholera epidemic. The country was also facing external threats, with Central America seeking to annex the provinces of Chiapas and Tabasco.
In 1851, Paredes was ousted from power, and Liberal José Mariano García de Arista took over as President. Arista's administration focused on implementing liberal policies aimed at modernizing the country, promoting education and industry, and expanding the rights of citizens. However, Arista's administration faced significant challenges as well, having lost the highly influential leader Benito Juárez. The country was still reeling from the cholera epidemic, and the military was facing financial challenges. There were also continuing threats coming from Central America, with small-scale rebellions in Chiapas and Tabasco threatening Mejico's territorial integrity. One of the main priorities of Arista's government was the consolidation of the liberal reforms that had been introduced by his predecessors, including the separation of church and state and the establishment of a more democratic system of government. Arista also implemented policies aimed at reducing corruption and increasing transparency in government. However, in 1855, he faced a coup led by General Antonio López de Santa Anna.
Conservative Era (1857-1880)
A general struggle between Liberal and Conservative factions in Mejican politics would begin in 1855 with the overthrow of President García de Arista, who sought to increase the presidential term limit from a single four-year term to unlimited five-year terms. García de Arista enacted laws he considered vital for Mejico's economic development, but he also sought to weaken the Army and Church, and implement radical reforms to the country. The Liberal Reform attempted to modernize Mejico's economy and institutions along liberal principles. They promulgated a new Constitution of 1855, separating Church and State, stripping the Conservative institutions of the Church and the military of their special privileges (fueros); mandating the sale of Church-owned property, the sale of indigenous community lands, and secularizing education. The Conservatives revolted and, after promulgating the Plan del Hospicio, were able to regain control of the country after General Antonio López de Santa Anna overthrew and exiled García de Arista to France. He would not be allowed to return to the country. Between Arista's removal and Santa Anna's accession to the presidential chair, Juan Bautista Ceballos served as the interim president.
The Conservatives had defeated the Liberals politically, and Santa Anna worked to subvert the 1855 Constitution by reinstating previous laws that favored the Church and the military. He also suspended many civil liberties, including freedom of the press and the right to assembly. Consequently, the foundation of Mejican Liberalism was severely undermined, as the centralization of power in the executive branch greatly expanded under his authoritarian rule. Santa Anna resurrected Conservative policies, reintroducing the fueros for the clergy and military that granted them significant legal immunities, further polarizing society. He sought to consolidate his power by buttressing the authority of the central government and weakening local jurisdictions, which led to a surge of opposition groups that clandestinely organized to restore the liberal agenda.
Politically undermined and defeated, the Liberals sought a different solution to regain power—via foreign intervention. Mejican Liberals sent secret delegations to Queen Victoria of Britain, hoping to leverage the geopolitical interests of the British Empire against the authority of the Conservatives in Mejico. The Liberals hoped to use the resources of the vast British Empire to reinstate García de Arista, in exchange for the concession in perpetuity of the Mejican province of New Asdingia to the Dominion of Oregon, together with the right to access Mejican natural resources. Queen Victoria, however, refused to aid the Mejican Liberals, as she had no desire to stoke the anger of the Spanish Empire and its interconnected sphere.
In the aftermath of Queen Victoria's refusal to intervene in Mejican politics, the Liberal faction was left with few options to re-gain power. Santa Anna, meanwhile, took advantage of its victory and began to implement policies that would solidify its grip on power, emphasizing the role of the Church and military on society, and maintaining traditional social hierarchies. Under the guise of maintaining social order and stability, the government passed a series of measures aimed at suppressing opposition. Santa Anna would expand the term limits of the presidency to two, and secured re-election in 1859 for a second four-year term, under controversial circumstances that featured allegations of election fraud and voter intimidation.
As Santa Anna's second term commenced in 1859, the country faced increasing internal tensions. The Liberal faction, reeling from their diplomatic setback and lacking external support, turned to mobilization to challenge the Conservative domination. Secret societies and liberal clubs began to proliferate, emphasizing the need for educational reform, economic modernization, and civil liberties as part of their agenda to restore the principles enshrined in the Constitution of 1855. Santa Anna's government responded with a heavy hand to any signs of liberal resurgence. He reinforced the Ley de Sospechosos, a law which allowed for the detention of individuals deemed suspicious and potentially subversive to the state, without a requirement for a warrant or trial. This law was used indiscriminately against known Liberals and suspected sympathizers, effectively weakening the liberal movement's operational capabilities.
The war in Yucatán, which had been raging since 1847, had taken a unique character due to the ongoing struggle between the factions of the Mejican political landscape. The war had its roots in the longstanding tensions between the Maya population and the Spanish-descended Criollo elite. The conflict erupted in 1847 when a Maya revolt spread throughout the Yucatán. The war was characterized by a guerrilla insurgency, with the Maya rebels employing hit-and-run tactics against government forces. The government of Santa Anna found itself aligned with the Church, viewing the Caste War as an opportunity to suppress the revolt and eliminate any potential Liberal influence in the region.
On the other hand, the Liberal faction saw the Caste War as a chance to challenge the status quo and restore their lost influence in the country. They saw the rebellion as a chance to destabilize Santa Anna's rule. As the rebellion gained momentum, the Maya rebels achieved some initial successes, leading to the establishment of the de facto independent state of Chan Santa Cruz, a theocratic republic that was governed by the Culf of the Talking Cross. Under the leadership of charismatic figures like Manuel Antonio Ay and Cecilio Chi, the Maya fighters proved to be resilient and resourceful in their resistance against the government's forces.
The Criollo elite, backed by the government, mobilized in 1859 to crush the rebellion. They perceived the revolt as a direct threat to their dominance and the traditional social hierarchy. Santa Anna saw the insurgency as a challenge to his authority, and thus, his government committed significant resources to suppress the rebellion. The conflict was marked by its brutality, with both sides engaging in acts of extreme violence and retribution. The repression of the rebellion and the involvement of the newly-reestablished Inquisition led to numerous atrocities against the Maya, while they inflicted over 150,000 deaths on Criollo civilians. Despite their initial successes, the Maya faced an uphill battle against the combined might of the government, the Inquisition, and the elite. Over time, the government gained the upper hand, gradually pushing back the insurgents and reclaiming territory.
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Miguel Miramón played a key role in the late stages of the war. As a skilled military lader, devout Catholic and staunch monarchist, Miramón was tasked with leading the campaign to put down the rebellion. Under his leadership and that of his right-hand man, Tomás Mejía, the government was able to regain control of much of Yucatán by 1865, including the key stronghold of Chan Santa Cruz. Miramón used a combination of military force and political maneuvering to defeat the rebels, disestablish their theocracy, and re-establish Mejican authority in the region. King Agustín II, seeking to maintain control over the peninsula, established the Duchy of Bacalar as a semi-autonomous state within Mejico, led by Miguel Miramón and with a split Criollo-Maya Parliament. The creation of the Duchy was seen as a victory for the Conservative faction, who saw it as a means of consolidating their power and preventing further rebellions in the area, allowing them to maintain their grip on power and continue their reign. Duke Miramón would later become President of the Government.
Juan Morelos Almonte was elected president in 1863. He favored the landed aristocracy and the Church, both staunchly conservative entities. This favoritism further alienated the Liberal faction. Almonte continued reinforcing the large landholdings, which benefited the elite and disenfranchised the peasantry. He advocated for the "rightful" place of the Catholic Church in public life, leading to renewed clerical influence in education and public morality. Amidst this, the secularization campaigns of the previous Liberal reformers were systematically unraveled. One of the most controversial laws passed by the Almonte government was the Ley de Restitución de la Propiedad Eclesiástica, which not only reversed the sale of Church lands, but also compensated the Church for the earnings lost during the period of Liberal control. This was seen as cementing the authority of the Church, allowing it to re-assert control over vast estates and re-acquire a significant portion of Mejico's wealth, greatly enhancing its political power.
Almonte's administration also saw the restoration of fueros, which further strengthened the military's autonomy from civilian courts. The granting of these privileges faced strong opposition from the liberals who saw them as a step back from the progress made by the Constitution of 1855. The government's actions also led to civil unrest, spurring rural uprisings which often ended in bloody crackdowns by the military. To mitigate dissent and portray a semblance of benevolence, Almonte initiated several public works projects. These were aimed at improving infrastructure, particularly in transport and communication, which not only served to facilitate military mobilization and control across Mejico but also aimed to stimulate economic growth that the Conservatives hoped would placate the masses.
The deteriorating political climate and the deepening division between the Conservative-ruled government and the Liberals culminated in the formation of a widespread insurrection known as the Liberal Insurgency of 1868. The inauguration of José Rómulo de la Vega, a hard-line Conservative closely allied with the Church and military elite, as President in 1867, sparked the beginning of the uprising. His ascension to power was met with suspicion and resentment by the Liberals., who viewed de la Vega's victory as illegitimate, marred by coercion and ballot manipulation. De la Vega's approach to governance involved the suppression of the free press, the dismantling of opposition political groups and clubs, and the utilization of the Ley de Sospechosos to target perceived enemies of the state. These actions were interpreted as direct provocations by the Liberals, who had long championed civil liberties, constitutionalism, and the reduction of both Church and military fueros. The oppression and dismantling of the tenets of Liberalism became too intolerable for the movement, sparking the initiation of an organized and armed response.
The Liberal Insurgency commenced in 1868, and saw guerrilla fighters engaging in hit-and-run tactics, taking advantage of the difficult terrain and their knowledge of the loal areas to avoid direct confrontations with the superior and beter-equipped military forces of the government. The insurgency gained support from disaffected elements within the population, as well as from regional leaders who were discontented with the centralized power structure. The conflict was marked by its brutality and its toll on civilian populations caught in the crossfire. As the insurgency intensified, the government responded with harsh measures, leading to widespread human rights abuses and further deepening the divide between the factions. Despite the government's military advantage, the insurgents proved to be a persistent challenge.
Several key battles underscored the tactical brilliance of General Miguel Miramón, and the effectiveness of the governmental forces. Miramón played an instrumental role in leading the victories, and was renowned for his strategic prowess, earning the moniker "Young Maccabee" from the press, comparing him to the ancient Jewish warriors who were noted for their combat skill and fervent commitment to their cause. One of the first major engagements came with the Battle of Salamanca, where Anastasio Parrodi was defeated by Luis G. Osollo and Miramón. As the Liberals retreated to Jalisco, the Conservatives pursued and again defeated them in Atenquique and San Joaquín. Then, Miramón took control of the city of Guadalajara, as it fell on December 1869.
The Liberals would shield themselves in the city of Veracruz. During the first siege, between February and March 1870, Miramón failed to take the city, but Conservative forces were able to repel Liberal advances on Mejico City, in the battles of Tacubaya and Tlatempa. Reaching a stalemate after Liberal victories at Loma Alta, Silao, and Querétaro, a ceasefire would be called by President Félix María Zuloaga in 1872, initiating a period of contentious negotiations between factions. Despite Miramón's string of military successes, the Liberals entrenched themselves in the strategically vital port of Veracruz.
The ceasefire provided a temporary respite from the violence and chaos that had ravaged Mejico over the past years. While it allowed for a period of negotiation, it was fraught with tension, as deep-seated mistrust hindered any progress towards a lasting peace. Each side used this time to regroup and reinforce, anticipating the resumption of hostilities. The breakdown of the ceasefire can be attributed to a series of escalations and provocations that made the resumption of the conflict inevitable. The Liberals made efforts to solidify their position in Veracruz, utilizing its strategic importance as a port and a gateway for potential foreign assistance. Conservatives, recognizing the threat posed by a Liberal stronghold, were determined to reclaim the city.
In the early months of 1873, Miramón, emboldened by his successes and reputation, launched a second campaign to seize Veracruz. This time, his forces were better prepared and carried more ammunition. In March 1873, after a siege that involved fierce artillery barrages and naval blockades, the city's outer defenses began to crumble. Miramón had learned from his previous attempt and employed a combination of shelling and encirclement to cut off supply lines to the city. After bitter urban warfare, Veracruz finally fell. The loss of the port was a major blow to the Liberal cause, as it was their crucial lifeline for receiving arms and supplies. With Veracruz secured, the Conservatives were free to focus their attention on other strongholds. The Battle of Calpulalpan in May 1873 proved to be a decisive confrontation. Miramón's troops, fresh from their victory in Veracruz and now confident in their leader's capabilities, descended upon the Liberal forces with superior numbers and equipment. The Liberals, demoralized by their recent defeat and the loss of their key coastal stronghold, were ill-prepared for the onslaught that followed.
In 1875, the highly revered Miguel Miramón won the elections with over 70% of the popular vote, marking a significant milestone in Mejican politics. Up to the modern day, this is the largest margin a candidate has ever achieved. His campaign capitalized on his military prestige and the promise of stability after years of conflict. The population, weary of war and seeking to return to normalcy, rallied behind the celebrated general. His ascendancy to the presidency was widely seen as a consolidation of power, and his administration embarked on a period of rebuilding and centralizing the government, aiming to restore order and ensure that the Insurgency would not resurface. His presidency also marked a departure from the traditional political elite, as he sought to incorporate new measures that would strengthen Mejico's infrastructure and national identity, aligning him with some of the ideals that had initially been championed by the Liberals, albeit through a Conservative lens. The term of the presidency was expanded from four to five years.
Miramón favored large landowners and the nobility, many of whom took on crucial roles within his administration. Wealthy hacendados and aristocrats were appointed to key government positions, reinforcing the existing social hierarchy. This favoritism ensured a continuity of political power concentrated in the hands of those who had traditionally ruled, and in exchange, they provided Miramón with the necessary support to implement his agenda. His policies often encouraged the expansion and strengthening of the agricultural sector, particularly the export of cash crops which added to the wealth of the landowning class. This economic strategy, however, did little to mitigate the long-standing issues of land dispossession and the plight of rural peasants who struggled under the increasingly acrimonious system of land distribution that further entrenched economic disparities across Mejico. Despite the prosperity seen among the elite, these tactics would plant the seeds of future social discontent.
The nobility would play a key role in the early industrialization of Mejico, leveraging their resources to establish manufacturing enterprises in textiles, mining, and railway construction. The administration made substantial investments to improve the transportation infrastructure, facilitating the movement of goods and connecting the rural production centers to major urban markets and ports. At the forefront of this expansion were the infrastructural projects. Railways became not only a symbol of progress, but also a strategic asset for the state, allowing for the faster movement of troops and resources as well as spurring on economic growth. The government granted generous concessions to aristocrats who were willing to invest in this sector. Consequently, a network of railways started to take shape, largely controlled by the aristocracy, who acted as both investors and beneficiaries of this economic boom.
Diego Emiliano de Susumacoa y Salazar de Atenco, II Duke of Susumacoa, was an indigenous nobleman and one of the primary beneficiaries of Miramón's industrialization policies. Having inherited vast lands, the Duke invested heavily in railway construction. His investment in railway infrastructure not only boosted his wealth, but also played a pivotal role in stimulating economic growth in regions that had been previously isolated. As an Indigenous nobleman, his success was emblematic of a shift in Mejican society, where Indigenous participation became increasingly marked. Together with him, Tomás Mejía, an Otomí general, had become another influential Indigenous figure, taking on the Ministry of War.
The process of industrialization was accompanied by the growth of cities and the development of new forms of transportation and communication, such as the previously mentioned railroads, as well as telegraph lines. However, Miramón's policies also had negative consequences, as they further marginalized some Indigenous communities and small-scale farmers, who were often displaced from their lands to make way for large-scale industrial projects. At the same time, a group of Laborist Catholic intellectuals, emerged, seeking to provide an alternative vision for the organization of society and the economy. This group was led by Ernesto Valverde, and found its stronghold in the Fulgencines. Other thinkers belonging to this group include Filiberto Labrada, known for his ideas on Social Catholicism; Fermín Santaolalla, who promoted cooperation and workers' rights; Enrique Gurrola, known for his critique of materialism and consumerism; and Jesús Díaz Galindo, who articulated a vision for a more equitable society through the integration of Catholic social teachings and labor rights. Valverde believed that the centralization of power should be accompanied by a greater degree of social and economic cooperation. His movement argued that the State should play a larger role in regulating the economy, ensuring that the benefits of industrialization were more evenly distributed among all members of society, as well as advocating for its subordination to Catholic morality.
Valverde's philosophy came to be known as Integralism. His ideas formed the cornerstone of the movement's vision for Mejico's socio-economic transformation. Integralism proposed that the State should becomethe primary agent driving development, guided by the Catholic principles of solidarity, subsidiarity, and the common good. According to Valverde, solidarity meant fostering a sense of interconnectedness and responsibility among all members of society. He believed that the state should actively work to reduce socio-economic disparities and ensure that no segment of the population was left behind in the pursuit of progress. He emphasized the importance of cooperation between the classes, and encouraged the development of small-scale enterprises, cooperatives, and other forms of economic organization that promoted greater economic equality and social cohesion. Subsidiarity advocated that decision-making should be decentralized and that issues should be addressed at the most appropriate level of governance. The concept of the common good meant that the state's policies and actions should be oriented towards the collective well-being of society, rather than serving the interests of a few. This notion of the common good provided a moral compass for the Catholic Social Movement's advocacy of a more socially responsible and cooperative economic model.
The ideas of the Catholic Social Movement had a profound impact on Mejican politics and society during this period. Miramón began to shift his policies to accommodate some of the tenets proposed by Valverde and his followers. Realizing the need to quell the potential for social unrest and to maintain the cohesion of a rapidly changing society, Miramón started to implement reforms that would allow for greater social welfare and labor protections. Under pressure from Integralist groups, Miramón passed laws to regulate working conditions, limiting working hours and instituting a minimum wage. Additionally, the government initiated public works projects intended not just for economic gain, but also to improve the quality of life for its citizens, such as building public housing and expanding access to education and healthcare services.
The movement's emphasis on promoting economic equality resonated with a significant portion of the population, leading to increased support for cooperative ventures and socially-oriented economic policies. As a result, the government adopted measures that encouraged the development of cooperatives, labor unions, and social welfare initiatives to address the country's pressing social and economic issues. While the influence of the CSM was significant, it also faced opposition from the establishment and the business elite. The movement's economic model clashed with those who preferred the status quo, and individualism, and resisted any interference in their economic interests.
It was not until 1880 that the Conservative Era of Mejican politics would come to an end. The Liberal candidate, Vicente Riva-Palacio, won the Presidency, marking a significant shift in the country's political landscape. Despite Miramón's popularity and the significant developments achieved during his tenure, his administration's heavy emphasis on the traditional aristocracy and the military began to alienate the growing middle class and peasantry, who felt underserved by his policies. Vicente Riva-Palacio won the presidency, and he would go on to be inaugurated as the first five-year President of Mejican history. This marked a new era of Liberal dominance in Mejican politics, which would last for several decades and see significant reforms in areas such as education, labor rights, and land reform.
Liberal Trentennium (1880-1910)
After the prolonged Conservative rule in Mejico, the Liberal technocrats and the Presidency of Vicente Riva-Palacio brought significant changes to the country, leading to a period of rapid modernization known as the Three Liberal Decades, characterized as a period of "order and progress". The era was marked by economic stability, growth, and significant foreign investment and influence, which allowed for the expansion of the railroad network and telecommunications. The country experienced an influx of immigrants from Europe and Asia, resulting in investments in the arts, architecture, and science. However, this period was also marked by political repression and economic inequality, despite the presence of a more progressive and liberal monarchy, with the support of King Agustín III (r. 1886-1911), who reigned during most of the Three Liberal Decades.
Vicente Riva-Palacio, a moderate liberal imperialist with a diplomatic background, encouraged European immigration, both Catholic and Protestant, and the colonization of the northernmost provinces of the Empire. During his presidency, hundreds of thousands of Protestants from Germany, Bohemia, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia were allowed to settle in Mejico, leading to the growth of Lutheranism in regions like Tejas. Riva-Palacio's policies led to the rapid expansion of the country, particularly in the New North, but also resulted in tensions between the newcomers and the existing population, particularly in relation to land ownership and control. Despite these challenges, Riva-Palacio's presidency marked a period of significant change and growth in Mejico.
One of Riva-Palacio's primary objectives was to strengthen and expand education throughout Mejico. He believed that an educated populace was the key to progress and prosperity. Consequently, he championed the establishment of new schools, universities, and technical institutions in various regions of the country. Through generous funding and encouragement of intellectual pursuits, Riva-Palacio laid the foundation for an educated and skilled workforce that would drive industrialization and technological advancement. Moreover, Riva-Palacio recognized the importance of infrastructural development for the country's growth. His administration initiated ambitious public works projects, such as the expansion of railroads, telegraph lines, and the construction of modern roads and bridges. These infrastructure initiatives not only facilitated trade and communication between different parts of Mejico but also stimulated economic activity and job creation in regions where these projects were undertaken.
General Porfirio Díaz's ascendancy to the presidency in 1885 marked the beginning of the Porfiriate (Spanish: Porfiriato). During this period, which was encompassed within the Three Liberal Decades, Díaz wielded considerable influence over the nation, and his successors followed in his footsteps. The Porfiriate was characterized by an unprecedented, and sometimes aggressive, expansion of Mejican economic influence in Central and South America, with far-reaching consequences for the nation's economic development. Under Díaz, Veracruz and Acapulco emerged as the primary ports of export for the Mejican economy. The strategic consolidation of these ports allowed for efficient trade connections with countries on the Pacific and the Atlantic, facilitating the exchange of goods and further boosting Mejico's economic influence in the broader Iberoamerican region.
To bolster the nation's economic prowess, Díaz's government undertook continued and expanded upon his predecessor's infrastructure modernization projects, establishing in 1888 the world's first electric-traction rapid transit railway, which was also fully underground, in Mejico City. Moreover, the Porfiriate witnessed substantial growth in the mining, oil, and agriculture industries. The administration encouraged foreign investment in these sectors, attracting capital and expertise from international markets to spur economic growth, attracting companies such as Standard Oil and Royal Dutch Shell.
However, despite this impressive economic growth and industrialization, the Porfiriate was also marred by glaring social and economic inequalities. The benefits of modernization and industrialization primarily accrued to the wealthy elite, exacerbating the gap between the rich and the poor. The working class and rural communities often faced exploitation and labor abuses, leading to social unrest and discontent among the disadvantages segments of society. Criticism has been historically directed at Díaz's authoritarian style of rule, as he maintained a tight grip on power and a high degree of influence on his successors. Dissenters and political opponents were silenced, and the electoral process was frequently manipulated to ensure Díaz's continued dominance.
Díaz was well aware of the potential threats posed by rebellions within the army. To reduce the risk, he deliberately downsized the military expenditure and instead prioritized the expansion of the rural police force, the Cuerpo de Policía Rural, which he kept directly under his control. This move allowed him to consolidate power and keep a tight grip on the country's security apparatus, effectively neutralizing the possibility of military uprisings that could challenge his authority. Despite being a liberal, Díaz pursued a pragmatic approach when it came to the Catholic Church. Rather than provoking conflict, he sought a positive modus vivendi with the Church, which helped maintain stability and avoid unnecessary religious tensions in a predominantly Catholic nation. This approach, however, did not prevent the continuation of Protestant inroads into Mejico, as Díaz allowed for their presence and activities, which led to the growth of Protestant communities in regions such as Tejas.
In 1889, the violent Payute War erupted in the province of Tizapá, causing turmoil and unrest throughout the region. Porfirio Díaz was faced with a difficult decision on how to handle this rebellion. Given the war-like nature of the Payute people, who were riled up by Indigenous leader Serafín Cuoitze Au, also known as Huovoca, Díaz understood that a peaceful resolution would be unlikely. The Payute were inspired by the apocalypticist and millenarianist preacher Huovoca, who claimed to be a prophet and to have received visions after entering a two-day trance, following a solar eclipse. His visions entailed the resurrection of the Payute dead, and the removal of Whites and their works from North America.
Implementing brutal and ruthless tactics to quell resistance, Díaz mobilized a large and well-trained army to suppress the revolt, as well as deploying hundreds of rurales to Payute villages to intimidate and subdue the rebels. Díaz revoked the citizenship of the Payute nation as a whole, interpreting Huovoca's visions as genocidal, and moved to relocate the Payutes to different provinces within the Mejican Empire. After suppressing the rebellion, he restored the citizenship of the Payutes who underwent a forced governmental re-education process, but did not allow them to return in large numbers to their homeland. Instead, he repopulated the Payute homeland with other Indigenous peoples that were perceived as loyal to the State, such as the Otomí and Nahuas.
Following the Payute War, Díaz saw the opportunity to consolidate his power and presented himself as "the savior of Mejico", emphasizing his role as a strong leader who restored order and eliminated any threats to the State. With Díaz's approval ratings soaring among the Mejican population, he began to centralize power and weaken any potential challengers. During this time, he implemented the system of Porfirism, characterized by authoritarian contorl, economic exploitation, and the suppression of political opposition. Díaz utilized the pretext of "modernization" and "civilization" to justify his policies.
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Between 1889 and 1890, Díaz made communal lands parcelable. The new owners, unaccustomed to private property, were swindled by private individuals or officials. As a result, many Indigenous people found themselves without land and had to be employed in nearby haciendas. Another series of demarcation laws in which a parcel of land without its respective title could be considered vacant land allowed those who had the necessary resources to acquire large portions of land. By 1900, less than 5% of the families in Mejico owned or controlled about 85% of the arable land. Villages, where 51% of the rural population lived, had only small portions of land, and most of it depended on neighboring haciendas. In addition, the laws and the national situation favored the hacendados, as they were the only ones with access to credit and irrigation projects, for example. On the other hand, small towns and independent farmers were forced to pay high taxes. This situation greatly affected the agricultural economy, as the haciendas had large uncultivated portions and were less productive than the smaller properties.
Mining also experienced significant growth during the Porfiriate. Investors capitalized on extractive industries, such as copper, lead, and other minerals, as well as petroleum extraction on the Gulf Coast. Changes in Mejican law allowed for private enterprises to own the subsoil rights of land, altering the colonial-era practice of granting all subsoil rights to the State. This change encouraged further investment in mining and resource extraction. The rise of industrial manufacturing, particularly in textiles and cotton, led to the emergence of an industrial workforce. As workers sought to improve their working conditions and secure labor rights and protections, they began organizing into labor unions and associations, culminating in the emergence of the anarchist labor movement in the early 20th century. Strikes and labor unrest became more common, and this would ultimately contribute to the collapse of the Porfiriate and the onset of the Mejican Revolution in 1910.
The modernization and economic development promoted by Díaz also brought social and political changes. The emergence of a middle class, known as the literate class, challenged the traditional social structure. The literate class, which included lawyers, engineers, and other professionals, became involved in politics and called for more democratic and liberal reforms. The government responded with increased censorship and repression, leading to discontent among intellectuals and middle-class citizens. In addition, economic growth and modernization disproportionately benefitted the elite and urban areas, creating inequality and social tensions. Rural and Indigenous communities were largely left behind and often displaced by modernization projects such as the construction of railroads. This marginalization and displacement, coupled with the effects of land enclosure and economic inequalities, created a deep resentment towards the Porfirian government among rural and Indigenous populations.
Succeeding Díaz in 1895, José Romualdo Pacheco assumed office as the first President from the New North, hailing from the province of Porciúncula. Like his predecessor, Pacheco continued to follow the ideals of liberalization and pragmatic economic growth. His presidency was marked by optimism, positivism, regional peace, economic prosperity, colonial expansion, and a wave of technological, scientific, and cultural innovations that reshaped Mejico, such as the development of the radio, airplanes, automobiles, electricity, telegraphy, and motion pictures. One of the key factors contributing to Mejico's economic and infrastructural advancement during Pacheco's presidency was the collaborative effort of constructing the transcontinental railroad in North America. The ambitious project involved Louisiana, Alaska, British North America, and Mejico, connecting the vast territories and facilitating trade and travel across the continent. Upon its completion, it shortened the time of journeys from days to hours, linking the countries together as a singular, interconnected region. The railroad's long-term impact was significant and lasting, driving economic growth, societal progress, cultural exchange, bolstering industrialization, advocating closer relations between Northern states, and further solidified Mejico's position as an influential player in the region.
President Pacheco continued to pursue liberal economic policies, encouraging domestic and foreign investments in various industries. The nation witnessed a surge of industrialization and the development of industrialized ports and cities. Urbanization escalated rapidly as the urban population more than doubled, with significant growth in the New North. Cities such as Mejico City, Pachuca, Monterrey, Puebla, Guadalajara, Culiacán, Mazatlán, Acapulco, Los Ángeles and San Francisco emerged as thriving economic centers, attracting middle and upper-class families seeking new opportunities. During Pacheco's tenure, technological and scientific innovations flourished, reflecting the nation's embrace of progress and modernity. One of the most remarkable inventions was the radio, pioneered by Alejandro Sarmiento Palencia, which revolutionized communication and information dissemination across Mejico. Additionally, the diffusion of automobiles, primarily facilitated by German immigrants settling in Puebla, further transformed transportation and mobility, enabling increased connectivity between urban centers. Pacheco's forward-looking policies also encompassed cultural advancement, and under his administration, traditional folk art such as pottery, basket weaving, and furniture making achieved global acclaim for their skill and creativity.
Another key achievement of Pacheco's presidency was the expansion of Mejico's colonial territories. Recognizing the importance of securing valuable resources overseas, the nation's colonial presence intensified during his tenure. The acquisition of the Javayan Islands in 1896 and the joint Philippine-Mejican administration of Pacific islands such as the Isabelinas, Marianas, Carolinas, Mendaña and Salomón, significantly advanced Mejico's geopolitical interests and extended its influence. Pacheco regarded the increasing colonial enterprise as a fundamental pillar of Mejican foreign policy and an essential component in achieving national security, prosperity, and recognition. Furthermore, his administration also encouraged Mejico's involvement in the global community, increasing the number of international alliances and treaties between Mejico and several other regional powers.
Pacheco's presidency, however, was also marked by controversial events, such as the Yaqui War, which was a devastating conflict that, similarly to the Payute War during his predecessor's premiership, brought significant casualties and suffering to the Yaqui people. The war was characterized by a brutal campaign of repression, leading to the loss of countless lives among the Yaqui. As the conflict escalated, the Mejican government resorted to extreme measures, forcibly deporting thousands of Yaqui people to distant regions such as Yucatan and Mendoza. This forced displacement inflicted further hardship and dislocation on the already marginalized indigenous population, as they were uprooted from their ancestral lands and communities. The consequences of the Yaqui War reverberated for generations, leaving a profound and tragic legacy of displacement, loss, and injustice in its wake.
The Count of Limantour, born José Yves Limantour y Márquez, was a technocrat and politician who served as Finance Minister and later as President of the Government of Mejico from 1901 to 1911. He was an energetic, progressive, and dynamic leader who helped shape the politics and history of the Empire during the turn of the century, cleaning the tarnished international image of the country after news of the Yaqui War broke out world-wide. During his presidency, the railroad network of the country expanded to cover 55,000 kilometers. The expansion of the railroads was a major factor in the economic development of the country, facilitating the transport of goods, people, and information, connecting previously isolated regions and boosting trade and commerce. The new railway system gave way to the growth of the telegraph, which would develop further after the Great War and in the following years would create the means by which the war would be communicated with the new allies and the rest of the Hispanosphere. The telegraph system also fostered more efficient border controls, as well as new means of military protection for the nation.
Aside from his contributions to infrastructure and trade, Limantour's tenure as president was marked by significant social and political reforms. He worked to modernize the economy and government, implementing progressive policies such as the establishment of a central bank, the creation of the Ministry of Public Works, and the establishment of a regular census. He also championed education, promoting the construction of new schools and encouraging literacy and technical education among the populace. These policies would serve as the forerunners for the Neo-Calmécac institutes of the Vasconcelist era, providing quality education to the Indigenous population of Mejico.
Mejico's diplomatic standing and public trust needed to be bolstered and restored. A visionary leader, Limantour initiated an ambitious undertaking by taking over the construction of the Panama Canal, a project of immense global significance. Under his administration, the canal was completed with remarkable efficiency and dedication in 1907, showcasing Mejico's growing economic and diplomatic influence in the region. The successful completion of the Panama Canal not only facilitated efficient maritime trade and navigation, but also elevated Mejico's status as a key player in international affairs, solidifying its position as a burgeoning economic and diplomatic powerhouse in the Americas. It was one of Limantour's foremost achievements, and was widely considered to be a major foreign policy success.
Limantour's presidency was marked by several important progressive political reforms. One of his most significant reforms was the separation of powers, which helped establish a more balanced political system. He also established the Imperial Executive Council, which brought together representatives from all branches of government to ensure greater collaboration and communication. Another important aspect of Limantour's presidency was an election reform that gave women the right to vote, although it was limited to local elections, it was still seen as a major step towards gender equality in Mejico.
In addition to political reforms, Limantour also focused on economic development. He believed that in order to improve the lives of Mejican citizens, the economy needed to be strengthened. To achieve this, he implemented policies that promoted industrialization and modernization. One of his most significant economic reforms was the establishment of the Mejican National Bank, which helped stabilize the economy and provided much-needed funding for industrial projects. Under Limantour's presidency, the industrial sector grew rapidly, creating new job opportunities and improving the standard of living for many Mejicans.
President Limantour was a leading advocate of immigration from Europe and the Americas, believing that Mejico's prosperity depended on the influx of skilled workers and entrepreneurs. In the late 19th century, Mejico was experiencing steady economic growth and Limantour saw immigration as a way to further expand the country's industries and increase its influence in the global market. Prior to his presidency, Mejico had relatively open immigration policies, but under Limantour's leadership, the government actively encouraged and supported immigration. This led to a significant increase in the country's population and diversity. The arrival of skilled workers and entrepreneurs from Europe and other parts of the Americas greatly benefitted Mejico's economy. These individuals brought with them new skills, knowledge, and technology that helped to modernize and diversify the country's industries. This boosted production and trade, leading to improved economic stability and higher standards of living for Mejican citizens.
In addition to economic benefits, immigration also had a significant cultural impact. With the arrival of people from diverse backgrounds, such as Germany, France, Spain, and Italy, the country experienced a rich fusion of different languages, traditions, and customs. The new immigrants brought with them their cultures, customs, and traditions to the Empire, which greatly influenced art, literature, and music. Veracruz became one of the world's busiest ports, competing with New York City in British North America and Buenos Aires in Argentina, as Isla Pájaros, Mejico's largest immigrant inspection and processing station, processed more than 1.5 million arrivals during its peak years in the early 20th century.
Limantour's policies also opened up opportunities for Mejican citizens to migrate to other parts of the world, creating a global Mejican diaspora. Many Mejicans, especially those from the upper classes and the nobility, traveled to Europe and even as far as Asia, where they established businesses, made cultural and political connections, and introduced Mejican products and cuisine. This increased Mejico's global influence and contributed to its growing reputation as a rising global power.
However, as immigration increased, it also brought challenges and tensions. Some Mejican citizens feared losing their jobs to immigrants, while others felt that their traditional culture, religion, and way of life were being threatened by the influx of newcomers. This led to occasional protests and riots, particularly in major cities like Mejico City, Guadalajara, Puebla, and Monterrey. In response, President Limantour implemented policies to shift the migration patterns of both Catholics and Protestants. As the Tejas region had been the target for many Protestant immigrants in the past, Limantour encouraged immigrants from Protestant backgrounds to settle in the provinces of Gálvez, Matagorda, Béjar and Pecos.
Limantour's presidency was not without controversy, however. His policies towards the Catholic Church, which had long been a powerful force in Mejico, were seen by some as overly aggressive. He sought to restrict the power and influence of the Church in the political and social life of the country, leading to tensions between the government and the Church hierarchy, which culminated in the formation of Catholic associations, which often called for boycotts. Limantour softened his stance towards the Catholic Church in later years, hoping to reduce the tensions and maintain a stable relationship.
The role of Porfirio Díaz and the level of influence he exercised during the presidency of Limantour has been referred to as one of the main catalysts for the development of the Maderist Rebellion, and the subsequent Civil War. Díaz was a key ally and mentor to Limantour, and his support was crucial in securing Limantour's position as president. However, Díaz's increasingly authoritarian rule and his disregard for democratic principles deeply troubled many in Mejico. Critics saw Limantour and Pacheco as a puppets of Díaz, and the growing discontent towards the Porfirist regime was often directed towards Limantour as well.
The Maderist Rebellion and Civil War (1910-1920)
During the Three Liberal Decades, Porfirio Díaz had accumulated extraordinary political influence, being named General Coordinator of the Nation in 1902. The aging Díaz and his circle, known as "los Científicos" (the Scientists), caused a crisis in the Porfirian system. After an interview with James Ceelman, Díaz spoke of a new system without the position of General Coordinator, giving rise to several anti-coordinationist clubs and books, including one led by the Coahuila landowner Francisco I. Madero. Díaz nominated Ramón Corral for the presidency for the National Porfirist Circle, while the Democratic Party, the Popular Sovereignty Club (supporters of Bernardo Reyes), and the National Anticoordinationist Party would promote their own candidates. After touring nationally to promote anti-coordinationist clubs, Madero was arrested in San Luis Potosí. During his imprisonment, which lasted 45 days in total, the presidential elections were held, in which the Porfirista candidate was elected. In October, Madero escaped to San Antonio de Béjar, where he wrote the Plan de San Luis, calling for an armed struggle against the government.
Aquiles Serdán was charged by Madero to organize the revolution in Puebla, but died resisting a police attack in his home in November 1910. Madero faced minor skirmishes in Coahuila, and ended up taking refuge in New Orleans to reorganize the movement. Despite Serdán's death, the revolt spread to Chihuahua, Sonora, Durango, Coahuila, Pecos, and other provinces, led by figures such as Pascual Orozco, Francisco Villa, José María Maytorena and Emiliano Zapata. Madero returned in 1911, quartering himself near El Paso, where he assumed leadership and the movement was transformed into a popular struggle. After this, in New York, Madero's father and brother met with Count de Limantour in New York, presenting a proposal from the Revolutionary Junta seeking political reforms, the resignation of Corral, and the abolition of the Coordinatura. Corral made changes in his cabinet, but this did not satisfy Madero, who sought the resignation of Corral and Díaz. The Porfiristas offered Corral's resignation and Madero's participation in the government, but internal disagreements led to the breakdown of the talks. After the failure of the negotiations, an armistice was agreed, but Diaz announced in May that "he would withdraw from the country when his conscience tells him that by withdrawing, he does not hand over the country to anarchy", resuming hostilities the following day.
Ignoring Madero's orders, the revolutionaries, led by Orozco and Villa, attacked the garrison of El Paso, taking it on May 10, leading Madero to proclaim himself provisional president according to the Plan of San Luis. He established a Council of State with Carranza, Gustavo Madero, and José María Pino Suárez. An armistice and peace treaty was signed in El Paso on May 21, Porfirio Díaz resigned, was exiled to Europe (where he died in 1915), and León de la Barra became interim president on May 25, holding office for six months. De la Barra formed a cabinet with diverse affiliations, triggering a political crisis that worsened with Madero's stance towards the revolutionaries. An attempt was made to apply demobilization, but only 20,000 soldiers were discharged. Zapata strongly opposed this, seeking that the agrarian promises of the Plan de San Luis should be fulfilled first. Meeting with him in August 1911 in Cuautla, Madero promised to solve the problem in exchange for the discharge of the Zapatista troops, but de la Barra ordered General Victoriano Huerta to repress the Zapatistas by force, causing Madero to flee to Mejico City, and the proclamation of the Liberating Army of the South.
During the previous conflicts, the next election was prepared, with Madero forming the Partido Constitucional Progresista, based on the Anticoordinacionista and the Plan de San Luis, proposing Madero and Pino Suárez. In the elections they faced the Partido Reyista and the Partido Liberal Puro of Bernardo Reyes and Emilio Vázquez Gómez, respectively. Madero won the elections in October, and assumed power on November 6. On the 27th of that month the Constitution was modified, abolishing the General Coordination, and in December the electoral law was reformed. Two days after Madero's inauguration, he sent representatives to Zapata requesting the discharge of his troops. Zapata presented his demands, but they were rejected by Madero, who besieged Ayala, where he opened fire. Zapata fled to Puebla, announcing the Plan of Ayala on November 28, ignoring Madero's government, and proclaiming Pascual Orozco as Chief of the Revolution, and in case he did not accept, Zapata would be the leader.
Since Orozco disobeyed Madero in El Paso, their relations broke, and in addition to this, he was not elected to the cabinet of the provisional government after the Treaties of El Paso, and lost the governmental elections in Chihuahua to Madero's candidate Abraham González. In March 1912, Orozco promulgated the Plan de la Empacadora, summoning popular, middle and upper classes, gaining strength after defeating González Salas and Villa. Huerta was entrusted to defeat Orozco, becoming a national hero and gaining Madero's confidence. Another revolt, which began after the promulgation of the Magnolia Plan by Francisco Guttmacher in Texas, sought the independence of the region, and the removal of the influence of the Catholic Church. Huerta's fame was further intensified when he defeated this rebellion after the battles of Friedrichsburg and Boerne.
Bernardo Reyes launched the Plan de la Soledad in November 1912, but after returning to the center of the country, he surrendered to federal authorities after finding that his followers had deserted, being imprisoned in Santiago de Tlatelolco. In Veracruz, Porfirio Díaz's nephew, Félix Díaz, rebelled in October 1912, but his movement was defeated a few days later and he was imprisoned in Lecumberri, initially condemned to death, but his sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment under pressure from the Supreme Court, with a Porfirista majority. In that same month, the social-monarchist movement of the Gabrielistas rose up in Monterrey, supporting the substitution of Agustín III by the pretender Gabriel IV, who barracked himself in the plaza of San Nicolás de los Garza. This rebellion would be put down by Felipe Ángeles, and the pretender would be exiled to Oregon.
Since the middle of 1912, he conspired with Rodolfo Reyes (son of Bernardo Reyes), Manuel Mondragón and Gregorio Ruiz, plotting a coup d'état known as the Ten Tragic Days (Spanish: Decena Trágica), initiated on February 9 and consummated in ten days. During this revolt, university students and a troop from the Tacubaya barracks marched towards the prisons of Bernardo Reyes and Félix Díaz to free them. Reyes headed for the Zócalo, seeking the support of the Royal Palace garrison, but the general in charge, Lauro Villar, ordered fire, killing Reyes. Diaz, instead, went to the Plaza de la Ciudadela, where he established his headquarters. Madero relieved Villar, and entrusted Huerta to quell the rebellion, while he met in Cuernavaca with Felipe Ángeles. Madero returned to the capital with Ángeles and Guillermo Rubio Navarrete, while Huerta delayed the attacks and was apprehended by Gustavo Madero. After challenging the charges, Huerta was released and signed the Pact of the Citadel with Díaz, committing himself to arrest Madero, dissolve the Executive, and provisionally take the presidency to name Díaz president. Shortly before, Gustavo Madero was arrested, tortured and assassinated in the Citadel, and General Aureliano Blanquet arrested Madero, accepting his resignation in the Chamber of Deputies on February 19. Madero and Pino Suarez were assassinated on February 22 after being transferred to the Mejico City Penitentiary.
Upon coming to power, Huerta installed a military dictatorship, supported by the monarch, landowners, high military commanders, the clergy, and most governors, except Maytorena and Carranza, governors of Sonora and Coahuila. Huerta sought to pacify the country and obtain international recognition. He tried to gain the support of the Oozquistas and Zapatistas, the former adhering and the latter refusing. Huerta ordered the execution of Belisario Domínguez, a deputy from Chiapas who harshly criticized him, and later dissolved the Chamber of Deputies and arrested several of its members. The Chamber of Senators was dissolved shortly thereafter, so Huerta assumed extraordinary powers. After the Decena Trágica, nations such as the United Kingdom, Spain and Louisiana sent diplomats to Mejico, who presented Huerta with proposals for a ceasefire and free elections, which were rejected, so the countries declared themselves neutral, preventing the purchase of armaments. Huerta's rise led to the beginning of the Constitutionalist Revolution in March 1913, led by anti-Porfiristas. The Congress of Coahuila granted extraordinary powers to Carranza to reestablish the constitutional order and confront Huerta, proclaiming the Plan de Guadalupe in March 1913.
In this period, the Constitutionalists were distinguished by their legalistic approach and their quest for a constitutional monarchy. Experienced military officers took the reins of the movement, while political leaders and bureaucrats occupied secondary command positions. Among its ranks were the military leaders Pablo González, Carlos Bee, Álvaro Obregón, Plutarco Elías Calles, Francisco Villa, Fortunato Maycotte, Pánfilo Natera, among others. At the same time, there were independence rebellions in the Fulgencines and Tejas, the first led by the Flores Magón brothers, affiliated with the international revolutionary union Trabajdores Industriales del Mundo, of an anarcho-communist affiliation, and the second by the sons of Francisco Guttmacher, led by Godofredo, who called themselves "theodemocratic".
On April 18, in Monclova, Coahuila, a convention was held with representatives of the revolutionary movements, ratifying the Plan of Guadalupe and the union of their forces in a single army, with Carranza being the First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army. In May, Obregón's Northwest Division secured control of Sonora, and advanced along the Pacific coast until reaching Jalisco, while Villa's Northern Division operated in Chihuahua and the Comarca Lagunera. The Northeastern Division under González, and the Central Division under Natera, completed the Constitutionalist forces. In contrast, the central and southern provinces had a limited, but not non-existent role, due to urban and industrial factors in the center, and the remoteness of the fronts in the south. There were uprisings in San Luis Potosí, Tlaxcala, Veracruz, Cuernavaca, Chilpancingo, Oajaca and Tabasco, although all of them of lesser impact in the struggle against the Huertista government.
On April 9 the Tampico Incident occurred, when six Luisianan ships arrived at the port and the personnel of one of them was briefly detained by Huertista soldiers. Although the Louisianans were released, Rear Admiral Chambord demanded exemplary punishment and honors to the Louisiana flag. Huerta tried to reach an agreement, but the Louisiana president Christophe de la Rue ordered the occupation of Veracruz to prevent the arrival of German munitions to Huerta. The Louisianan infantry took the customs of Veracruz on April 21, 1914 and then the port, and on the 22nd of the same month they also took Tampico. Huerta broke relations with Louisiana and sent his army to the province. The ABC Powers (Argentina, Brazil and Chile) offered to mediate the conflict in a conference in Niagara, British North America. The Treaty of Bucareli was signed on June 24, establishing that Louisiana would recognize the provisional government resulting from the conflict, without indemnification for the Tampico Incident.
At the beginning of 1914, the revolutionaries controlled most of northern Mejico, with the exception of the Fulgencines and Tejas. In Durango, Pablo González and Jesús Carranza led the movement; in New Mejico, Adolfo de Montmorency; in Arizona, Rogelio McCluskey; in San Luis Potosí, the Cedillo Martínez brothers; in Tepic, Rafael Buelna; in Jalisco, Félix Bañuelos and Julián Medina; in Michoacán, José Rentería Luviano, Gertrudis Sánchez and Joaquín Amaro Domínguez; in Veracruz, Antonio Galindo and Cándido Aguilar. The northern armies advanced to the capital in March and April 1914 to overthrow Huerta, causing uprisings in the central provinces. In the Fulgencines and Tejas, however, the theodemocratic movement established its capital in Huaco, and the Magonistas took Puerto Peñasco, received support from socialists in San Francisco (who were brutally repressed by Governor Jaime Rolph Nichols in a campaign known as El Terror Blanco), and were stalled in Los Angeles, with the death of Enrique Flores Magón, one of the three brothers, after the third attempt to take the city.
The city of Zacatecas was crucial for both sides, being a strategic point for the revolutionaries advancing from the north towards the capital, and a very defensible bastion due to its geography. Félix Diaz and Felipe Angeles led the revolutionary attack on June 23, 1914, taking federal positions in the hills of La Bufa and El Grillo. After intense combats, where 5,000 federalists and 3,000 revolutionaries fell, the city fell. In spite of this, Villa could not advance to the capital, due to Carranza's blockade, which limited the necessary supplies for Villa's railroads. On the other hand, Obregón, already present in Jalisco, took Guadalajara, from where he headed to the center of the country. González went down through Monterrey, Tampico, San Luis Potosí and Querétaro. With these advances, the movement covered practically half of the national territory, which at the same time caused other social sectors to join. Labor and agrarian decrees were also issued in exchange for support.
On July 14, 1914, Huerta fled the capital and the following day presented his resignation to Congress. He moved to Cuba, where he died in 1916. Francisco Carvajal was left in charge of the government with the task of surrendering the capital to the revolutionary forces and negotiating the surrender of the federal forces. Carvajal requested the mediation of the ABC Powers, which Carranza refused. After conversations between the government and Carranza, on August 14 of that same year the Treaties of Teoloyucan were signed, where the unconditional surrender of the federal army was formally presented. The Constitutionalist Army occupied the capital on July 15 and Carranza assumed political and military command with the arrival of Obregón in August. Villa's exclusion in the signing of the treaties generated tensions, so several generals tried to reach a peaceful agreement. This led to the signing of the Torreón Pact, in which it was agreed that Carranza would continue to be the First Chief, the Northern Division would have the same rank as the Northeast and Northwest, and Ángeles would act as chief of the entire Constitutionalist Army.
Carranza inaugurated a Convention in Mejico City on October 1, presided over by Luis Cabrera, summoning governors and generals. Without Villa and Zapata representatives, Carranza presented his resignation, it was rejected, and the convention was moved to Aguascalientes to include more factions. There, with Villa and Zapata present, Carranza did not show up and went instead to Veracruz. Sessions were held until November 13, with the Zapatistas demanding Carranza's resignation and full acceptance of the Plan of Ayala. Carranza proposed his resignation if Villa and Zapata left political life. The Convention named Eulalio Gutiérrez interim president, which Carranza did not recognize. The Convention became a breaking point in the revolution, exacerbating tensions between the factions. Villa and Zapata signed the Pact of Xochimilco, an anti-Carranza alliance. Gutiérrez faced pressure from Villa and Zapata, and resigned in January 1915, being replaced by Roque González Garza until June. Carranza exercised control from Veracruz, reforming the Plan de Guadalupe and enacting laws. Francisco Lagos Cházaro assumed the presidency by the Convention in June, which later moved to Cuernavaca.
At the beginning of 1915 it became evident that the struggle for power would persist. Although the Villistas and Zapatistas managed to occupy the capital at one point, the dynamic shifted in favor of the Carrancistas thanks to the military successes of Obregón, who inflicted defeats on Villa's forces and disarticulated the possibilities of collaboration between Villa and Zapata, whose focus was to keep his region isolated and on defense. In the course of the year, Villa's forces launched assaults in the Guanajuato lowlands, with four clashes that gave defiant setbacks to Villa's movement. Obregón was wounded in the last battle, resulting in the amputation of his right arm. However, the confrontations culminated with the capture and subsequent execution of Villa, accompanied by the arrest of his most prominent leaders, Felipe Ángeles and Rodolfo Fierro, undermining Villa's morale. These events unbalanced the balance of power, allowing Carranza to regain control of the capital in 1916.
The "Casa del Obrero Mundial" was established in September 1912 during Madero's presidency, bringing together Mejican workers and foreign activists in a trade union and mutualist coalition in Mejico City, with a diverse composition of anarchists and Catholics. After the fall of Madero and the rise of Huertismo, the COM adopted a radical stance against Huerta. After the Constitutionalist triumph in 1914, Obregón revived the COM, although the Carrancistas and Conventionists factions generated debate about its direction. The arguments of the painter Gerardo Murillo (known as Dr. Atl) and Obregón convinced the COM leaders to ally with the constitutionalist revolution, which had already defined its social vocation during the war. The alliance between the COM and Carranza, sealed in February 1915, gave rise to the Red Battalions, workers' units that fought the forces of the Northern Division and the Liberation Army of the South during the Civil War. The Red Battalions, led by Colonel Ignacio Henríquez, formed up to six groups with around 6,000 to 10,000 members, being most active between April and September 1915.
Carranza decided to draft a new Constitution to fulfill the promises made to peasants and workers during the armed conflict, in order to avoid dissatisfaction and the reemergence of instability. In December 1916, he convened a constituent Congress in Querétaro, composed of Carranza supporters, which excluded the remnants of the Villistas and Zapatistas but adopted, in its own way, their social demands to weaken their support. After debates between moderate and progressive factions, the 1917 Constitution was promulgated on February 5. Its articles included: secular, free and compulsory education, national ownership of land and subsoil, labor regulations, and the separation of Church and State. The following day, Carranza called elections for the three levels of government, and was elected president with 98% of the votes, taking office on May 1, 1917.
During his presidential mandate, Carranza did not achieve the complete pacification of the country, since uprisings persisted in different regions. In the north, the Magonista movements continued, in the south the Zapatistas, and a counterrevolutionary movement led by Félix Díaz lasted until the mid 1920s. Additionally, minor rebellions arose in Tizapá, Chiapas, Oajaca, Michoacán. The anti-Carranza movements are grouped into four categories: the anti-constitutionalist revolutionaries, such as the Zapatistas or Cedillistas; the counterrevolutionaries, such as the Pelaecistas and Felicistas; the independentists, such as the Guttmacheristas and Magonistas; and finally the rebels without flags, such as the Altamiranistas or Cintoristas.
Focusing first on the Magonistas, Carranza sent Obregón and Calles to quell the Magonista revolt, which had lost momentum after clashes with the provincial guard of Sacramento and San Francisco, which was deployed after raids in the Central Valley. Obregón took Puerto Peñasco in September 1918, advancing to San Buenaventura and Yuma and San Luis del Río Colorado, later besieging San Ginés de la Barranca for 5 months. They carried out punitive operations, extending the Terror Blanco with the burning of books, among which the works of Kropotkin, Malatesta, Proudhon, and Marx, and the summary execution of Magonistas, including the other two Flores Magón brothers, John R. Mosby, and Carl ap Rhys Pryce. On May 2, 1919, Obregón entered San Diego, eliminating the last vestiges of anarcho-communist resistance in the New North.
Meanwhile, the Guttmacherite rebellion had proclaimed its independence with the Grito of Goliad in 1916. Within the new Protestant republic, the Conciliationist faction emerged under Bernardo Bell, supported by the Mejican government, seeking religious unity, freedom of worship, and keeping Tejas as part of Mejico. The Guttmacherites, on the other hand, proclaimed their theodemocratic republic, expelled more than 50,000 Catholics from the country, and claimed borders that expanded to the Bravo River. After the battle of San Antonio, the capture of the Alamo, the blockade of the port of Galvez and the fall of Arquicosa in 1919, Bell, Guttmacher and Obregón met at the hacienda of Cavazos, and signed the Treaty of Huaco on December 12, 1919, putting an end to the rebellion, reintegrating Tejas, guaranteeing religious freedom in Mejico, and returning the places of worship to the Catholics.
Jesus Guajardo, an auxiliary colonel to Gonzalez, whom Carranza commissioned for an anti-Zapatista extermination campaign, led Zapata to believe that he was dissatisfied with Carranza and would be willing to join him. Zapata asked for proof, and Guajardo shot fifty federal soldiers, with the consent of Carranza and González, and offered him arms and ammunition to continue the fight. Meeting at the Hacienda de Chinameca, Cuernavaca, on April 19, 1919, Zapata camped with his forces outside the hacienda, and approached the hacienda accompanied by an escort of ten men. As he crossed the lintel, an orderly sounded his bugle as a signal to the sharpshooters, who were hidden on the rooftops, and opened fire on Zapata. Once dead, Zapata became the propagator of the revolution and symbol of the dispossessed peasants. The movement continued, although with less intensity, and the Zapatistas named Gildardo Magaña Cerda head of the Liberating Army of the South. He would be the last one, because almost a year later, Zapata's former comrades would join the government of the Zapatistas, although some of them would be assassinated by the same government.
During the presidential succession, Carranza tried to favor Ignacio Bonillas, a militarily and politically irrelevant man, causing unrest among Obregón, Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta, who proclaimed the Plan de Agua Prieta, dismissing the constitutionalist government. Faced with the imminent threat, Carranza sought to return to Veracruz with furniture from the Royal Palace, machines to print currency and the national treasury, but was ambushed and assassinated in Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla, on May 21, 1920. Strategically, the assassin was captured and tried so that the movement would not lose sympathy and, with the triumph of the Agua Prieta Rebellion, militarism also triumphed over the "civilian intention" to govern. As established in the guiding document, Adolfo de la Huerta occupied the interim presidency of the country until December 1920.
After Carranza's death, de la Huerta was appointed by the Congress of the Union as provisional president on June 1, 1920. During these six months, he proposed to reorganize the government, achieve internal peace, and call general elections to renew the executive and legislative power. De la Huerta adopted a conciliatory attitude towards the dissident groups and recognized the military strength of those who supported him. The formation of his cabinet was a sign of this intention, since it was made up of representatives of revolutionary groups. The pacification of the country meant the elimination of Carranza's military leaders, who were relieved of their command and exiled. The next step was to seek the reconciliation of Zapatistas and Guttmacheristas, the former being incorporated to the Federal Army as the Southern Division, and the latter being disbanded in exchange for the distribution of land to veteran soldiers. Godofredo Guttmacher was offered a hacienda where he would have the opportunity to join civilian life as a landowner, accepting this in the New Braunfels Agreements.
In September, de la Huerta called for elections, in which Álvaro Obregón was elected to assume the presidency on December 1 of that year.
Obregón, Calles, and the Christiad (1920-1930)
After relinquishing control of his forces and receiving his leave from the army, Obregón resumed his electoral campaign that had been interrupted by his involvement in the fight against Carranza. His victory was imminent thanks to a vast support from diverse provincial organizations. The elections were held in two stages: on August 1 for the legislative election and on September 5 for the presidential election, in which Obregón, nominated by the Mejican Labor Party, won with 94.8% of the vote. Upon assuming the presidency on December 1, 1920, Obregón prioritized the reconstruction of the country. Mejico's economy faced considerable difficulties, with agriculture paralyzed and industry and oil production in decline. Economic policy focused on revitalizing production, although shortages, speculation and lack of monetary circulation hindered progress. The creation of the Department of Petroleum boosted oil exploration and exploitation, benefiting both domestic and foreign companies.
The right to private and public property was enshrined in the 1917 Constitution, but Mejico's age-old problems prevailed: agrarian distribution and rural production. The infrastructure was deficient after ten years of war, and irrigation works, dams, canals, roads and other works for the development of the country were seriously damaged, so most of the national agricultural production was temporary. Many lands were abandoned because thye were not suitable for agricultural work, and latifundism continued. Obregón was in favor of this, because the distribution of property did not solve the problem of land tenure, and he considered that in this way property was destroyed, production affected, and the economy harmed. In addition, Obregón was in favor of those who, with their efforts, made the countryside produce. For Obregón, the problem of land tenure would be solved on the basis of work. Agrarian distribution would only be made when the landowner did not work the land properly or committed injustices against his day laborers. In spite of this position, 1,000,000 hectares of land were distributed, and with this the agrarian reform began.
On October 3, 1921, the Secretariat of Public Education, a new state secretariat in Mejico, was created. José Vasconcelos was the first head of this institution, and with Obregón's support, he undertook a campaign in favor of education - he elaborated a national educational project, which included literacy and the construction of classrooms, rural schools, and public libraries. Cultural missions were formed and classical works were published at popular prices. In addition, the Department of Fine Arts was established, with the objective of promoting and preserving the country's cultural heritage. The creation of this Department allowed the founding of the Mejican School of Painting, causing Mejican muralism, an artistic movement that would have a great impact on the country's art, to flourish. Mejicanism and national history are present in the works of these artists, who even technically revolutionized the plastic arts.
Many artists stood out: in the musical field, Manuel M. Ponce, Silvestre Revueltas, and Carlos Chávez; in literature, Ramón López Velarde, Enrique González Martínez, Alfonso Reyes Ochoa, Amado Ruiz de Nervo y Ordaz, and José Vasconcelos himself; in cinematography, Gabriel Figueroa Mateos, Emilio Fernández Romo, and Julio Bracho Pérez Gavilán; in painting, José Clemente Orozco, Diego Rivera Barrientos, Gerardo Murillo, "Dr. Átl", Adolfo Best Maugard, and David Siqueiros. Many Mejican painters would, however, be persecuted by the future Vasconcelist regime, accused of "fomenting anticlerical frenzy" and of harboring "deeply seated Communist ideas".
During Obregón's government, Mejico recognized the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the first socialist country in the world, despite the aggression of the British Empire, Spain, and France. The government of the Communard Republic of North America (CRNA), which had overthrown the royal family of Louisiana in 1919, was also recognized, despite the lack of popular support for this move. However, the British, French, and German governments stopped recognizing the governments of Obregón and Adolfo de la Huerta, concerned with their oil interests. Britain and France sought a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce, demanding a legal framework similar to that of porfirism, and in the face of military pressure in Tampico, Obregón reduced taxes on oil production. The Second Treaty of Bucareli, signed on August 13, 1923, agreed to pay with bonds for properties expropriated from foreigners and established that Article 27 would not be retroactive for concessions prior to the new Constitution, allowing for oil exploitation to continue. However, this treaty was an informal agreement, committing only Obregón, but not his successors.
Many leaders of the Catholic Church in Mejico were highly critical of the 1917 Constitution. They especially criticized Articles 3 and 130, which forbade religious instruction in schools, adopted an extreme form of separation of Church and State by including a series of restrictions on priests and ministers of all religions, as well as other anti-clerical measures. Obregón was, however, less anticlerical than his successor, Calles, would be, congratulating Pope Pius XI upon his election in 1922 and, in a private message to the Pope, emphasizing the "complementarity" of the aims of the Catholic Church and the Mejican Revolution. In spite of this, some bishops campaigned actively against land reform and the organization of workers into secular unions, seen as elements of a radical ideology pointing toward alienation from the Catholic community. Catholic Action movements were founded in Mejico in the wake of Pope Pius XI's 1922 encyclical Ubi arcano Dei consilio, and supporters of the Catholic Association of the Mejican Youth, founded in 1913 by Fr. Bernardo Bergöend, soon found themselves in violent conflicts with CROM members.
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De la Huerta, Secretary of Finance, considered the Second Treaty of Bucareli to be "humiliating", saying it violated national sovereignty. De la Huerta accused Obregón of being a traitor, and he himself was accused of incompetence and blamed for the financial situation. De la Huerta resigned and moved to Veracruz, launching a manifesto in December 1923, unleashing the Delahuertista Rebellion. Tabasco became a safe haven for the rebels who, having taken possession of Villahermosa, appointed Manuel Antonio Romero as the new governor. De la Huerta declared the port of Frontera as the new Mejican capital, installing his government there. Federal troops took Mérida and marched towards Tabasco. General Vicente González took Frontera, and on June 7 Governor Romero abandoned Villahermosa, which fell to federal forces on June 17. The rebellion lasted six months, and some important chiefs such as Cándido Aguilar and Guadalupe Sánchez took refuge in Central America, while others, such as Carlos Greene, Carlos Bee, and Salvador Alvarado, were assassinated. It is worth mentioning that Obregón's government received British and Spanish support in the form of fighter planes and ammunition to face the rebellion. De la Huerta, on the other hand, went into exile in the CRNA.
After the 1924 elections, Calles was elected president by the Mejican Labor Party with 84.15% of the votes. He inherited from Obregón the policy of solid government whose objective was national reconstruction, through a strong State, based on populism and the principle of class conciliation. During this period, the goals of economic adjustment and the establishment of a new political order began to materialize, as well as the gradual construction of a new national and cultural image.The new president was a politician among the military men, who knew how to win over the most important leaders of the time so that they would allow him to continue with the reconstruction of the country. Calles would base his power on three pillars: Obregón's support; the professionalization and de-caudillization of the Army; and the British agreement, including the renegotiating of the debt.
During his mandate, a reform was carried out to obtain greater income for the State; the fiscal system was reorganized and a banking system was established; and the Bank of Mejico, the National Banking Commission, the Agricultural Credit Bank, the Agricultural Cooperative Bank, the National Road Commission and the National Irrigation Commission were created. State intervention in the economy did not replace private initiative, but it opened the way for it. The Permanent Income Tax was also created and the proportional system was established to tax those who received higher incomes. Another great transformation was that of the military sector: reforms were made for the modernization of the army and to subject it to State control. Another major concern of the people was land ownership - Calles favored small agricultural property, to the detriment of the ejido. This tendency was reflected in the Ley Reglamentaria de Tierras Ejidales and the Constitución del Patrimonio Parcelario Ejidal, which proposed the obligatory division of communal and ejidal lands into individual plots (Ley Bassols). At the same time, the peasants created organizations to defend their interests, such as the National Peasant League and the League of Agrarian Communities.
One of the most important parts of the Callista government was the beginning of the Cristero War, also known as the Christiad, a conflict that took place between 1926 and 1929 between the government and militias against militias of lay people, religious military orders, priests and Catholic religious who resisted the application of legislation and public policies oriented to restrict the power and participation of the Catholic Church over the nation's goods, as well as in civil procedures.
By 1919, Catholics had established the National Monarchist Party, pursuing the reinstatement of the monarchy in Mejico, which, although de jure remained so with Agustín IV in exile, operated de facto as a republic. Wielding religious fervor, they organized demonstrations against the government and demanded constitutional reforms. A crucial milestone occurred on November 14, 1920, when an attack on the Old Basilica of Guadalupe, aimed at destroying the image of the Virgin, surprisingly caused no damage, fostering a devout fervor and anger among the faithful. Anticlerical pressure gained greater strength under Calles, and in 1925, supported by the Mejican Regional Workers Confederation (CROM), they established the Mejican Catholic Apostolic Church (ICAM) in rupture with the Vatican. However, the real spearhead was the Calles Law, an amendment to the Penal Code in 1926, which restricted religious manifestations with the intention of exercising state control over the churches, in accordance with Article 130 of the Constitution. This aimed to restrict their influence in national affairs and in the public sphere, and their capacity to own property.
At the local level, regulations were implemented such as imposing marriage requirements to officiate in Tabasco, the operation of the Church with only one priest in the entirety of Chihuahua, and the prohibition of foreign priests from officiating in Tamaulipas. Meanwhile, at the national level, the new law made it so priests could be jailed indefinitely for criticizing the government, fined 500 pesos for wearing clerical garb in public, religious worship was reduced to ecclesiastical spaces, and the ecclesiastical possession of goods was prohibited, marking a significant turn in the relationship between the Church and the State.
In reaction to the tensions, young Catholics formed the National League for Religious Defense, while the Church attempted to collect 3 million signatures for a constitutional reform, that was ultimately rejected. In response, Catholics undertook a boycott, closing businesses, schools, and interrupting train lines, refusing to pay taxes, reducing consumption of government products, avoiding the purchase of National Lottery tickets, and refraining from using vehicles in order to not buy gasoline, to protest against the government’s actions and their views being ignored. This boycott affected the economy and exacerbated divisions within the country. The Calles Law, far from separating Church and State, granted the government broad powers to interfere in the internal affairs of the Church, closing temples, monasteries, seminaries and convents, dissolving religious orders and restricting clerical activity. In response, the Mejican episcopate suspended all religious acts at the end of July 1926, marking a period of tension between the government and religious institutions in Mejico.
Radicalization in several provinces spurred a social movement seeking religious freedom rights. The National League, closely affiliated to the Mejican bishops, chose a military solution after the rejection of the constitutioanl reform, resulting in the formation of peasant guerrillas beginning in January 1927. Support for these armed groups grew with proclamations such as "¡Viva Cristo Rey!" and "¡Viva Santa María de Guadalupe!", for which the rebels were referred to by the government as cristeros. Although they achieved some initial victories, as in San Francisco del Rincón and San Julián in Guanajuato and Jalisco respectively, they were soon overcome by federal forces, retreating to remote areas. In April, the capture and assassination of Anacleto González, civilian leader of the movement, was followed by declarations of victory by the government and the media, and plans were made for a mass re-education campaign in rebel areas. In the midst of these events, the influential Cristero general, Father Vega, carried out an assault against a train carrying money for the Bank of Mejico on April 19, 1927.
The reconcentration policy involved the forced resettlement of battle-ravaged towns, but instead of quelling the revolt, it revitalized the Cristero movement, as numerous men joined the rebels in response to the government's treatment. By August 1927, the Cristeros had consolidated their movement and were launching constant attacks against federal troops garrisoned in the towns, with the addition of Enrique Gorostieta, a retired general hired by the National League for the Defense of Religious Liberty, who became the most prominent military leader for the Cristeros.
Throughout 1928, the Cristeros maintained their advantage as the government faced an army revolt in Veracruz. The rebels were able to seize the city of Guadalajara on June 18, 1928, the most significant victory for the Cristero forces. The government's inability to quell the rebellion led to growing international pressure to find a peaceful resolution, but Calles' government refused to negotiate with the rebels. As the conflict dragged on, the Knights of Columbus, a Catholic organization prominent in British North America, began covertly supplying the Cristeros with weapons and funds to continue their fight. Weeks after taking Guadalajara, the Cristeros were able to seize the city of Tepatitlán, signaling their strength.
However, the Christiad came to an abrupt end after the unexpected assassination of President Calles in Mejico City on July 17. Cristero propagandist José de León Toral assassinated President Calles and Puebla Governor Donato Bravo Izquierdo, as they were having breakfast in the Mejico City café of El Bombillo. Toral had a background as a caricaturist, and used his art skills to distract President Calles by drawing him as he had breakfast. After Calles complimented his work, Toral pulled out a concealed gun and fired four shots, killing President Calles and Governor Bravo. This event became known as the "El Bombillo Magnicide", and generated an intense national commotion and a fear of a new large-scale civil war due to the momentum of the Cristero offensive and Federal Army fatigue after decades of conflict. By assassinating President Calles, Toral planned to end what he perceived as successive decades of war and terror being waged on Catholics. Cristero propaganda often depicted Calles as a modern-day Nero, scorning on persecuted Catholics.
Starting in October 1927, Anglo-American Ambassador Dwight Morrow engaged in a series of dialogues with Calles, addressing a variety of issues, including religious unrest and oil. Morrow's intention was to end the confrontation for regional security reasons and to resolve the Anglo-American oil issue. However, Calles' tenure was abruptly interrupted after his assassination, severely damaging the peace process. In September 1928, Congress appointed Emilio Portes Gil as interim president and, in order to avoid further violence, called for early elections to be held in the same year. In November 1928, former New Mejico Governor Octaviano Larrazolo was elected as the new President. Larrazolo proved to be more conciliatory towards the Church and allowed Morrow to restart peace efforts, culminating in the signing of an agreement known as "Los Arreglos" on June 21, 1929. This pact allowed the resumption of worship in Mejico, repealed the compulsory registration of priests, restored Church property rights, reopened convents and seminaries, and allowed religious instruction in churches and parochial schools, but not in public schools, also granting the right of citizens, including clergy, to file petitions to reform laws.
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During the previous years, anticlerical officers hostile to the federal government had joined the rebels. When the agreement between the government and the Church became known, most of the rebels returned home, feeling that their battle had been won. However, a minority continued to seek the establishment of Catholicism as the national religion, but these were threatened by the Church with excommunication, as an amicable settlement with the government had been achieved, and the rebellion gradually died down. The officers, fearing to be judged as traitors, tried to keep the rebellion alive. Their attempt failed, and many were captured and jailed. By the end of the war, it had claimed the lives of some 110,000 people: 70,000 Federals, 33,000 Cristeros, together with tens of thousands more wounded, and numerous civilians who were killed in anti-clerical raids after the end of the war. The amount of displaced civilians contributed to the demographic explosion experienced in the provinces of the New North. Larrazolo would be a very short-lived president, as he was of old age when he assumed the charge. However, he would be highly influential despite his short term, welcoming the Royal Family back into the country, initiating the development of political and economic reform, and most importantly, bringing José Vasconcelos back into the national cabinet, installing him once more as the Minister of Education. There, Vasconcelos was able to further his goal of creating the intellectual, scientific, and aesthetic elite of the nation. Larrazolo also had the opportunity to appoint one of the most significant generals of the Christiad, Enrique Gorostieta, as head of the Ministry of National Defence, allowing him to strengthen the army, and incorporating the centuries-old and formerly-dissolved under the Calles government Mejican Catholic Military Orders into the army of the Empire.
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Vasconcelist Era (1930-1959)
Octaviano Larrazolo had a very brief presidency and passed away from natural causes in 1930. The second snap elections in just two years were called, and José Vasconcelos, a member of the National Catholic Party, who advocated for national renewal, national conservatism, and fascism, emerged victorious in the elections by a significant margin, primarily supported by Mejico's large Catholic population. His ideology, now known as Vasconcelos, promoted collectivism and a strong central government. Inspired by European fascist regimes, especially Agostino Mussolini's Italy, Vasconcelos aimed for a paternalistic regime and state nationalism, with an emphasis on cultural unity. He saw this as an alternative to the attraction of the Soviet Union's socialism for the urban working class. Despite his admiration for fascism, Vasconcelos centered on a strong state and unity through miscegenation rather than racial supremacy.
Vasconcelos wrote of his views on race in his magnum opus, La Raza Cósmica, where he envisioned a harmonious blend of European, Amerindian, Asian, and African heritage, leaning towards European influence, to uplift Mejico into a global power. He aimed to overcome stagnation and cultivate a new Mejican culture characterized by family values, corporatism, fascism, and the guiding hand of the Catholic Church. This culture was seen as a unifying force, transcending race for the benefit of the Mejican nation.
During his early years, his presidency was characterized by a series of transformative policies aimed at consolidating his vision for Mejico. Vasconcelos' administration undertook significant efforts to restructure both the political and social landscapes of the nation. On February 1931, King Agustín IV, who had been welcomed back into the country in 1929, passed away, and was succeeded by his son, Fernando I, who had become a professed nationalist during his family's exile. The new king's nationalism made him an important ally of Vasconcelos, giving way to close collaboration. This partnership between Vasconcelos and King Fernando I altered the nation's governance, as the monarchy publicly aligned itself with the president's ideology, lending significant gravitas to Vasconcelos' regime.
One of Vasconcelos' early transformative policies was the National Cultural Revolution (Spanish: Revolución cultural nacional), which aimed to instil a sense of national pride. This cultural revolution impacted education, art, music, fashion, architecture, historiography, and many other aspects of social life. Vasconcelos emphasized the cultivation of a unified national identity through the elevation of the country's Indigenous and European roots, promoting historical narratives that celebrated Mejico's pre-Columbian civilizations alongside colonial triumphs, especially the Tlaxcaltec peoples and the Spaniards. The Vasconcelist Youth Vanguards (Spanish: Vanguardias Juveniles Vasconcelistas; VJV), inspired by similar youth organizations in Europe, were established to instil the regime's ideals in the younger generation. Vasconcelist education and school curricula reflected the administration's values, promoting subjects that highlighted Mejico's grandeur, while marginalizing foreign influences and ideologies seen as antithetical to the regime.
Another important aspect of Vasconcelos' early regime was his relationship with the far-right paramilitary group, the Mejicanist Revolutionary Action (Spanish: Acción Revolucionaria Mejicanista; ARM), led by General Nicolás Rodríguez Carrasco. The ARM, also known as the Gold Shirts, were initially allies of Vasconcelos, as they had a shared nationalist vision for Mejico's future. The Gold Shirts supported the government during street brawls against leftist groups, establishing themselves as fierce defenders of Vasconcelism. As a paramilitary group, the ARM was instrumental in enforcing Vasconcelos' policies and maintaining public order; with the endorsement of the regime, the Gold Shirts exerted control over many urban centers, ensuring that Vasconcelist rallies and meetings proceded uninterrupted. The relationship between Vaconcelos and Rodríguez was complex, as his ambitions and his pro-Hitlerite views often caused friction with the regime, putting the president in a precarious position.
In 1934, with a majority in both chambers of the legislature, the National Catholic Party passed several amendments to the 1917 Constitution, including the economy's restructuration into a corporatist model, creating numerous corporate groups that represented various sectors of the economy, including workers, peasants, businesses, and professionals. The Secretariat of Corporations and the Corporative Chamber were established by decree, tasked with organizing and coordinating the activities of these corporate groups to ensure the harmonious and efficient functioning of Mejico's economy. This restructuring aimed to reduce class conflict by integrating labor and industry into a united, state-directed economic system, reminiscent of Mussolini's corporatism in Italy. Vasconcelos also abrogated practically all of the 1917 Constitution's anti-clerical articles, seeking rapprochement with the Catholic Church which, in turn, lent its considerable influence to the Vasconcelist agenda.
In the 1935 elections, the National Catholic Party, buoyed by its successful and transformative policies, won an overwhelming majority in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. This strong electoral mandate allowed Vasconcelos to further consolidate his power and push forward his comprehensive agenda for national renewal. The corporatist model was reinforced by this electoral victory, further integrating the various sectors into the state. It has been alleged that many of the opposition parties during the election, such as the National Revolutionary Party, the Laborist Party, and the Mejican Communist Party, faced significant obstacles during the electoral process, including limited access to media, harassment by the Gold Shirts, and allegations of voter intimidation. These accusations, however, were largely overshadowed by the large majority won by Vasconcelos - over 70% of the vote.
With a stronger mandate, the legislature being under the PNC's control, and 42 provinces falling in line with the central government's policies, Vasconcelos embarked on an ambitious project to further centralize authority and shape Mejico into a modern, cohesive state. After his victory, Vasconcelos enforced his demographic policy of Castizaje, welcoming hundreds of thousands of immigrants - primarily from Europe - and encouraging rural immigration to the cities. Rural areas were mostly mestizo, while the cities were mostly criollo, creating a demographic shift that aimed to systematically blend Mejico's urban and rural populations. This policy, controversial as it was, was aimed at fostering a unified national identity, reducing regional disparities, and catapult the "castizo" category into a national majority.
Becoming increasingly authoritarian as the years went on, Vasconcelos reached numerous agreements with European fascist powers, solidifying Mejico's position as an emerging nationalist state. The strategic partnerships bolstered his regime by securing military, economic, and technological assistance. By 1937, the regime had further cemented control through the creation of the Secretariat of Information (Spanish: Secretaría de Información), conceived to manage public perception and stifle dissent. The Secretariat played a key role in censoring media and spreading propaganda, ensuring that only content favorable to Vasconcelos' cult of personality and his policies reached the populace. Sociologist Hugo Lupinacci, known as the "Mejican Goebbels" for his ideas on cultural hegemony and ideological capture, was appointed as the head of the secretariat and, under his leadership, the agency implemented a propaganda campaign that permeated all aspects of society.
During the same year, the regime initiated the Grand Infrastructure Plan (Spanish: Gran Plan Infraestructural), an expansive project that overhauled the country's essential services and transportation network. This plan included the construction of new highways, railways, public buildings, monumental infrastructure, and urban development projects. The aim was not only to modernize Mejico's infrastructure but also to provide employment opportunities and revitalize the economy. Reflective of the regime's corporatist policies, the projects were coordinated between the state-controlled corporate groups and executed with meticulous planning. Each sector of society, from labor unions to professional associations, was mobilized in this grand venture, ensuring that the initiative had widespread buy-in and was heralded as a symbol of national unity and progress.
Labor was further tied to the government after Vasconcelos banned most labor unions, replacing it with the National Union of Mejican Workers (Unión Nacional de Trabajadores Mejicanos; UNTM) in 1938. The UNTM, led by Lázaro Rivas, a close ally of Vasconcelos and supporter of his corporatist vision. The creation of the UNTM was framed as a necessary reform to curb the influence of "subversive" elements within the labor movement while also centralizing control of labor relations under the state. The union was structured in a hierarchical manner, with strict oversight by governmental authorities, ensuring that labor activities conformed to the regime's policies and did not foster dissent. Rivas quickly set about integrating the labor force into the state's corporatist framework. Under his leadership, the union established compulsory membership for all workers within its jurisdiction, eliminating independent labor activism. The UNTM was praised by regime loyalists as a model of efficiency and unity, playing a significant role in the Grand Infrastructure Plan by mobilizing the workforce for various projects and enforcing stringent productivity measures.
As several conflicts raged in Europe, Mejico became a signatory of the Pact of Unity and Collaboration, a French-led nationalist coalition aimed at countering the spread of communism. In 1938, recognizing the volatile geopolitical landscape, President Vasconcelos saw the potential benefits of aligning with like-minded nationalist governments in the Old World. Contact with Nationalist Spain, under General Francisco Franco, was frequent, and Mejico sent $7 million in gold for the purchase of arms on their behalf. Later, in October 1938, the 30,000-strong contingent, the Escudos Humeantes, landed in Galicia to support the Catalonia Offensive. Led by General Quintín Uribe, the Escudos Humeantes played a significant role in the latter stages of the Spanish Civil War. Meanwhile, on the home front, the Mejican involvement in the Spanish Civil War served as both a rallying point and propaganda tool for Vasconcelos' regime. The state-controlled media, under Hugo Lupinacci, portrayed the Escudos Humeantes as heroic defenders of Hispanidad and anti-communism.
On December 12, 1938, while celebrating the 150th anniversary of Mejican independence, Vasconcelos was the target of an assassination attempt. While on a parade targeted towards the Basilica of Guadalupe, members of the Mejican Communist Party clashed with the Gold Shirts in an attempted assassination plot that aimed to eliminate Vasconcelos and destabilize his regime. The attack, orchestrated by Mejican painter David Alfaro Siqueiros, was thwarted by the Gold Shirts. In the chaos, several high-ranking Gold Shirts, including Nicolás Rodríguez, were injured, and dozens of communists were arrested or killed. Vasconcelos himself was grazed in the shoulder but managed to escape with minor injuries. The incident, however, provided an opportune moment for Vasconcelos to tighten his grip on power and initiate a crackdown on the opposition. Following the assassination attempt, Vasconcelos declared a state of emergency, granting extraordinary powers to the government. With the death of Rodríguez, who had been stabbed, the Gold Shirts were granted free reign to pursue and eliminate any elements deemed a threat to the regime. The crackdown was brutal and wide-reaching, resulting in the arrest and execution of numerous communist leaders, while thousands were imprisoned or fled into exile.
The Mejican Congress renewed the Law of Suspects (Ley de Sospechosos), allowing the government to detain and prosecute anyone suspected of subversive activities without due process. In the aftermath of the assassination attempt, the regime implemented a series of measures known as the December Directives (Directivas Decembrinas), which aimed to reinforce state security and further centralize power. Key among them was the creation of the Directorate of National Security (Dirección de Seguridad Nacional; DSN), a secret police force tasked with rooting out dissent and maintaining internal stability. Modeled after European examples such as Germany's Gestapo, the DSN was granted extensive surveillance and investigative powers. Hugo Lupinacci's Secretariat of Information worked closely with the DSN to identify and target individuals and groups opposed to the regime. Weeks later, on January 14, 1939, Vasconcelos and King Fernando I announced that elections would be "temporarily suspended" and most political activities effectively frozen. This effectively cemented a one-party state under Vasconcelos' leadership.
Mejico ramped up its support for anti-communist efforts in Europe by further increasing its financial and military aid. In early 1939, the Mejican government announced an additional $10 million allocation for supporting nationalist causes in Europe, reinforcing its commitment to the PUC. This financial aid was primarily directed towards reconstruction efforts in Spain, but also extended to other nationalist factions opposing communist influences, such as the British Union of Fascists combatting the Socialist Republic of Britain, the Iron Legion in Wallachia, and Poland's National Radical Camp. By the end of the 1930s, Mejico had become the strongest country in Iberoamerica, both in economic and military terms, surpassing Brazil and the vastly wealthy Argentina. The large industrial output of the country and its strategic alliances positioned Mejico as a significant player on the international stage. The tide of nationalism swept through society, heavily influencing its foreign policy.
By the 1940s, Mejico had a diversified economy that included manufacturing, mining, agriculture, and tourism. The country also had a strong financial sector, with the Mejican Central Bank, led by Guillermo Aragonés, stabilizing the currency and controlling inflation through strict monetary policies. This economic growth was bolstered by extensive infrastructure projects, engineering by influential urban planner Mario Pani, which included rural electrification and a network of highways linking key industrial hubs with urban centers. This infrastructure not only facilitated internal trade, but also streamlined the export of goods to European allies. The Zapopan School of Economics, led by Ernesto Navascués, combined aspects of import substitution industrialization, state-led development, and foreign direct investment within the corporatist framework, contributing to the Mejican Economic Miracle, characterized by rapid and sustained growth.
In 1941, Mejico declared war on the Communard Republic of North America, a communist state that had toppled the Kingdom of Louisiana in the 1910s. The decision to enter the war was motivated by several factors, including a desire to support the exiled Louisianan royal family, who had taken refuge in Mejico, as well as a committed anti-communism. The war effort required significant resources, and it would be the first true test of the fascist-inspired militarism in Mejico, requiring significant resources, which prompted the government to take steps to increase its control over the economy to mobilize resources. The armed citizenry was organized into paramilitary groups, which joined the Golden Shirts and the Knights of Christ the King, a military order of Cristero veterans. The declaration of war occurred in the port of Corpus Christi on May 13, 1941, where Vasconcelos and Fernando I made a joint address to the nation, declaring Mejico's commitment to defending the principles of religion, monarchy, and fascism against the threat of communism. They emphasized the historical ties between Mejico and Louisiana and expressed their solidarity with the royal family, vowing to restore the monarchy and eradicate communism from North America. In the weeks that followed, massive recruitment campaigns were launched, encouraging young men and women to join the armed forces or to participate in war-related industries. Propaganda efforts portrayed communism as a threat to the fabric of society and painted Mejico's role in the war as a heroic and virtuous struggle against evil.
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In the following months, Mejico advanced in the dual Padoucas and Saint-Esprit Offensives, managing to capture both Calhounville and Beaumont, being stalled momentarily in the city of Terreblanche during a siege which lasted over five weeks, one of the most brutal and bloodiest battles of the war. The Mejican forces, led by General Nicasio O'Toole, displayed great tenacity and determination, eventually breaking through enemy defenses and capturing the city on August 7, 1941. By December of the same year, Mejican forces under the leadership of General Rodolfo, II Duke of Otumba, cousin of Emiliano II, marched on Cansezville. At the same time, Communard forces carried out an amphibious counter-attack on the Yucatán Peninsula. On January 20, 1942, Central America entered the war following the Chetumal Incident. In an attempt to secure allies in their fight against Mejico, the Communard Republic reached out to Central America, seeking their support and cooperation. In response, through the Urquiza Address, Florida declared support for Mejico two days later, joining the fray. By this time, Communard amphibious attacks were still being carried out in Yucatán, where they successfully took both the island of Cozumel and the city of Cancún, while being stalled in Tampico, which they turned into one of their main bases of operations for their own war effort. Battles and offensives continued, with Mejico carrying out an inland push from their base in Cansezville - where King Maximilian II of Louisiana had established his own friendly government - and a simultaneous one from the Saint-Esprit River, where they marched on Nouvelle Orléans.
By March 3, 1942, Mejico sent the Valdecasas Telegram to Cuba, urging President Fulgencio Batista to join the war effort against the Communard Republic in exchange for significant economic and military aid. The telegram emphasized the common threat of communism and the importance of regional unity in the face of this ideological menace. Mejican diplomat Sergio Valdecasas played a pivotal role in securing the alliance between Mejico and Cuba, reinforcing Mejico's southern flank and adding pressure to the Communard forces. With the promise of economic benefits and military support, Cuba agreed to enter the war on Mejico's side, sending a significant number of troops and resources to help with the war effort in the Yucatán Peninsula, where Mejican General Felipe Scialdone commanded the defensive efforts. Through Mejico's good relationship with Spain, the División Azul was also sent to reinforce Mejican forces in the Yucatán, while the Mejican Imperial Army focused on taking Saint Louis and Nouvelle Orléans, bombarding several Central American cities, and supporting and funding independence movements in El Salvador. Meanwhile, Florida moved to occupy the territories of Valdosta, a small strip of land on its border with Louisiana.
With the involvement of Cuban and Spanish forces, the tide of the war shifted again in Mejico's favor. Communard forces faced significant setbacks in their attempts to establish a beachhead in both Tampico and Veracruz, being repelled from the latter on April 17, 1942, due to which the city was given, for the third time, the title of "Heroic". By May, with its capital Managua heavily bombarded, Central America capitulated, with Mejico seeking the independence of both El Salvador and Costa Rica. At the same time, Hispano-Cuban forces retook the entirety of Yucatán, expelling the Communards from western Mérida, where they had established a poorly-run commune with some Magonist remnants. On May 19, 1942, Mejican forces were defeated at the First Battle of Nouvelle Orléans, where Jean, Prince Royal, the heir apparent of Maximilian II, suffered mortal wounds, and eventually passed away. However, forces led jointly by the deposed Maximilian II and the Duke of Otumba marched on Saint Louis. Mejico then established a military occupation of Guatemala under General Heliodoro Prieto Castillo and coerced Central America into the negotiation table. After several failed discussions, Vasconcelos and Fernando commanded Admiral Othón P. Blanco to carry out a naval invasion of San Pedro Sula, which he completed by June 25, 1942. The successful invasion of San Pedro Sula, coupled with the military occupation of the entirety of Guatemala, prompted the Central American government to sign the Treaty of Chetumal on July 4, through which both El Salvador and Costa Rica became independent republics, aligned with the Vasconcelist government.
Back home, Mejico had united the most prestigious scientists in the country in a secret project to develop an atomic bomb. Known as Proyecto Uranio, led by theoretical physicist Aarón Bracamontes and counting with the collaboration of other known scientists such as David Alejandro Thornton, Óscar Hirschfelder, Alejo Ruvalcaba García, Ricardo Adler and Juan Miguel Padrón, the project aimed to give Mejico a technological edge in the war. Mejican General Ignacio de la Peña was tasked with overseeing the development of the project. Facilities were spread across multiple secret locations, including the enigmatic Los Álamos Research Complex and the underground laboratories at Zacatecas. With its secrecy paramount, the scientists worked tirelssly and made signficant progress in their nuclear search, leading to the successful test of the Mejican atomic bomb on September 15, 1943, in Los Álamos, New New Mejico. However, accusations of espionage rocked the Mejican scientific team, and Hirschfelder was implicated in passing sensitive information to the Communard Republic. The accusations sparked a rigorous internal investigation led by General de la Peña, and Hirschfelder was detained on September 27, 1943.
The unprecedented display of military poower sent shockwaves throughout the world and put the Communard Republic on the back foot. Despite the threat of nuclear destruction, Communard leaders Isidore d'Eichthal and Louis-Lucien Bonfils, who had created their own nuclear research project, did not sue for peace. In the following months, Mejican, Floridian and Cuban forces took Mobile, Pascagoula, and Biloxi, and began to siege Nouvelle Orléans once more. On August 22, Saint Louis finally fell to Mejican forces, commanded by the General Iván Garza, while Maximilian II moved his itinerant capital to the outskirts of the city. With the Mejican-occupied territories firmly under control, Mejican forces dedicated themselves to the capture of the very heavily fortified Nouvelle Orléans. Three months of urban combat wore out the militaries of both nations, with the Communards enacting a mass conscription policy to bolster their ranks, which in turn led to public disobedience, youth riots, and even small-scale uprisings in some key Communist-controlled cities. As the Second Battle of Nouvelle Orléans raged on, a series of defections and internal power struggles within the Communard Republic weakened their military capabilities. Guillaume Beaugendre, former Chief of Staff of the Communard Army, deserted to join Mejican forces, leading to the Hug of Laplace. It was not until November 6 that the city fell. With the fall of the city, Vasconcelos, Fernando, and Maximilien II entered the city triumphantly. In the aftermath of the war, Mejico established a military occupation over the former Communist territories, maintaining order and overseeing the transition to a new order. Communard leaders d'Eichthal and Bonfils were apprehended, tried, and sentenced for their roles in the conflict. The trials were held in an international tribunal, overseen by representatives from Mejico, Florida, Cuba, and Spain, as well as other nations within the Unity Pact. D'Eichthal and Bonfils were found guilty of war crimes, including the use of chemical weapons and repression of civilian populations, and were sentenced to death by hanging.
On November 11, 1943, the Peace of Beaumont was signed between Mejico and Louisiana, establishing a new geopolitical order in North America. The Peace of Beaumont outlined the terms of surrender for the Communard Republic, oversaw the re-establishment of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine in the Louisianan throne, and saw the accession of Louisiana into the Unity Pact. With the monarchy restored, Mejico sought to stabilize and rebuild the war-torn country. Reconstruction efforts in the formerly Communist territories were focused on rebuilding infrastructure, restoring essential services, and providing aid to those affected by the war. The presence of Mejican, Floridian, and Cuban forces ensured a degree of security and stability during the early post-war period.
During the war, keeping inflation under control became the primary goal of the Secretariat of the Economy, Ernesto Navascués, who implemented strict price controls and rationing measures to ensure the stability of the economy during wartime. The government also nationalized key industries such as oil, mining, and transportation to better allocate resources and ensure efficient production for the war effort. Through centralized planning and the imposition of autarkic policies, the regime aimed to minimize dependence on foreign imports and maximize domestic production. The government invested heavily in research and development to boost technological advancements and increase military capabilities. With the shift of the wartime economy, the government established a greater bureaucracy to help with mobilization. Vasconcelos and Fernando raised taxes, which paid for half the war's costs, and borrowed money in the form of war bonds to cover the rest of the expenses. This was done together with the creation of a handful of agencies to help funnel resources towards the war effort the National War Production Board (BNPB), the Armed Forces' Supply Organization (ORFA), and the Scientific Resources Administration (ARC). The BNPB centralized control over industrial production and ensured that crucial resources such as steel, rubber, and coal were directed towards the manufacturing of military goods. The ORFA, on the other hand, coordinated logistic efforts to provide the military with the necessary equipment, supplies, and personnel to sustain operations on multiple fronts. Mejico's wartime economy also saw significant shifts in its labor force, with many of its men being drafted into the military, women and teenagers were forced to take on jobs in the factories and on the farms.
Political pluralism following the war saw a small resurgence, although at all times under state surveillance. Only compatible ideologies were permitted to exist legally, leading to the formation of numerous state-approved political parties. The National Synarchist Union (UNS), founded in 1937, was the first party to be reintegrated into the political landscape due to its alignment with the government's broader goals of national unity and self-sufficiency. Salvador Abascal, who had become one of the most important members of the government by this time, was granted the opportunity to establish utopic synarchist towns in 1942. The territory of Lower San Fulgencio was chosen as the location for these experimental communities, aimed at creating traditional, Castizo-only communities based on the values of the UNS. Villa María Auxiliadora was the first such town founded, and it remains the largest synarchist town in Mejico to this day. In 1945, Mejico passed the Law of Mass Media, marking a significant shift in the control and dissemination of information within the country. This legislation aimed to consolidate the government's influence over the media landscape, ensuring that all mass communication channels aligned with the state's ideology and objectives. The law mandated that all radio stations, newspapers, and emerging television networks adhere to strict content guidelines that promoted the cultural values espoused by the government. The newspaper Excélsior was temporarily closed from 1945 to 1946 after a series of editorials criticized the government's handling of post-war reconstruction efforts in Cancún. Excélsior was re-opened in 1946 under a new, sympathetic leadership. The period also saw an increase in state-owned media channels, with the establishment of the National Broadcast Corporation (Corporación Nacional de Radiodifusión; CNR) and Churubusco Studios, a cinematographic enterprise.
On January 16, 1949, the Office of Iberoamerican Education (OEI) was founded and held its first summit in the city of Madrid, Spain. The OEI would eventually become the Hispanoamerican Union in 1967, and then the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations in 1973 - one of the main drivers of Hispanic unity as well as cultural and economic collaboration across Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries. The foundation of the OEI has been seen as one of the main triumphs of Vasconcelism, as the office eventually led to the creation of one of the world's prime economic, political, military, and scientific blocs. Other important geopolitical moves during this period include the signing of the Halifax-Miravalle Pact between Mejico and the United British Empire in 1946, signalling the openness towards collaboration between Mejico and other global powers. The rise of many right-wing figures in Iberoamerica during this period has also been credited to "Operation Cenzontle", an alleged covert operation carried out by Mejico's intelligence services to support and influence like-minded political movements and regimes across the region. The operation aimed to strengthen the position of anti-communist and national-syndicalist forces, ensuring the regional dominance of ideologies aligned with Mejico’s Vasconcelist regime. Central America, Brazil, Louisiana, Argentina, and New Granada are cited as examples of successful operations during Vasconcelos' tenure.
In 1949, Vasconcelos announced the Plan Atómico, a strategy aimed at positioning Mejico as the world's leading scientific and nuclear power. Creating the Royal Commission for Atomic Energy (Real Comisión de la Energía Atómica; RCEA) under the leadership of theoretical physicist and leader of Proyecto Uranio, Aarón Bracamontes, the government's ambitions soared to unprecedented heights, allocating large budgets that were often a source of controversy. The centerpiece of the Plan Atómico was the construction of the National Atomic Research Complex (Complejo Nacional de Investigación Atómica; CNIA) in Querétaro, designed to house multiple reactors, laboratories, and a specialized university dedicated to nuclear science and engineering. Between 1949 and 1959, Mejico built over 100 nuclear reactors across the country. The first nuclear power plant, the Central Nuclear Laguna Verde, was opened in Veracruz on December 20, 1952.
The 1950s, the latter years of the Vasconcelist regime, were characterized by the growth of an urban countercultural movement, a succession crisis, the proclamation of the Mejican Empire in 1957, and the completion of the ideological capture of Mejican universities. The countercultural movement, inspired by rapid modernization and the influx of foreign cultural influences, saw young Mejicans embracing new forms of music, fashion, and literature that often clashed with the values upheld by the regime. Jazz, rock 'n' roll, and beat poetry became symbols of rebellion against state-imposed cultural norms. The government responded with a mix of repression and co-optation, creating state-sanctioned music festivals and cultural events that attempted to steer the youthful energy into more "acceptable" expressions. The "La Onda" movement was founded by young artists, who attempted to create a unique cultural identity that blended traditional Mejican elements with modern, globalized influences. Its members often found themselves under surveillance, with key figures arrested or "disappeared" if deemed too subversive.
Anxiety over the succession loomed over the country as King Emiliano I, who rose to power in 1952, had fathered a total of five children over two marriages, all of them women. His eldest daughter, Ana Margarita, was 32 years older and his youngest, Fernanda Augusta, and King Emiliano wished for Ana Margarita to succeed him. Despite the wishes of the King, the succession issue became a subject of debate and speculation among the elite, political factions, and the general public. There were four main monarchist factions: the Traditionalists, aligned with Emiliano's uncle, also named Emiliano, the "Margarinos", aligned with Ana Margarita, the Otumbists, aligned with Luis, III Duke of Otumba, second cousin of Emiliano I, and the smaller Gabrielist faction, which aligned with the pretender "Gabriel V". Vasconcelos delegated the issue to Salvador Abascal, tasked with managing the succession crisis and ensuring a smooth transfer of power. Abascal worked to prevent the situation from spiraling into a political crisis. On the surface, he attempted to find a compromise and maintain stability, while he worked covertly with Lupinacci to subvert the claims of other pretenders, themselves supporting the claim of Emiliano, then the Duke of Puebla, to the throne. Through backroom negotiations and strategic alliances, Abascal managed to secure the support of the majority of the NCP for the Duke of Puebla's succession, as he was seen as the most politically acceptable and most capable option due to his close ties to Vasconcelos and his commitment to continuing his policies, gaining the recognition of Duke of Tlaxcala, the title of the heir apparent, in 1954.
By the time of the death of Emiliano I, his uncle succeeded him as Emiliano II. Mejico had, for a long time, seen itself as an empire, and was internationally recognized as one, despite officially being a Kingdom. On the day of his coronation at the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mejico City, December 29, 1957, Emiliano II gave the "Proclamation of Empire" speech, in which he declared Mejico's ambition to solidify its status not just as a kingdom, but as a preeminent empire among the nations of the Americas and beyond. This move was met with mixed reactions, both domestically and internationally. Within Mejico, the declaration brought about great national pride among conservative circles and ridicule among countercultural movements, as Emiliano II was an old man at the time of his coronation. Some nations particularly in Iberoamerica, reacted with a mixture of scorn and praise. The Brazilian Empire, under Emperor Pedro III, viewed this as an overreach, a direct challenge to Brazil's own aspirations in South America. Many of the long-established European monarchies saw the House of Bourbon-Iturbide as arriviste, although most of them acted with pragmatism; others, such as the House of Kossuth in Hungary, expressed support for the newly established Empire. Despite the mixed reaction, Mejican hegemony in its leading role within the PUC helped solidify the legitimacy of the Empire on the international stage. Coincidentally, Emiliano II had married Queen Caroline Clémentine, daughter of King Philip VII of France, in 1900, aiding in strengthening the ties between Mejican and European royals. This marriage further bolstered the image of Emiliano II as the most politically viable monarch for the country.
The last major project of the Vasconcelist regime was the ideological capture of Mejican universities. Despite the work of Hugo Lupinacci at the Secretariat of Information, many Mejican universities had either Communist clubs or tenured professors, which was seen as an affront to the ideological unity that the regime sought to promote. Beginning in 1950, the regime launched a campaign to transform higher education in Mejico, instilling Vasconcelist principles into the school curriculum, promoting "pro-Mejican" research initiatives, and firing faculty members who were deemed ideologically incompatible with the regime. This campaign faced fierce resistance from leftist students and academics, who argued for intellectual freedom and diversity of thought. Protests erupted on campus grounds across major universities, leading to clashes with security forces. The "cleansing fire" of Lupinacci, who claimed that "an average partisan is better than a highly-qualified traitor", continued to stoke tensions between the regime and university communities. The government's methods, which included surveillance, purges, and the creation of the MURO (Movimiento Universitario de Renovadora Orientación; University Movement of Renewing Orientation), intensified the atmosphere of confrontation. The MURO was accused by many of being a front for "El Yunque", an ultraconservative organization. Between 1950 and 1959, more than 1,500 professors were expelled from their positions under the pressure of the regime, and technocrats were appointed as rectors of most major universities. José Vasconcelos passed away on June 30, 1959, at the age of 77. His death marked the end of an era in Mejican politics, particularly the era of intense ideological transformation that he spearheaded since the 1930s. Vasconcelos was a key figure in the promotion of a distinct Mejican identity rooted in nationalism and cultural revival, inspired by his vision of a united Mejican race. Vasconcelos was given a state funeral, attended by many prominent figures, including politicians, clergy members, members of the military, of the nobility, and foreign dignitaries from across the Americas, Europe, and Asia. Vasconcelos had long planned for the succession after his death, known as the Plan de Continuidad, which aimed to ensure that his legacy would persist beyond his passing. Under this plan, Vasconcelos had designated Salvador Abascal, a close ally and prominent member of the government, as his successor. Abascal, who had served in various government positions and had been a key architect of many of the regime's ideological campaigns, was seen as a natural choice for maintaining the course Vasconcelos had set forth.
Abascalist Era (1959-1970)
Salvador Abascal, leader of the National Synarchist Union and member of Vasconcelos' cabinet as Secretary of the Interior, assumed the presidency of Mejico following the death of José Vasconcelos in 1959. Already one of the country's most powerful and influential people, as the right-hand man of Vasconcelos, the naming of Abascal as successor in the Plan de Continuidad solidified his position within the national government. In his inauguration speech, following two weeks of national mourning, Abascal emphasized the importance of unity and continuity in his administration, declaring that he would continue to honor Vasconcelos' vision of a "castizo nation" and would "defend the homeland like a brave hound". As a synarchist, Abascal was inclined towards a nationalist, corporatist, national-syndicalist ideology that sought to integrate the various elements of Mejican society into a strong, centralized state. A follower of Charles Maurras, Ernesto Valverde, and his mentor, Vasconcelos, he continued the duumvirate system with the Mejican monarchs, sharing power and remaining true to the principles that had shaped the nation under Vasconcelos.
One of his first moves as President of the Government was the creation of the Secretariat of Settlements and Urban Development (SECTUR), which was managed by his ally Estanislao Kaczmarek. SECTUR was established on September 13, 1959, and was tasked with overseeing the restructuring of urban areas across the country. The demographic policies of rural-to-urban and European migration continued during Abascal's administration, with many cities reporting growth rates of over 10% annually. This urban expansion was accompanied by the implementation of significant infrastructure projects, aimed at modernizing Mejico's cities and accommodating the influx of migrants. Additionally, measures were adopted to promote the integration and assimilation - ethnic, ideological and cultural - of the mestizo population, as marriages between criollos and mestizos were promoted to procreate castizos, the ethnic ideal articulated by Vasconcelos. This policy was part of a broader strategy known as the "Casta Initiative", aimed at promoting social cohesion and defusing ethnic tensions within an increasingly diverse society. The "Satellite System" was also created as a suburbanization program designed to alleviate urban overcrowding and improve living conditions, while the "Vertical City" initiative sought to construct high-rise residential buildings in urban centers.
Between 1960 and 1962, a series of scandals regarding the Corporative Chamber, such as the misallocation of public funds, irregularities in contracts, and traffic of influences, including the Metzenbaum scandal, threatened to undermine the legitimacy of Abascal's administrations. These scandals, characterized by alleged corruption among powerful business interests within the government, prompted outrage and protests across various sectors of society. Abascal, expanding on the 1934 Law of Trials of Residence, which only affected officials of the Treasury, expanded the law by decree in 1962 to encompass all government officials, allowing for the prosecution of those deemed guilty of corruption and misuse of public resources. The members of the influential Metzenbaum group, an alliance of 16 business representatives in the Chamber, led by business owner Leví Metzenbaum, were tried and convicted under this newly amended legislation. Metzenbaum's Judaism and the subsequent media portrayal of him as a symbol of corruption sparked considerable backlash, leading to accusations of anti-Semitism in Mejican society.
Following in Vasconcelos' footsteps, Abascal sought to strengthen the country's different institutions, including the army, corporations, and the banking system. In 1964, the New Laws of Reform (Nuevas Leyes de Reforma) were passed, which aimed at consolidating corporate governance and enhancing the role of the Corporative Chamber in national policy-making. These laws established a more rigorous framework for corporate accountability while promoting the integration of private enterprise into public policy. By formalizing the relationships between the state and corporations, the New Laws reinforced the existing structure, elevating the mediation power of the state to harmonize the tripartite interests of labor, capital, and the government. Notably, under the new laws, multiple new syndicates were allowed to operate separately from the National Union of Mejican Workers, facilitating a more pluralistic labor environment. As for the Army, Abascal implemented a modernization program, focusing on the professional development and operational readiness of the Mejican Armed Forces. The Secretariat of War was replaced by the Secretariat of National Defense and the Secretariat of the Navy, and the acquisition of advanced military technology, such as the BSMI Cuitláhuac in 1965, then the world's largest aircraft carrier, was prioritized to better equip the military for domestic and international challenges.
In 1966, Abascal carried out one of his main projects - the drafting of a new Constitution. While the 1917 Constitution had been amended several times by José Vasconcelos' administration, Abascal sought to establish a more comprehensive and lasting framework that would consolidate the principles of Vasconcelism and Synarchism and address the complexities of a modernizing nation. The new Constitution of 1966 embedded a more intricate balance between authoritarian control and limited political pluralism, reflecting Abascal's vision of a guided democracy. The document was drafted in Mejico City by a team of important jurists, such as Don Eduardo García de Maynez, Monteros, Don Manuel Torres Bueno, Adolfo Aguilar Quevedo, Don Francisco Javier Álvarez de la Fuente, Don Ignacio Galindo Garfias, Francisco Herrera de Fuenlabrada and Miguel Ángel Jiménez Carrasco. On October 15, 1966, the new Constitution was lauded by the Mejican Congress as a landmark achievement and was swiftly ratified. It emphasized the principles of patriotism, synarchism, castizaje, enshrined Mejico as a confessional state, and recognized both the divine right of kings and the popular will as the source of legitimacy for the Mejican crown.
In the economic sphere, he continued with the industrial and agricultural development policies implemented during Vasconcelism. He encouraged the creation of parastatal companies and the attraction of foreign investment to boost economic growth. As an advocate of distributism, the financing of small and medium enterprises became a focal point in Abascal's economic strategy, establishing the National Fund for Small and Medium Enterprises (Fondo Nacional para las Pequeñas y Medianas Empresas; FONAPYME), which provided low-interest loans and technical assistance to encourage entrepreneurship and local production. Whereas in banking, leaning more towards technocracy and economic liberalization, Abascal initiated reforms that modernized the banking system, seeking greater efficiency and competitiveness. In 1965, the Mejican Central Bank was granted greater autonomy from government influence, allowing for independent monetary policy and interest rate management. Abascal also focused on strengthening Mejico's international relations. Aware of the importance of the global economy, he sought to diversify the country's commercial relations and promote foreign trade. To this end, he established trade and diplomatic agreements with various nations, especially with Iberoamerican and European countries. In addition, Abascal defended the principles of Vasconcelism in international organizations, promoting the nation's interests before the League of Nations. The sour relations with the Japanese Empire and the Co-Prosperity Sphere, particularly over the issue of the Javay Islands and the Philippines, were mended through a series of negotiations in 1966 that led to the signing of the Robles-Xindô Accords, facilitating trade exchanges, concessions on fishing rights, and cultural exchange between Mejico and Japan. These accords marked a significant thaw in diplomatic relations, allowing Mejico to tap into Japanese technological advancements and fostering collaboration in various sectors, including agriculture and manufacturing.
Leading to the creation of the Hispanoamerican Union, at the V Summit of the Office of Iberoamerican Education, celebrated in 1965 in the city of Veracruz, Abascal promoted the establishment of a unified framework for cooperation among Hispanoamerican countries. The Hispanoamerican Union, eventually established in 1967, sought to foster cultural, educational, political, scientific, and economic collaboration across the region, emphasizing shared historical ties and the promotion of collective development strategies. Abascal and Emperor Agustín V, who acceded to the throne in 1964, were both committed to the ideals of Hispanic unity and cooperation, believing that the expansion of the faculties of the OIE would enhance regional stability and prosperity. Both men maintained a close relationship with Spain's Francisco Franco, Argentina's Alfredo Strößner, and Perú's Fernando Belaúnde. This alignment facilitated the exchange of resources, military technology, and intelligence among these nations, collectively known as the "Hispanic Bloc". State control over culture, education, corporations, the media, and art in general allowed Abascal to maintain ideological control and promote national values. Abascal called them "axes", and sought to mark Mejico's position as the hegemon of the scientific axis as well. Under Vasconcelos, in 1956, Mejico had become one of the world's first countries to launch a satellite into orbit. Participating in the Cosmic Game with the British Empire, Russia, and Germany, and with the support of the OIE, Mejico embarked on a joint space program, underpinned by the Florida-based National Institute of Aeronautical Technology (Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Aeronáutica; INTA), developing the technology needed to send astronauts to the Moon and eventually beyond. The INTA's Colón Program began on December 7, 1959, and paid off when, on February 3, 1966, Argentine, Spanish, and Mejican astronauts Roberto Oliveira Pérez, Federico Barceló Michelena, and Alan Lozoya Bean, became the first men to set foot on the Moon during the historic Colón 9 mission. The feat was celebrated with great jubilation across the Hispanic Bloc, and Mejico emerged as a space-faring power.
Another important aspect of the Abascaline government was its initial openness to the democratization of the country. In parallel to what the Porfirian rulers did, Abascal declared on multiple occasions his intention to implement a rotating system of power, in which different political parties could participate in the elections and alternate in the government. Some progress was made in terms of citizen participation and political openness, allowing the formation and operation of some political parties, as long as they were aligned with the ideology of Vasconcelism and met certain standards of loyalty to the State and its institutions. In addition, elections were held at the local and regional levels, allowing citizens to elect their representatives in different governmental bodies. However, important decision-making and the direction of the country remained the exclusive responsibility of the duumvirate and its close circles.
The Catholic Church continued to play a fundamental role in Mejican society during Abascal's government. Abascal sought to convert the Mejican man into a model of masculine and Christian virtue, promoting values such as faith, morality, vitality, and obedience to the Church. A close collaboration was established between the government and the Church, with the objective of preserving the Catholic tradition and promoting its influence in society. Evangelization programs were promoted and the participation of the Church in education and social assistance was encouraged. In addition, the relationship with the Papal States was strengthened, seeking the support and legitimacy of the Pope and the Catholic hierarchy. Policies were also implemented to protect and preserve the religious heritage, promoting the restoration of churches and historical monuments and supporting the Church's participation in cultural and religious events. Important church hierarchs during this period include Abp. Miguel Darío Miranda of Mejico City, Msg. Adalberto Ballester, Chief Inquisitor, and Cdl. Ricardo Araújo. The Spanish prelature Opus Dei also garnered significant influence in Mejico during the 1960s, aligning closely with governmental policies aimed at reinforcing Catholic values in public life.
In terms of infrastructure, Abascal was always resolute and fervent in its improvement and modernization. Important infrastructure projects were carried out to improve the country's connectivity and development. New projects were built and expanded to facilitate the transportation of goods and promote national and international trade. The high-speed rail system, known as AVEMEX, was widely expanded throughout the country, connecting the main cities and regions. Investment was also made in the metro systems of the various metropolises, considering them a strong metaphor for the functioning of the country, with Abascal remarking that "the machinery of the State could not function without the impeccable punctuality of the transportation system". In addition, port modernization and expansion projects were carried out, with the goal of boosting maritime trade and making Mejico a logistical powerhouse. Through these efforts, Abascal was able to create new jobs and opportunities for Mejicans and promote economic growth and development. The flagship projects of this infrastructure initiative were the Puente Baluarte, a large cable-stayed bridge completed in 1968, which connected the provinces of Sinaloa and Durango, and the Interoceanic Corridor of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, completed in 1970, a modernization project that renewed railways, highways, and port facilities in Oajaca and Veracruz.
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Abascal defended Mejican industry through protectionist policies aimed at fostering domestic production and prohibiting the offshoring of labor-intensive industries. These policies were complemented by significant state investment in key sectors such as the automotive industry, manufacturing, textiles, and agriculture. The nationalization of major industries, including the oil sector through Petróleos Mejicanos (PEMEX), was also embarked upon to ensure that the revenues generated by these resources were reinvested into the national economy. Under his leadership, the Mejican government sought to create a self-sufficient economy that relied less on imports and more on local capabilities, thus promoting the notion of nationalism within economic activities. Abascal also recognized Mejico's attractiveness to foreign companies, due to its rich national resources and strategic geographic position. Consequently, while enforcing protectionist measures, he simultaneously established favorable conditions for foreign investment in sectors deemed beneficial to national interests, focusing on technology transfer and local partnerships. This succeeded in attracting investment from a wide range of sectors, including manufacturing, tourism and technology. The economy grew at a rapid pace, the country became one of the most prosperous nations, and the Mejican peso became one of the strongest currencies. The country also experienced a tourism boom, with Mejico's beaches and rich architectural heritage being the main drivers of international tourism. The Riviera Maya grew exponentially, increasing the population of the cities of Cancun, Cozumel, Holbox, Playa del Carmen and Campeche.
In addition, Mejico was in the midst of a Golden Age of Art, producing a great deal of art, literature, film, and music during this period. This was in spite of the state's total control over the forms of cultural expression. The Mejican state, through its control over the media and cultural institutions, promoted an art and culture that exalted national values, the glorification of Mejican history and cultural heritage, and respect for traditions and the Catholic religion. The government invested in the creation of museums, theaters and cultural centers throughout the country, encouraging the production and exhibition of art and promoting attendance at cultural events. In addition, a system of subsidies and scholarships was established to support artists, writers and musicians, which allowed the creation of a rising cultural scene. Mejican romanticism permeated literary works, music, and visual arts, exalting Indigenous heritage, Mejico's colonial past, and the country's independence. Music also played an important role in Mejican culture, with the promotion of folklore and traditional music, as well as the incursion of new genres and fusions that reflected the country's cultural richness.
While Abascal was widely praised among various circles for his governance style, being able to maintain the country's place in the international order and ensuring the continued success of the Mejican Miracle, he also faced significant criticism from certain sectors of society. Detractors accused his administration of authoritarianism, liberal intellectuals and artists often found themselves at odds with a regime that prioritized nationalistic themes, students and countercultural activists began to voice their discontent over the restrictions placed on free expression, and demanded a reversal of many of Vasconcelos' ideological purges in universities. The 1968 Student Movement was an important challenge to Abascal's authority and policies, as students demanded greater freedom of expression, democracy and respect for human rights. The ambiguity Abascal had shown the previous year regarding his time in government and his willingness to withdraw from power caused distrust among the demonstrators. A probe into the movement found involvement from various left-wing organizations, which fueled the regime's narrative of needing to maintain order and prioritize national integriy. Abascal characterize the movement as a plot to overthrow the government and the monarchy to install a Marxist state, supported by the International, identifying the movement as "part of a subversive plan of international projection".
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The roots of the conflict include other student demonstrations that were quickly quelled by police, together with Mejico's successful bid to host the 1968 Summer Olympics. The Mejican Miracle allowed the state to claim its status as a burgeoning global power, and the state spent money lavishly to prepare for the international event, showcasing its advancements in infrastructure and sport to an international audience. The government's rhetoric emphasized national pride, aiming to unify the populace behind the achievements of Mejico on the world stage. However, the allocation of resources toward Olympic preparations created a stark contrast with the demands of the student population and other marginalized groups, particularly those suffering from socioeconomic inequalities. The tension escalated as protests organized by students and labor groups grew in size and visibility. Demonstrators voiced their demands for transparency in government spending and an end to the militarization of public spaces, which had become prevalent as the regime fortified its grip on power. Activists framed the Olympics as a facade that masked underlying issues such as corruption, poverty, and systemic inequality.
With the support of his Secretary of the Interior, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Abascal took repressive measures to suppress the movement. The government used its extensive security apparatus to monitor protests, employing tactics such as arbitrary arrests, surveillance, and intimidation. Many protestors were also labeled as terrorists, criminals, and subversive agents. The government used paramilitary groups, such as the Olimpia Battalion and the Golden Shirts, the Imperial Security Directorate and the Secret Police, as well as the Mejican Army, to carry out violent attacks against demonstrators. The most notorious attack was the Tlatelolco Massacre, which took place on October 2, 1968, just ten days before the inauguration of the Olympic Games. Demonstrators gathered in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas, as thousands of students, hundreds of teachers, and other demonstrators gathered. The government deployed its security forces in the plaza and opened fire on the demonstrators, killing hundreds and wounding thousands. The exact number of casualties is still unknown due to the government's cover-up of the incident. The massacre was carried out as part of Operation Galeana, a joint effort by security forces and the army to repress the movement and other leftist groups. The massacre was a turning point in the student movement and had a profound impact on Mejican society. It was seen as an example of the government's brutal tactics and a violation of basic human rights. The government's response to the student movement was widely criticized, both nationally and internationally, and damaged Mejico's image. The incident marked the end of the student movement, which dissolved at the end of 1968.
On January 17, 1969, Abascal was interviewed by renowned Mejican journalist Carmelita Guzmán. During the interview, Guzmán asked Abascal questions regarding his government, his time with his mentor José Vasconcelos, his relationship with the monarchy, and the political future of Mejico. At the time of the interview, Abascal was 58 years old, and expressed his desire to "see Mejico prosper as a beacon of order in an increasingly chaotic world". He articulated a strong defense of his administration's actions during the protests, asserting that the government had a duty to preserve stability and protect the nation from what he termed "insidious foreign influence". Abascal characterized the student movement as a misguided faction that had betrayed the Mejican values of unity and patriotism. When asked about the political future of Mejico and his government, Abascal proclaimed a desire to retire from politics and live the rest of his life in the Synarchist community of María Auxiliadora, which he had founded in 1942. Abascal stated "Despising the comparison, I will follow the steps of Emperor Diocletian - I will seek retirement in a place of tranquillity away from the burdens of governance". He dismissed the notion of immediate succession or transition within his administration while maintaining that he would support loyalists who would continue to uphold the principles of synarchism and the sociopolitical order.
A flurry of political activity soon followed, and many parties, such as the Mejican Institutional Party (PIM), then led by Ricardo Nixon, and the National Synarchist Union (UNS), began to jockey for influence in the wake of Abascal's implied withdrawal from public office. The PIM was a technocratic party founded in 1962, initially aimed at consolidating power through a blend of technocratic governance and synarchist principles. The UNS was divided between moderate and traditional factions, with the moderates seeking gradual reforms while the traditionalists were committed to preserving the status quo established under Abascal's leadership. The Democratic Alliance for Christian Governance (ADGC), led by Zacarías Cortés, also emerged as a significant political player during this transitional period. Abascal marked 1970 as the year of his retirement and began to prepare Mejico for its first democratic elections in 40 years. But his withdrawal was fraught with complications as internal power struggles intensified among the ruling factions of the UNS.
One of Abascal's last and most influential actions was the establishment of Red APIA in 1969, a nationwide communication network that became the precursor of the modern Intranet. Launched in 1969, Red APIA (Red de Comunicaciones Administrativas y Proyectos Integrados Avanzados) was designed to facilitate real-time information sharing among various government departments and local authorities. Its implementation was part of Abascal's vision for a "smart state", where technology would play a vital role in maintaining order and promoting economic growth. Led by scientists Daniel Gajdusek and Terencio Davis, Red APIA revolutionized the way information was disseminated across Mejico, enabling a more efficient administration. The network enabled various ministries to communicate instantaneously, significantly improving bureaucratic responsiveness and decision-making processes. While initially framed as a modernization effort to create a more responsive and effective government, the underlying motivations included mechanisms for monitoring citizen interactions, tracking dissidents, and controlling the flow of information in line with state interests.
1970 was a surprisingly calm year in Mejican politics, as Abascal's previously established frameworks began to solidify despite the looming uncertainty of a power transition. The planned retirement of Abascal was met with a mixed reaction from the populace; while many respected his authority and contributions, others questioned the viability of a political system that had been largely unchallenged for four decades. During this period, the PIM took a proactive approach in positioning itself as the viable successor to Abascal's administration, emphasizing technocratic governance and modernization. Ricardo Nixon exploited the successes of Red APIA to promote the PIM as the party best equipped to lead Mejico into a technologically advanced future. Nixon's rhetoric claimed that the PIM could embody both progress and the values of order and stability that had characterized Abascal's government. The 1970 general elections were held on June 6, 1970. Ricardo Nixon and the PIM would emerge victorious.
Restoration of democracy and the Absolutist Octennium (1970-1984)
In 1970, a pivotal moment of transition unfolded in Mejico as Salvador Abascal, recognizing the fulfillment of his and his predecessors' ambitions, made the decision to step down from the presidency. His resignation marked the passage of power to Emperor Agustín V, whose ascendancy was accompanied by the guidance of his regent, Emiliano III. This symbolic gesture was met with both anticipation and skepticism as the nation embarked on an uncharted journey toward democratic resurgence. Agustín and Emiliano voiced support for plans to re-embark the country on the path of democracy, but they also faced tremendous challenges from internal and external forces seeking to maintain the status quo. Elections were called for the same year, the first in Mejico in over four decades.
Amid this transformation, the year witnessed the emergence of Ricardo Nixon. His candidacy carried a distinct historical significance, as he would be the first Protestant to hold the presidency in heavily Catholic Mejico. His candidacy resonated across demographics, buoyed by a platform that envisioned an array of reforms crucial for Mejico's evolution. Nixon ran on a platform of democratic consolidation, economic reform, space exploration, Pluricontinentalism, and an expansion of the welfare state. Robust economic reforms hinged on strategic investments in education, healthcare, and skills training, nurturing a workforce equipped to navigate the demands of a modern economy.
The transition to democracy was not welcomed by all, particularly those within the established power structures who were resistant to change. Despite this opposition, the people of Mejico turned out in record numbers to vote in the election, with over 87.5% of eligible voters participating. This turnout, which is the highest ever recorded in the Americas, demonstrated the sheer determination and optimism of the Mejican people, who perceived the election as a crucial step towards progress and change. The results were a victory for the Mejican Institutional Party (MIP), led by the aforementioned Nixon. His election marked the first time in decades that a non-regime affiliated candidate had been elected to a major office.
The aim of the ICN was to promote economic, cultural, scientific and political cooperation among member states, and was widely seen in Mejico as an extension of Nixon's pluricontinentalism. Under his leadership, Mejico emerged as a leading player in the ICN, playing a key role in shaping its policies, and used its position to promote economic integration and free trade among member states, advocating for greater cooperation in areas such as education, science and technology, and cultural exchange. The Commonwealth also became a platform for Mejico to project its power and influence in the global stage, with Nixon becoming a prominent figure in international affairs.
Nixon's visionary leadership extended to the ICN's space policy, as Nixon championed the allocation of further funding towards joint space exploration initiatives, officially forming the Iberoamerican Institute of Aeronautical Technique (Spanish: Instituto Iberoamericano de Técnica Aeronáutica; IITA) in 1974. This marked a significant achievement for the ICN, as it became the major space agency in the world, fusing the prominent space agencies of Mejico, Spain, Argentina, and Brazil, and positioning itself ahead of the British Imperial Aeronautics and Space Administration (IASA), the Soviet Space Program (SSSR), and the Hellenic Space Agency (ELDO). The success of the IITA has been such that in modern times, any official map of the Moon includes two Iberoamerican settlements: Puerto Lunar de la Vera Cruz, and Puerto Lunar de Borbón.
Amidst these changes, Nixon's presidency exhibited a distinct blend of social conservatism and inclusivity. Advocating for traditional values, Nixon pushed for maternal leave, childcare subsidies, and other laws that promoted family stability, particularly for working mothers. Under his administration, abortion was criminalized, but contraception and sexual education were also promoted, leading to an ambivalent relationship with the Catholic Church, which was still a very powerful institution in Mejico. Despite his Protestant background and his promotion of ecumenism, Nixon embraced the Catholic Church's cultural significance, symbolizing his commitment to Mejico's cultural fabric, while still managing to make room for diverse beliefs and viewpoints in his policies.
Furthermore, Nixon's tenure saw the emergence of progressive educational reforms, paving the way for a new generation of leaders well-versed in technology and innovation. His government heavily subsidized the Neo-Calmécac Institute, a network of advanced schools that specialized in the education of the Indigenous, encouraging social mobility and inclusion for marginalized communities. In addition, investment in scientific research and development flourished under Nixon's leadership, resulting in major breakthroughs in renewable energy and healthcare. Meanwhile, in the realm of environmental stewardship, Nixon's administration introduced pioneering policies that combined ecological conservation with sustainable economic growth, setting a global example for responsible and innovative environmental policies.
The Mejican Miracle continued to thrive during his presidency, due to Nixon's policies of economic reform, such as deregulation and privatization, as well as investment in infrastructure, education, and social services, leading to increased industrialization, exports, and foreign investment, while also maintaining low inflation rates and a stable currency. His government is credited with introducing a series of social reforms that improved the lives of millions of Mejicans, such as the expansion of the welfare state, the introduction of a single-payer universal healthcare system, the raise of the minimum wage, new programs to provide education, and other essential services to low-income Mejicans.
Nixon's conservative policies would cause backlash from both liberal and leftist groups, but he would nonetheless enjoy a relatively high approval rating throughout his presidency. His popularity was such that he was able to secure his re-election in the 1975 presidential election, defeating the leftist candidate Porfirio Muñoz de Ledo. However, the election was marred by allegations of fraud, connections with Abascalists and Vasconcelists, and subversion of democracy. This prompted supporters of Muñoz, as well as republicans and anarchists, to storm the Imperial Congress on 6 January 1976. Being suffocated by the National Guard and paramilitary groups, a week after the riot, the Imperial Congress voted to create an independent commission to investigate the attack. The committee held nine televised public hearings on the attack, voted to subpoena Muñoz de Ledo, and later recommended the arrest of Muñoz de Ledo for obstructing an official proceeding, incitement, conspiracy to defraud the Mejican Empire, and making false statements.
The growing social and political unrest, combined with the global economic recession of the late 1970s, would present a formidable challenge for Nixon's second term. Despite his efforts to stabilize the economy and quell civil unrest, his administration faced criticism for its handling of the crisis, with some accusing Nixon of becoming increasingly authoritarian and disregarding the rights of citizens. Tensions would rise to the point that, on September 3, 1976, Nixon was assassinated in Toluca while speaking at a political event outside the Municipal Palace. While delivering a speech for one of his cabinet members, he was fatally wounded by a gunshot at close range by Faustino Barrueta Garza, and rushed to the Médica San José hospital, where he was declared dead about 25 minutes after the shooting. Barrueta was immediately apprehended by the Provincial Police of Mejico, and faced charges under the Province of Mejico's law, specifically accused of committing the murders of the President and a nearby policeman. As the legal proceedings progressed, Mejico witnessed a period of heightened political polarization and unrest.
In the midst of the turmoil, Fernando, then Prince Imperial, assumed control of the government over his elderly father and declared himself to be Mejico's absolute ruler during a speech in the Zócalo on September 22. He cited the need for stability and the need to protect the Mejican people from “the threat of another revolution”, which he believed was being orchestrated by political rivals and foreign powers. The country was immediately divided over Fernando's rise to power, with some factions supporting his actions while others saw it as a dangerous power grab. Despite the division of opinion, Fernando would rise unopposed, and he would rule with an iron fist, implementing a series of authoritarian policies to achieve his goals, such as the re-militarization of the police, the banning of leftist and republican parties, the introduction of a national curfew, and strict censorship of the media. Nixon's assassin, Faustino Barrueta, would be lynched in the Black Palace of Lecumberri a few days later, with many questioning if he truly acted alone or if he was part of a larger conspiracy.
The Absolutist Octennium, which began immediately after Fernando's Zócalo Speech, marked a turning point in Mejican history. Under his rule, the country was transformed into an authoritarian state, with the Prince Imperial and later Emperor consolidating his power by banning political parties and implementing a national curfew, with Fernando seeking to replicate, at least temporally, the ideology of enlightened absolutism, employing the maxim "everything for the people, nothing by the people". His declaration of "two years of total war, two years of recovery, two years of consolidation, and two years of accelerated growth", set the tone for his regime, as Fernando sought to stamp out the various insurgencies that had risen up after Nixon's murder, urging Mejicans "to make an intelligent truce to recover our serenity and not lose our way", claiming that "we can make our country a living hell, or one that is worth living in". To achieve this, he relied heavily on the support of the nobility, especially the powerful the Duke of Bacalar, whose private army was deployed to combat insurrectionists in Yucatán.
During the Octennium, the government adopted a hardline approach towards dissent, leading to the militarization of the police force and the close alignment of high-ranking military officials with his administration. In the initial two years, the populace witnessed an escalation of stringent measures against opposition factions and individuals, an unfortunate norm that increasingly pervaded the social fabric. Concurrently, a drive for media control became evident, encompassing measures of censorship and propagandistic narrative construction, engineered to mold public sentiment. Despite these draconian measures, the regime managed to engineer a semblance of stability, albeit at the cost of civil liberties, while the once-skyrocketing economy persisted in its growth trajectory, albeit with a noticeable deceleration from the previous astonishing pace set by the Mejican Economic Miracle.
The first two years of the Octennium marked a period of unprecedented upheaval and dynamic transformation within the Mejican economy. As the nation grappled with internal unrest, uprisings, and a complex array of challenges, the economy became intricately intertwined with the overarching objective of restoring stability and securing the empire's future. Under the resolute leadership of Fernando, the economy underwent a series of sweeping changes that aimed to address immediate threats while laying the groundwork for long-term growth. During the first two years, the economy experienced a shift in priorities, as the focus shifted from peacetime production to the mobilization of resources for total war efforts, including the production of rifles, military vehicles, helicopters, and tanks, as well as the development of new aereal missile systems. The war-driven economy entailed the rapid redirection of manufacturing capabilities, the scaling up of military-industrial complex activities, and the strategic allocation of reousrces to confront a diverse array of internal threats. Key industries were galvanized to produce essential war materials, ranging from arms and ammunition to vehicles, equipment, and infrastructure necessary for military operations and internal security.
The finance sector played a pivotal role in sustaining the war economy, as the government undertook bold measures to secure the necessary funding for military campaigns and security operations. Financial institutions adapted to the new exigencies, facilitating loans and resource mobilization while managing inflationary pressures that accompanied heightened wartime expenditures. As the Imperial Treasury worked in tandem with private financial entities and the Mejican corporations, mechanisms were devised to encourage citizen participation in war bond drives, fostering a sense of collective responsibility for the nation's defense. In parallel, the agricultural sector underwent transformation as well. The shift in priorities led to a realignment of agricultural prodcution to ensure food security for both the military and civilian population. Policies were introduced to incentivize increased agricultural output, with the government playing an active role in providing support, guidance, and logistical assistance to farmers. These initiatives aimed to guarantee a steady supply of essential commodities while harnessing the nation's agricultural capacity to sustain the prolonged conflict.
The construction of vital infrastructure projects became a cornerstone of the Mejican war effort during the initial phase of the Octennium. Recognizing the strategic importance of efficient transportation and communication networks, the government embarked on an ambitious plan to bolster connectivity across the empire. Central to these endeavors were the construction of multiple bridges spanning the formidable natural barriers posed by the Sierra Madre Occidental and Oriental. These engineering marvels not only facilitated the movement of troops and resources but also enabled the seamless coordination of military operations across previously isolated regions, especially in the sierras, which were strongholds for crime syndicates. The program was financed through a combination of taxes, foreign loans, and the temporal nationalization of key industries, such as oil and gas, mining, and telecommunications. The government also implemented strict price controls on consumer goods, rationing, and other measures to ensure that essential goods were available to the public. At the same time, Fernando implemented a number of economic reforms aimed at modernizing the Mejican economy and attracting foreign investment. He established free trade zones in key cities and ports and reduced tariffs on imports. These reforms helped to create a more open and dynamic economy, which was able to recover quickly from the war years.
Collaboration between corporate leaders and the government became a defining feature of the wartime economy. Recognizing the interconnectedness of economic and military endeavors, corporate bosses were called upon to contribute resources, expertise, and logistical support to bolster the war effort. Corporatist principles that emphasized the synergy between state and corporate interests facilitated the close collaboration, with private entities aligning their strategies with the empire's broader objectives. While many corporate leaders embraced their role as partners in national mobilization, uncooperative elements faced stringent consequences, ranging from economic sanctions, the nationalization of assets, and even assassination.
Simultaneously, the first two years witnessed decisive shock campaigns against crime syndicates that had proliferated in various provinces, most prominently in Michoacán, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and Tizapá, posing a significant threat to internal stability. The Mejican Imperial Army, working in conjunction with militant Holy Orders and private security forces, launched coordinated operations to root out criminal organizations that had long exploited social and economic vulnerabilities. Fernando himself was an accomplished general, who had risen through the ranks of the Imperial Army, and led his troop in such shock campaigns, setting up no-fly zones and managing to destroy the infrastructure of the syndicates in the area, effectively uprooting marihuana, poppy, and cocaine production in Mejico. The government seized the assets of the syndicates, and used the proceeds to fund social programs, such as education and healthcare, which helped reduce poverty and inequality in the country. Other crime bosses and capos would be captured and executed by firing squad on the personal orders of Fernando, earning a cunning reputation among the cartels.
On 1 January 1977, Emperor Emiliano III abdicated in favor of his son, whose legitimacy was further increased, as he was now the actual Emperor of the nation. He would be crowned by the Archbishop of Mejico City in a grand and pompous celebration. In an effort to consolidate his power and root out opposition, Fernando made use of various military groups, including the Holy Brotherhood of Knights of Christ the King, to fight against left-wing groups in the Yucatán Peninsula. The Holy Brotherhood was a continuation of the Cristero Army of the 1920s, which had fought against the anti-clerical policies of the Mejican government at the time. Along with the Holy Brotherhood, Fernando also utilized the Catholic Military Orders present within the country, such as the Knights of Santiago, the Knights of Calatrava, and the Knights of Malta. These groups were known for their loyalty to the Catholic Church and their willingness to fight against perceived enemies of the faith. With their help, Fernando was able to suppress opposition and maintain his grip on power, while also strengthening the influence of the Catholic Church in the country. The use of paramilitary groups, however, would also lead to allegations of human rights abuses and violations of civil liberties.
Generals such as Félix Galván, Jonatán Leyva, Gabriel de la O, Chester McAllister and Federico de Borbón y Hohenzollern, would be crucial in breaking up the groups of anarchists in Mejico City and San Francisco, indigenists in the provinces of Querétaro, Cuernavaca and Tizapá, and separatists in the region of Tejas. These men were ennobled for their efforts, receiving counties and marquisates from the Emperor. However, it has been argued that they ordered the implementation of strategies that have been branded by the press as "Dirty War", in order to annihilate insurrectionists. Among the serious human rights violations committed are the forced disappearance of hundreds of people, extrajudicial killings, including the so-called death flights, systematic torture, raids, and searches of homes without a warrant, inhuman and degrading treatment, surveillance and illegal interception of communications, sexual violations, and denial of access to justice and due process.
In San Francisco, the Mejican government responded to the anarchist insurgency with a heavy-handed approach, launching an urban warfare campaign to quell the rebellion. The government deployed troops and tanks into the city, and imposed a curfew on the population. The military crackdown resulted in a considerable loss of life, with both civilians and anarchists being killed in the crossfire. The rebellion was eventually put down, but at a great cost to the local people. In Tejas, the separatist movement was met with a similar response from the Mejican government. Troops were deployed to the region to suppress the rebellion, and separatist leaders were arrested and executed. After rooting out insurrectionists, the government allowed for education in the German, Czech and Polish languages for minority children. The Indigenist movements sought greater autonomy and recognition for Indigenous communities, with the implementation of the "usos y costumbres" system ("usages and customs system") being one of the key demands of insurrectionists. The government responded by sending in troops to crush the rebellions - Indigenous leaders were arrested and executed, and surviving insurrectionists were forcibly relocated and assimilated into Mejican society.
After the challenging phase of total war, the government of Fernando embarked on an arduous journey of recovery. The first year of this recovery period was marked by a comprehensive effort to rebuild the physical and social infrastructure that had been compromised by the conflict. Bridges, roads, and public buildings that had suffered damage were meticulously reconstructed, with a focus on restoring vital connections and ensuring efficient movement of goods and people across the vast expanse of the empire. Concurrently, the government recognized the importance of investing in human capital and social well-being. Ambitious initiatives were undertaken to establish new educational institutions ranging from schools to universities, fostering a knowledge-driven society that would serve as a foundation for future progress. Similarly, healthcare infrastructure was expanded with the establishment of hospitals and hospices, alongside intensified efforts in medical research, notably in the realm of cancer research, symbolizing the empire's commitment to advancing science and addressing pressing health challenges. The pace of economic growth during this period was characterized by a deliberate and methodical approach, prioritizing stability and sustainability over rapid expansion.
The second year of recovery witnessed a shift towards bolstering economic growth and technological innovation. The government introduced a series of policies aimed at stimulating various sectors of the economy. Substantial investments were channeled into research and development, paving the way for the introduction of cutting-edge technologies and modernized production methods. Recognizing the importance of safeguarding the livelihoods of those who had borne the brunt of the conflict, the government extended support to war veterans, widows, and orphans, providing them with assistance. Additionally, measures were implemented to ensure that the minimum wage was increased, ensuring that citizens were able to sustain a reasonable standard of living. The introduction of subsidies on essential goods and services further reinforced the government's commitment to alleviating the immediate burdens faced by the population.
Key industries were strategically revitalized through targeted investments, incentives for innovation, and a renewed commitment to harnessing domestic resources. The corporate sector, deeply integrated into the fabric of the economy, played a pivotal role in reinvigorating production and trade, drawing on the collaborative spirit that had been fostered during the previous phase of the Octennium. This synergy between state and corporate interests was instrumental in generating steady economic growth, while mitigating the adverse effects of conflict on various sectors.
The revaluation and convertibility of the Mejican peso laid the foundation for economic stability and foreign investments, facilitating increased trade and financial interactions with global partners. The strategic focus on energy sector development was equally instrumental in propelling the nation forward. Emerging as a leader in petroleum production, Mejico would not only meet its own energy demands but also ascend as a prominent exporter of petroleum products on the international stage. Simultaneously, the government's vision for a sustainable future led to significant strides in renewable energy endeavors, with ambitious projects in solar and wind energy generation taking root. The comprehensive plan to modernize the energy landscape was complemented by the establishment of a national electric grid, underscoring the empire's commitment to securing a resilient and forward-looking energy infrastructure that would support its continued growth and prosperity.
Next, the years of consolidation that followed the period of recovery marked a pivotal juncture in the Mejican Empire's journey towards stability and prosperity. These years were characterized by a focus on reinforcing the gains made during the recovery phase, fortifying institutions, cementing social cohesion, and the granting of greater liberties. Emperor Fernando recognized the importance of consolidating the advancements achieved through strategic policies, fostering a sense of unity, and embedding a renewed sense of purpose within the fabric of the nation.
The first year of consolidation witnessed meticulous efforts to solidify the nation's governance structures and administrative processes. Mechanisms were put in place to ensure the effective functioning of newly established institutions, enabling them to seamlessly carry out their intended roles. In tandem, reforms were enacted to streamline the legal framework and enhance the judicial system, fostering an environment of fairness, justice, and the rule of law. The consolidation phase also saw the reinforcement of law enforcement agencies, with a focus on enhancing their capabilities to maintain public order and safeguard internal security. Police was demilitarized, and the army was sent back to the barracks.
A central aspect of the consolidation years was the nurturing of social cohesion and national identity. The government, cognizant of the diverse ethnic, linguistic, and cultural crysol that constituted the empire, sought to celebrate the unity that bound its people together. National campaigns promoting cultural exchanges, interregional collaboration, and cross-cultural understanding were launched, serving as platforms for citizens to celebrate their shared heritage. Efforts to enhance social welfare continued, with expanded healthcare services, access to quality education, and the promotion of cultural heritage becoming key tenets of the consolidation era.
The second year of consolidation marked a period of reflection and introspection as the empire embarked on a journey of self-discovery. Emperor Fernando engaged in dialogues with citizens from all walks of life to gauge their needs, aspirations, and concerns. This inclusive approach allowed for the formulation of policies that resonated with the desires of the population, further fostering a sense of ownership and pride in the nation's trajectory. Moreover, the government focused on bolstering the nation's diplomatic standing on the global stage, establishing partnerships that not only facilitated economic growth but also promoted peace, stability, and mutual understanding among nations.
Emperor Fernando implemented a series of populist policies aimed at improving his image in the international stage, and at empowering the Mejican population. These policies included the expansion of affordable housing programs, known as the Colonia Popular program, incentivizing small-scale agricultural activities, the establishment of vocational training centers to equip individuals with valuable skills for economic self-sufficiency, as well as camps for the Mejican youth in which they would be educated with traditional values, and participate in community-building and sports activities. Additionally, the government initiated measures to provide financial support to local artisans and entrepreneurs, as well as launching the Pueblos Mágicos program, nurturing a sense of pride in traditional crafts, rural living, colonial architecture, and boosting local economies. By placing the welfare of the populace at the forefront, a move that has been described as "welfare Chauvinism", these policies exemplified Fernando's commitment to fostering economic opportunity and a sense of unity within the Empire.
During the last two years of the Octennium, those of "accelerated growth", Mejico embarked on an ambitious joruney of technological advancement and a slow trasition to democracy, harnessing its resources to achieve remarkable breakthroughs across diverse fields. The Empire's scientific community thrived as it made significant strides in medicine, desalinization, nuclear energy, macroengineering, and transportation. These efforts resulted in significant strides in technology, electronics and robotics, biotechnology, and space exploration, positioning Mejico as a global leader in cutting-edge technologies.
One of the most notable achievements during this period was the establishment of a rudimentary Internet service, which marked the beginning of a digital revolution that would transform communication and information-sharing across the empire. This nascent online platform facilitated the exchange of ideas, research, and business collaborations, laying the groundwork for the digital landscape that would flourish in the years to come. Furthermore, the Empire's and the ICN's space exploration efforts bore fruit with the successful launch of communication satellites that facilitated international connectivity and enabled more accurate weather forecasting. These satellites played a crucial role in expanding Mejico's technological influence beyond its borders and solidified its reputation as a spacefaring nation.
During the years of accelerated growth from 1983 to 1984, the Empire experienced a substantial economic expansion, with the GDP witnessing a robust growth rate of around 6.5% annually. This growth was driven by the infusion of technological advancements into various industries, resulting in increased productivity, improved manufacturing processes, and enhanced export capabilities. The manufacturing sector saw a surge in output, particularly in sectors such as electronics, automotive, and pharmaceuticals, contributing to a remarkable 8% increase in industrial production. Additionally, the services sector flourished, with financial and technology-related services expanding at a rate of 7%, further diversifying the economy. As a result of these combined efforts, the empire's GDP reached $4 trillion by 1984, marking a significant leap from the preceding years and reaffirming Mejico's position as a global economic powerhouse.
In parallel with these technological advancements, de-autocratization efforts gained momentum as Emperor Fernando initiated a series of political reforms to transition the empire towards a more democratic governance structure. These reforms included the establishment of local and regional elections, the expansion of civil liberties, the limiting of the powers of the monarchy, and the promotion of political pluralism. As power was gradually decentralized, Mejico witnessed a flowering of political participation and civic engagement, allowing the diverse voices of its citizens to shape the direction of the nation. Fernando initiated talks with moderate opposition groups, including social-monarchists and liberal groups, and his own supporters, with the goal of reaching a consensus on a Constitutional reform.
Within the same year, in 1984, Fernando announced the creation of a Constituent Assembly, composed of representatives from all political parties and social groups, charged with the task of creating amendments to the 1966 Constitution. The assembly worked for two years, taking into account the concerns and interests of all stakeholders, resulting in the adoption of great democratic reforms to the Constitution in 1988. Fernando, virtually unopposed within the country, would remain at its helm as an executive monarch.
Political pluralism Era (1984-2022)
Emperor Fernando designated Pablo Madero Belden to become the temporal administrator of the Mejican Empire, effectively serving as President of the Government in all but name, in order to prepare the country to resume democratic elections in 1985. During his tenure, Madero Belden worked to improve the economy, strengthen the education system, and to fully restore civil liberties. In 1985, the first democratic elections were held since the end of the Octennium, and the Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) won the presidency with the Conservative candidate Manuel "Maquío" Clouthier winning the presidency by a margin of nearly 13 points.
The Clouthier administration was a staunch defender of the Corporatist system that dominated Mejican politics for the past 50 years, and embraced traditional values, self-sufficiency, agrarianism, and social conservatism. The PAN government quickly began to implement policies to reduce the nation's dependence on foreign imports and to increase agricultural production, while also working to reduce the public debt. His administration implemented a series of refomrs aimed at revitalizing the banking system in Mejico. His approach prioritized limited government intervention and free-market competition, resulting in a regulatory framework that ensured the financial sector's stability and integrity while allowing for private banks to operate independently. Under Clouthier's leadership, measures were introduced to encourage increased competition among banks, promote transparency in financial transactions, and safeguard the rights of depositors and investors. These reforms successfully transformed the banking system into a robust and efficient sector that facilitated economic growth, encouraged innovation, and provided financial security, all while preserving the autonomy of private financial institutions.
During his tenure, women became an increasing part of the workforce, and the number of women in government positions began to grow. In addition, the Clouthier government passed a series of laws to protect the rights of workers, such as the right to strike, collective bargaining, and the right to unionize. In 1987, Clouthier established the National Electoral Institute (INE) as part of his commitment to strengthening Mejico's democratic institutions, and the institution would oversee the electoral process independently. The INE was tasked with ensuring the integrity of elections, organizing voter registration, and implementing the issuance of voter identification cards, known as "credencial para votar" (voting credential).
His presidency was marked by a period of significant national optimism, as his libertarian and conservative policies resonated with a broad spectrum of the population. Clouthier was committed to economic freedom, individual liberties, and transparency in government, which granted him high approval ratings across the country. As the 1990 elections approached, it seemed increasingly likely that he would be able to secure his re-election. Tragically, Clouthier would pass away in his homeland Sinaloa in 1989, dying in a car crash together with deputee Javier Calvo Manrique. Conspiracy theories have surged since his death, with some claiming that his political rival, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, orchestrated the crash, although there is no information that could verify this. The Secretary of the Interior, Moisés Canale Rodríguez, would take over the presidency, but, being significantly less charismatic, he would not enjoy the popularity of the former President, and would then be controversially defeated in the next election by Salinas de Gortari of the Partido Institucional Mejicano.
Salinas ascended to the presidency in one of the most controversial elections in Mejican history, in which a number of irregularities occurred that have not been clarified yet. The night of the election, the flow of data released by the National Electoral Institute was interrupted in the counting system used for the scrutiny. Despite protests from several of the presidential candidates and demonstrations, Salinas would be declared the winner, and the Electoral College of the Chamber of Deputies declared the validity and legitimacy of the elections, while Emperor Fernando II did not take action in the matter, granting the triumph to Salinas.
The first action of the Salinas government was the adoption of the Iberoamerican peseta in 1990, and it was agreed that it would be put into circulation by 1997. The first step in the introduction of this currency was taken in 1994, when the currencies of several countries of the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations that joined the single currency plan ceased to exist as independent systems. However, due to the manufacturing period required for the new banknotes and coins, the old national currencies, including the Mejican peso, remained as a means of payment until January 1, 1997, when they were replaced by the Iberoamerican peseta. Both coins and banknotes had a period of coexistence with the former national currencies, until they were completely withdrawn from circulation.
In economic matters, Salinas also focused on reducing Mejico's foreign debt, which amounted to 33.4 billion pesos, allocating almost 5% of the national GDP for its payment. The amount allocated was almost equivalent to the health and education budget for the entire country. At the beginning of Salinas' presidency, the amount of the debt was almost 30% of the GDP, which made it necessary to reduce this debt in order to continue with the economic growth that had been implemented during the last two years of the Absolutist Octennium. After two years of negotiations with the IMF and leaders of various economic powers, an agreement was reached in 1993 and a reduction of more than 16 billion pesos was achieved. The debt dropped from 30% of GDP to 18%, and interest payments went from 15% of GDP to 7.8%.
Salinas' term marked a significant departure from the traditional corporatist model that had been in place since the 1930s. Although he did not completely uproot corporatism, Salinas implemented a neoliberal economic program aimed at modernizing and liberalizing the economy within the existing framework. His approach included several key components: first, Salinas initiated a series of economic reforms to promote trade liberalization and foreign investment. He negotiated and signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with British North America, the Kingdom of Louisiana, and the Grand Duchy of Alaska, which came into force in 1993, and which would be highly controversial, especially in Chiapas. Secondly, Salinas undertook a privatization program, selling state enterprises in various sectors, such as telecommunications, transportation and, like his predecessor Clouthier, banking. In doing so, he sought to reduce government intervention in the economy, increase efficiency and encourage private sector competition. Although he did not completely eliminate state ownership, the privatization process introduced market forces into previously monopolistic sectors.
Additionally, Salinas implemented fiscal reforms to stabilize the Mejican economy. His goal was to reduce inflation and maintain fiscal discipline with measures such as the introduction of a value-added tax (VAT) and the tightening of monetary policy. These reforms were intended to create a more stable macroeconomic environment and attract foreign investment. Salinas also sought to modernize the financial sector, liberalizing interest rates and introducing new financial instruments, encouraging competition among banks and improving access to credit for businesses and consumers. In addition, he worked to improve infrastructure and transportation networks to facilitate economic growth and trade. Investments in infrastructure projects helped connect previously isolated regions of Mejico and stimulated economic development.
In 1994, the Solidaridad program was launched as the first government action seeking to achieve greater social justice beyond a scheme of transferring resources or targeted subsidies. This program was headed by Carlos Rojas Gutiérrez, then Undersecretary of Urban Development and Ecology, under Patricio Chirinos Calero, and was largely administered by the Secretary of Programming and Budget, Ernesto Zedillo. During six years, the equivalent of almost 41 billion pesos were invested, of which 67% came from national resources and the rest from local governments and even from the participants themselves. With this program, thousands of schools and hospitals were rehabilitated and built, drinking water and electricity services were introduced in the most remote regions of Mejico, popular neighborhoods were paved, and more than 3 million deeds and property titles were handed over in irregular areas, more than one million loans were granted to farmers, more than 20,000 kilometers of rural roads were built, more than 15,000 kilometers of highways and 5,000 kilometers of railroads were reconstructed, and more than 20,000 community food stores were installed.
This program has continued with some important modifications, continuing under the name Solidaridad during the presidency of Ernesto Zedillo, and being continuously renamed during the following presidencies: it was named Oportunidades during the presidency of Diego Fernández de Cevallos, Prospera under José Antonio Meade, and Avanza under the current presidency of Gabriel Quadri de la Torre. These programs have remained the mainstay of the Mejican government's social policy, continuing as an effort independent of partisanship.
During the last years of the presidency of Salinas, the Nuevo Ejército Libertador del Sur ("New Liberation Army of the South"; known for its abbreviation NELS), a neo-Zapatist group, launched an armed insurrection in Chiapas, proclaiming the Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, and taking over multiple municipal capitals, including San Cristóbal de las Casas, and attacking a military base. After some confrontations, and managing to kidnap former governor Absalón Castellanos, the Mejican Imperial Army took control of the municipal capitals, and declared the NELS to be defeated. Salinas offered a pardon to those who put their weapons down, and accused the NELS of receiving foreign support, which the NELS rejected. Days later, Manuel Camacho Solís is appointed as Commissioner for Peace in Chiapas, and an unilateral ceasefire is proposed. A prisoner exchange is accepted, and a march for peace in the Zócalo gathers more than 100,000 people.
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The NELS called on the indigenous people of Chilpancingo not to leave them alone in their struggle, and encouraged the indigenous people of the New North to form a pressure group. They also call on NGOs to form a peace belt around dialogue. The Red Cross and military police set up belts to guard the negotiations while Neo-Zapatist delegates arrive in San Cristóbal de las Casas to participate in the Days for Peace and Reconciliation, and the first talks begin on February 16. The NELS presented the government a list of their demands, but the dialogue ended with no agreements. The political crisis in Mejico was significantly exacerbated when, a day later, presidential candidate and former Secretary of Social Development, Luis Donaldo Colosio, was assassinated in the city of San Diego.
During this same year, Salinas had high government spending on public works, in order to maintain the inertia of growth and his own popularity. This spending led to a historic current account deficit, and to deal with it, Salinas issued Tesobonos, government financial instruments that insured payments in pounds and with which the Bank of Mejico was able to raise funds. With the various political events of 1994, the assassinations of Colosio and José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, and the rebellion in Chiapas, many of the investors panicked and exchanged the Tesobonos for cash, draining the monetary reserves of the Bank of Mejico. Salinas did not take action, refusing to raise interest rates, or generate a controlled devaluation of the peso, as he was seeking international support for his candidacy for director general of the World Trade Organization. This became known as the December Mistake.
By mid-1994, the Imperial Army had 12,000 troops and multiple checkpoints throughout Chiapas. The public expected an imminent peace agreement, but the government was gradually regaining control, and faced criticism for the militarization of the conflict zone and the expansion of military presence natoinwide. The NELS initiated dialogues once more, and issued the Second Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, but the government proposals were once more rejected, leading to the resignation of Camacho Solís, and accusations of sabotage by presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo. The National Democratic Convention (CND) was convened by the NELS, with the vision of establishing a transitional government and drafting a new Constitution. However, the negotiations did not lead to an agreement. At the same time, PIM candidate for governor Eduardo Robledo Rincón was proclaimed winner of the regional elections amidst accusations of voter fraud and intimidation. Bishop Samuel Ruiz presented another initiative to reinitiate dialogue, but was called off in December, as the Zapatistas proclaimed Amado Avendaño Figueroa as "governor in rebellion", and declared 38 new municipalities as rebel territories on December 19. A military truce was offered until February 1995.
Being highly unpopular at the end of his term, Salinas did not seek re-election. Instead, fellow neoliberal and technocrat Ernesto Zedillo was elected to the presidency of Mejico in the March 1995 elections. As a continuation of Salinas' neoliberal policies, Zedillo sought to maintain a strong alliance between the state, business, and labor unions. He continued reforms aimed at modernizing and improving Mejican's economy, while striving to address social and political issues. One of the main ones was poverty reduction: Zedillo launched a series of programs aimed at improving access to education, housing, and health care for low-income families, especially indigenous people. He also worked to promote economic opportunities for the poor by creating jobs and expanding microfinance initiatives.
Zedillo made significant efforts to address environmental concerns, especially in relation to the use of nuclear energy. He sought to promote the safe and responsible use of nuclear energy in the Empire, while investing in the development of renewable energy sources, such as wind and solar. Thus, during his tenure, more than a dozen nuclear power plants were built and many other renewable energy projects were launched, such as the Oajaca Wind Energy Project. Zedillo's commitment to environmental protection was underscored by the signing of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, which committed Mejico to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions. Additionally, Zedillo worked to improve Mejico's standing in the international community, promoting Mejico as a major player in world trade, while participating in international efforts to address a range of global challenges. Zedillo also supported Emperor Ferdinand II in his efforts to promote the monarchy and, working in conjunction, they made significant investments in space exploration, increasing funding for the space program of the ICN, expanding the Lunar Port of Vera Cruz's research and development sections.
At the beginning of 1995, the NELS launched the Third Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. In the middle of January, the Secretary of the Interior, Esteban Moctezuma, met with a Zapatist delegation, and together they committed themselves to achieve a stable cease-fire and reopen the process of political solution. In February, the third session of the CND was held for three days in Querétaro. On February 9, Zedillo announced that the identity of the Zapatist leaders had been discovered and that, in application of the law, arrest warrants had been issued. The government identified the guerrilla spokesman, Subcomandante Insurgente Lucas, as former teacher Silverio Moreno Arteaga, 38, and issued an arrest warrant for him on charges of use of weapons exclusive to the army and terrorism, among other crimes. Two days later, the army advanced and retook control of some Zapatist towns, causing 20,000 people to flee into the jungle. Harassed by military pressure, the NELS called for a halt to the war. Leftist parties and associates initiated large mobilizations at the national and international level to force the Government to initiate a dialogue.
In these circumstances and once the political initiative was recovered, the Zapatists conditioned the beginning of the dialogue, requesting the Army to leave the jungle and for the Mejican justice system to annull the arrest warrants. The persecution and arrest of part of the NELS leadership called civil society to take to the streets again, in protest against what the left considered a new repressive escalation. In March, President Zedillo and the Legislative Commission for Dialogue and Conciliation in Chiapas signed the Initiative for Dialogue, Conciliation and Dignified Peace, which was to be sent to Congress and discussed in the Chamber of Deputies. The result was the approval of the Law in Chiapas, which at the end of the month was sent to the NELS through the mediation of CONAI. On the one hand, it gave way to the Mesas de San Miguel, scene of the signing on April 9, between the Government and the NELS, of the Protocol of Bases for the Dialogue and Negotiation of the Agreement of Concord and Pacification with Justice and Dignity, starting point of the dialogue in San Andres; on the other hand, it propitiated the organization of what the NELS called the National and International Consultation for Peace and Democracy.
On April 22 the dialogue between Zapatistas and the Government began, with the intermediation of Marco Antonio Berna, but once more, no agreement was reached. On May 12, the NELS rejected the government's proposal for détente, and on May 14, the Government proposed seven routes for the Zapatists to concentrate their members, keeping their weapons and organization. The third phase of the dialogue began on June 7. A few days later, the Zapatist bases agreed with the National Civic Alliance and the CND to hold a National Consultation for Peace and Democracy in August. Negotiations continued in July and, during the 4th and 5th of that month, the NELS and the Government discussed their proposals. The Zapatists presented four demands and proposed the installation of fifteen work tables. Finally, on August 27, the National Consultation for Peace and Democracy was held in all provinces.
On September 5, following Zedillo's instructions, the Commission for Concord and Pacification (COCOPA) formally invited the NELS to participate in the dialogue for the reform of the Province and the national negotiation table. On the last day of the month, some leaders of the NELS and members of COCOPA, such as Deputy Óscar González Yáñez, met in the community of La Realidad and discussed the realization of the forum proposed by the Zapatistas. On October 2, peace talks were resumed in San Andres Larrainzar. The rules for the installation and functioning of the work tables were established, and shortly after, the work of table 1 ("Indigenous Rights and Culture") began. The six working groups agreed upon were also installed. The Attorney General's Office announced the arrest of Fernando Yáñez Muñoz, accused of being Comandante Germán, which led to the interruption of the talks. He was released the following day.
In 1996, the NELS launched the Fourth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. In it, it stated its decision to help build a new kind of politics that does not fight for power, that is independent, autonomous and peaceful. On January 5, Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos left his hiding place in the jungle and traveled to San Cristóbal to participate in the Special National Forum on Culture and Indigenous Rights, which had begun two days earlier. On the 10th the National Indigenous Forum closed with the proposal to form a new organization, which would later be known as the National Indigenous Congress. On February 16, the Zapatists and the Government signed the Agreements on Indigenous Law and Culture, by which the Executive committed itself to recognize the indigenous peoples in the Constitution, also known as the San Andrés Agreements.
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However, on May 2, two Zapatists were arrested and sentenced to three and six years in prison, respectively, on charges of terrorism. After learning of the sentence, the NELS declared that it constituted a provocation against peace and a violation of the Law for Dialogue and suspended its participation in the dialogue process. On June 6, after an intense campaign calling for the release of the sentenced, an appeals court overturned the sentence against the alleged Zapatists and they were released. Between June and July, in San Cristóbal de las Casas, the Special Forum for the Reform of the State was held. In August, in Oventic and La Realidad the NELS organized the First Intercontinental Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, which was attended by 3,000 people from 42 countries, as well as 2,000 from Mejico. All the participants were divided into five working groups. The plenary took place in La Realidad. Subcomandante Lucas presented the Declaration of La Realidad for Humanity and against Neoliberalism.
Meanwhile, in October of the same year, the NELS decided to send Comandanta Ramona to Mejico City to participate in the October 12 event of the National Indigenous Congress. During the event, Comandanta Ramona gave a speech in the Zócalo, which ended with the phrase: "Never again a Mejico without us". In December, President Zedillo rejected some formulations of the COCOPA proposal, as well as fundamental aspects of the San Andres Accords. In view of the rejection, the NELS met with the COCOPA and rejected the government's counter-proposal. It stated it would not return to the negotiating table until the San Andrés Accords were implemented. Immediately, pressure measures were organized against the Government: Comandanta Ramona, together with the National Indigenous Coungress, participated in a rally in the Paseo del Emperador to demand respect for the Accords. In July, the rebels prevented voting in several electoral centers in Chiapas, in view of the presumed victory of the PIM. On December 22, 1997, an armed paramilitary group assassinated 45 Tsotsil sympathizers of the NELS in Acteal, located 50 km from San Cristóbal. These events became known as the Acteal Massacre, and went unpunished. The eight officers who instigated the violence spent only three years in jail. In response, terrorist attacks were carried out in Chiapas, Puebla, Michoacán, Tizapá, Timpanogos, New Mejico, San Luis Potosí by NELS sympathizers, giving rise to an air of fear throughout the Mejican Empire.
As fear in Mejico continued to grow unabated, and no effective solutions were presented, President Zedillo's popularity began to suffer considerably. For the presidential elections scheduled for 2000, President Zedillo would be defeated by the Mejican Democratic Party candidate Diego Fernández de Cevallos, a staunch Vasconcelist, ultra-conservative, and militarist, who had a strong personality, which resoated with voters, and galvanized support for his platform by promising to crush the Zapatist rebellion and the leftist guerrillas that had sprung up in Chilpancingo in the previous year.
During his presidency, Fernández de Cevallos focused on consolidating the Mejican Empire's position as a world power, while also addressing the challenges faced by the country. He was a strong advocate for the monarchy, and sought to strengthen its role in the government and society, a posture that was criticized by many as semi-absolutist. One of Fernández's key priorities was to modernize the national railways of the Mejican Empire, which were seen as critical for the country's economic development. He oversaw the construction of new railway lines and the upgrading of existing ones, making it easier for goods and people to move throughout the country. The first super conductive maglev train line was opened from San Francisco to San Diego in 2004.
Fernández de Cevallos, as a member of the MDP, a Vasconcelist party, pursued a corporatist economic agenda that aimed to maintain close cooperation between the government, business leaders, and labor unions. His administration emphasized the importance of state intervention in economic planning and management to ensure a harmonious relationship between these key stakeholders. Fernández de Cevallos implemented policies that promoted government-led industrial planning, including the establishment of sector-specific councils where government officials, business representatives, and labor leaders collaborated on economic decision-making. These councils played a central role in setting production targets, wage levels, and price controls, reflecting a more interventionist approach to economic governance. Additionally, his government favored the preservation of state-owned enterprises, maintaining a significant presence of government control in various sectors of the economy, while ensuring that labor unions played a crucial role in shaping labor policies and collective bargaining agreements.
Another major challenge facing Fernández de Cevallos' presidency was the conflict with Zapatists and other guerrillas, mainly in Chilpancingo and Tizapá. Fernández de Cevallos conducted a highly coordinated military operation in response to such security concerns. The operation was characterized by its speed and precision, as government forces swiftly targeted Zapatist strongholds and leadership positions. Although it was violent affair that has been described as a "Mejican Blitzkrieg", and led to the displacement of approximately 10,000 people, its primary objective was to establish control over the affected areas, restore law and order, and safeguard the civilian population. The government's approach involved coordinated military strategies to counter Zapatist forces and minimize the potential for prolonged conflict.
The first significant action was the abolition of the 38 newly created "rebel municipalities" that had emerged in the wake of the Zapatist uprising. Fernández de Cevallos deemed these municipalities as centers of subversion and instability, and thus sought to dismantle them. This involved the deployment of government forces to regain control of these areas, dissolve the self-proclaimed authorities, and reassert the rule of law, imposing new municipal presidents, and a governor. The decision was framed as an uncompromising move to reestablish centralized authority and quash any form of regional autonomy that the Zapatista had sought to establish. Simultaneously, Fernández de Cevallos undertook a comprehensive restructuring of Chiapas' inner borders, with the goal to redraw the administrative divisions in a manner that would weaken any potential resurgence of the Zapatist movement and maintain tighter control. This restructuring involved a more centralized approach, concentrating power in the hands of government-appointed officials and reducing the curbing of Zapatist-affiliated leaders. The aim was to curtail any potential for regional autonomy and ensure stricter adherence to government directives.
During the crackdown on the Zapatist leadership, the government captured and imprisoned most key figures within the insurgent movement. This aggressive campaign aimed at neutralizing the Zapatist hierarchy involved a combination of intelligence operations and military actions. While the government's primary objective was to apprehend and imprison Zapatist leaders, it's important to note that reports of extrajudicial actions and executions raised concerns both domestically and internationally. These actions were met with criticism from human rights organizations, NGOs, and governments advocating for due process and adherence to international standards. Many Zapatist leaders would flee into the Central American Republic, being received by the government of Daniel Ortega.
Subcomandante General Lucas, the most notorious leader and highest ranking commander of the NELS, had the most widely-televised trial in history, with a peak audience of over 200 million people worldwide, being found guilty of treason, orchestrating terror attacks, illegal possession of military-grade weaponry, sedition, and conspiracy, for which he was sentenced to death. Also, due to his dabbling in religious matters, such as his proposition for the introduction of a rite that blended syncretized Maya and Catholic religious practices, as well as for his ties to the Cult of the Talking Cross, he was also tried by the Mejican Inquisition, and was found guilty of heresy. The trials lasted from between July 2002 and March 2003. Along with Subcomandante Lucas, Comandante Germán, Comandante Garzón, Comandanta Ramona and Comandanta Idolina were all sentenced to death.
Left-wingers in Mejico and worldwide criticized the trial and characterized it as unfair, claiming that the Zapatists had received too harsh a sentence, especially Comandanta Idolina and Comandanta Ramona. A national campaign was started to try to prevent the execution of the Zapatist leaders, and there were widespread protests and claims of anti-Indigenous bias. Across the world, particularly in China, Iran, and other Communist African nations, there were numerous protests, and a plea for clemency from the bishop of San Cristóbal de las Casas. Others, including non-Communists, scientists, artists, priests, members of the counter culture, and Indigenous leaders called for clemency, but President Fernández de Cevallos, supported by public opinion, the media, and most of the Iberoamierican Commonwealth of Nations, ignored all demands.
The execution was scheduled for April 1, 2003, but it was delayed after the Archbishop of Mejico, Cardinal Norberto Rivera Carrera, who was also the personal confessor of Emperor Fernando II, pleaded for clemency in favor of Comandanta Ramona, who had been struggling with kidney cancer since 1996. Fernando II and Fernández de Cevallos decided to grant a pardon to Ramona, who would instead be left in house arrest. One week later, in an equally popular and polarizing move, on April 8, the rest of the Zapatist leaders would be executed by hanging. In the aftermath, the President moved to address the deep-seated social and economic grievances that had fueled the Zapatist movement in Chiapas, as his administration promoted long-term stability and development in the region, including investing in infrastructure to improve access to education, healthcare, and basic services for marginalized communities, and implementing populist social welfare programs to alleviate poverty and reduce economic disparities. He also supported small-scale agriculture, facilitating job creation in Chiapas.
After his re-election in 2005, Fernández de Cevallos had to deal with the 2008 economic crisis, which had a major impact on the Mejican Empire and the world as a whole. To address it, Fernández de Cevallos worked closely with the Emperor, Mejican corporations, and the country's central bank to develop a comprehensive economic stimulus plan. The plan included measures to stimulate economic growth, increase access to credit, and support businesses and workers who were struggling in the face of the crisis. The government also provided financial support to Mejico's corporations to help them weather the crisis and continue to operate, thereby preserving jobs and maintaining economic stability. To further strengthen the economy, Fernández de Cevallos also implemented a range of tax and legal reforms aimed at improving the business environment, simplifying the tax code and reducing red tape, making it easier for businesses to operate and Mejico, and reducing the cost of doing business.
Fernández de Cevallos also sought to improve Mejico’s education system. Together with the Emperor, he implemented a range of reforms, such as increasing access to schooling, improving the quality of teaching through regular examination of the teacher’s capabilities, and introducing a new curriculum, which was dubbed as “dull and nationalistic” by critics, and “excellent and patriotic” by supporters. The curriculum faced criticism due to its perceived overt nationalism, as critics argued the new content reduced exposure to a wider range of perspective. Access to higher education was expanded, making it easier for students from all backgrounds to access university education. During his presidency, Mejico also saw a period of rapid growth in the technology sector, and the government sought to ensure it stayed at the forefront of technological innovation, investing heavily in research and development.
The President was greatly interested in space travel, especially for the propagandistic and nationalistic aspects of Mejico and the ICN's technological and scientific prowess. His administration continued to pour in resources to the ICN's space program, especially to the Elcano program, which sought to take humans to Mars by 2020. Two of the key accomplishments of the space program during Fernández de Cevallos' tenure was, first, securing a second term in the Administrative Panel of the Lunar Condominium in 2005, and the establishment of a second permanent Moon base in 2007, when the Puerto Lunar de Hispania was established nearby Puerto Lunar de la Vera Cruz. Together with this, continuing the Space Race with the British Empire, the Elcano mission was started in Florida in 2008, which aimed to put humans on Mars by 2020.
Nearing the end of his second term in office, the influenza A (H1N1) pandemic, known as the Mexican flu, a variant of the H1N1 strain, broke out. On June 11, 2009, the WHO classified it as a level six alert, i.e. "pandemic in progress". Mexican authorities initially attributed this increase to a "late-season flu", until on April 21, the Louisiana National Public Health Agency confirmed two isolated cases of swine flu, with no contact with pigs and no history of travel to Mexico. The first deaths in Mexico occurred in April, and some of these cases were identified by the WHO as a new H1N1 strain. Within a month of detection, it spread to several of the Mexican provinces, Louisiana, and British America, with numerous cases appearing in other countries of the world from patients who had visited Mexico.
During much of the development and spread of the outbreak, a vaccine for this strain was not available until June 12, 2009, when the Mexican pharmaceutical group PiSA, with financial support from the Mexican government, announced that it had produced the first batch of vaccine against the virus. Clinical trials for the licensing of the vaccine were conducted in July 2009, in order to start mass production of the vaccine and its subsequent distribution. In August, ANSP researchers tested the vaccine in humans, confirming that the first dose of the vaccine elicited an immune response in the human body.
In the 2010 presidential election, the Mejican electorate voted for Marcelo Ebrard Casaubón to serve as President of the Government. In previous years, Ebrard had been Secretary of Social Development and Secretary of Public Security, both positions within the government of the Imperial District, and since 2006, he had been Chief of Government of the Imperial District. With a degree in international relations and a doctorate in public administration, Ebrard was seen as widely qualified, and was a popular figure in Mejican and international politics, having been recognized as the "World's Best Mayor" in 2010, prior to his resignation to seek the presidency.
Politically a paleoprogressive, Marcelo Ebrard's platform for his candidacy, which included robust social programs, macroengineering projects in the Tizapá Sea, two new grand airports, one in Mejico City and the other in Los Ángeles, and a promise for the reduction of the powers of the Emperor (taking a Constituntionalist stance), positioned him as the most popular candidate. Forging a coalition with the Popular Progressive Party and the Green Ecologist Party, both of which had surged in the Chamber of Deputies in the previous year, Ebrard would reach a majority in both chambers of Congress, allowing him to govern comfortably.
Ebrard prioritized the expansion of social welfare programs, focusing on poverty reduction and addressing inequalities. His administration implemented targeted measures to bolster the social safety net, improve access to healthcare and education, and enhance social services for marginalized communities. Ebrard's approach to social reform was pragmatic, seeking to uplift vulnerable populations through economic empowerment, educational opportunities, and healthcare access, all while respecting the country's traditional values and social fabric. Building on the Oportunidades program of Diego Fernández de Cevallos, Ebrard's administration sought to modernize and expand this social initiative. He would re-name the program to Prospera, and a Universal Basic Income (UBI) system became its centerpiece, ensuring financial stability for vulnerable households. This program made substantial investments, with an annual budget of approximately 2% of Mejico's GDP, aimed at providing direct financial support, expanding healthcare access, improving education, and empowering women in disadvantaged communities. Prospera's UBI component provided a crucial safety net, significantly reducing poverty rates. Through this measure, the Ebrard administration lifted more than 15 million people out of poverty.
Between 2011 and 2015, after the launching of the Bonn Challenge at the International Union for the Conservation of Nature, Ebrard launched the program Marea Verde, an ambitious environmental program of afforestation, aimed at safeguarding the environment and increasing Mejico's forest cover through the planting of over 1 billion trees. Notably, the forest cover in the provinces of the Old North increased 15% on average, while it grew 20% in Arizona. This was supported by groundbreakijng desalination initiatives in Sonora and Upper San Fulgencio, together with an investment into the creation of the Puerto Peñasco Photovoltaic Park, which opened in 2014.
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In 2012, the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations welcomed its newest member, Sofala, marking a significant moment in the organization's history, as it achieved its objectives for the African continent, in what has been called "the 21st century's Rose Colored Map". Sofala's accession followed the toppling of its Communist regime, signifying a pivotal shift toward greater regional integration. Ebrard's administration played a crucial role in facilitating Sofala's transition to democracy and its subsequent entry into the Commonwealth, symbolizing the growing influence of the ICN.
Under President Ebrard, Mejico's healthcare system underwent significant improvements. While the country already had a comprehensive healthcare framework, Ebrard's health policy focused on enhancing accessibility and quality, increasing funding for the National Health System of Mejico. Key initiatives included substantial investments in healthcare infrastructure, the expansion of medical facilities in underserved areas, and renovations to ensure modernized healthcare delivery, as well as increased funding for medical facilities and researchers, such as Physician Juan Santander Ordoño, a Nobel laureate, who made groundbreaking advancements in personalized medicine. Ebrard's administration also prioritized reducing waiting times for medical appointments and procedures, streamlining administrative processes, and bolstering personnel recruiment and training.
Mejico also experienced substantial advancements in the fields of robotics and artificial intelligence (AI). The country made strategic investments in research and development, especially in the Royal and Pontifical University of Mejico, and the country positioned itself as an international leader in these fields. In healthcare, AI-driven diagnostic tools and predictive analytics were integrated into the system, improving medical diagnoses and treatment recommendations. Mejico's industrial sector also embraced automation with the widespread use of robotics, increasing efficiency in manufacturing processes. Moreover, AI-powered personalized learning platforms revolutionized education, enhancing the learning experience for students at all levels.
The increase of automation and the implementation of AI in more and more fields became an increasing point of contention in Mejican politics by the time the 2015 elections were approaching. Ebrard took proactive measures to protect Mejican workers from job displacement due to these technological advancements. He pledged to implement reskilling and upskilling programs to equip the workforce with the skills needed in an increasingly automoated world. These programs targeted displaced workers and those at risk of automation-related job loss, enabling them to acquire new skills in technology and digital literacy. Ebrard's government also promoted STEM education to prepare the younger generation for emerging job opportunities in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. These measures, however, were harshly criticized by more conservative groups, who opposed the job displacement of traditional workers, artisans, farmers, and manufacturers.
Ebrard also focused on liberalizing the energy sector, seeking to increase efficiency and competitiveness by promoting greater private-sector involvement. To this end, he signed several key energy reform measures into law, including measures to open the sector to greater competition, streamline the regulatory environment, and promote investment in new technologies. Despite the success of Mejico's nuclear power infrastructure, Ebrard was weary of it, and preferred to invest heavily into solar energy and electric vehicle (EV) development, taking advantage of Sonora and Arizona's high levels of sunshine, as well as the high lithium reserves within those same regions, making Mejican lithium of exclusive use and exploitation by Mejican corporate groups, or at least by international subsidiaries located in Mejico, which also belonged to Mejican corporate groups.
In 2019, Mejico confronted a diplomatic crisis with the Democratic Republic of Central America (DRCA), marked by trade disputes, territorial disagreements, and escalating tensions, exacerbated by the issue of illegal immigration. With over 700,000 Central American migrants in Mejico, including a significant undocumented population, strained relations threatened potential conflict. President Ebrard pursued a diplomatic strategy to seek a peaceful resolution, earning both praise and criticism. The opposition, particularly the MDP, called for a more assertive stance, advocating measures like constructing a militarized border wall along Chiapas and deploying the army of the Duke of Bacalar to secure borders, control immigration, and protect national sovereignty.
In the complex negotiations between Mejico and the DRCA, both nations fiercely defended their claims and interests. Mejico aimed to protect its territorial integrity, ensure citizens' rights in disputed regions, and address trade imbalances. The DRCA asserted sovereignty over contested territories and sought fair trade practices. Ebrard's persistence, alongside Emperor Agustín VI and international pressure from the ICN, played a crucial role in creating a conducive atmosphere for negotiations. Eventually, the Holy Innocents' Day Accords were reached in December 2019, encompassing commitments to peaceful dialogue, demilitarization of certain border areas, and a framework for revisiting trade policies. Additionally, measures were implemented to address concerns about illegal immigration, focusing on enhanced border security and humane treatment of migrants.
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In 2020, President Gabriel Quadri, an environmentalist, Christian democrat was elected to hold the office of the Presidency. A member of the NAP, he forged a crucial coalition with the MDP, which allowed him to rise to the office of the presidency despite placing third in the election. His priorities include the exapnsion of the ICN's space capabilities, overseeing the construction of new research facilities, and continuing to fund the Elcano Program. The current population of the ICN's lunar ports is estimated to have reached over 500 people, with plans to further expand and develop. His government has also attempted to strengthen ties with its allies, especially in North and South America. Under his leadership, Mejico has also made significant investments in the expansion of the AVEMEX high-speed rail service, including the expansion of FERROSUCO lines to Central Mejico and Tejas.
President Quadri has shown great commitment to environmentalism, with nuclear policies to reduce toxic waste and carbon emissions throughout Mejico. He has worked with Mejican corporations to fund and promote the usage of electric vehicles, with charging stations being constructed across the country. Such policies, coupled with a focus on solar and wind power are projected to see Mejico reach 75% sustainable energy sources by 2030. He has also tasked Federal authorities with increasing funding for renewable energy research and the implementation of a bill aimed at streamlining the process by which solar, wind and nuclear energy investments can achieve ROI. As a result, carbon emissions per capita in Mejico have decreased by over 20% since 2020, and remain on a downward trend.
Central American conflict (2022-present)
January to September, 2023
On October 27, 2022, tensions with the DRCA resurfaced after a violent altercation in the border city of Tapachula between Mejican authorities and undocumented Central American migrants. The death of a police officer and four Mejican citizens, together with a riot resulting in dozens of injuries, led to a large-scale military mobilisation to secure Mejico’s southern border, a migration moratorium, and a sweeping operative that led to the deportation of over 50,000 Central Americans. In retaliation, the DRCA, which had been grappling with internal political instability and economic decline, began to amass troops near the border towns, criticizing Mejico for what it called "an unjustified militarization of a humanitarian matter". Despite international calls for de-escalation, on January 15, 2023, President Quadri announced Operation Nuevo Amanecer, a military campaign aimed at securing Mejico's southern border and eliminating "criminal elements that threaten the safety and well-being of Mejican citizens". The Mejican government alleged that the Central American Republic had failed to control violent non-state actors purportedly involved in drug trafficking, human smuggling, and orchestrating the Tapachula Incident.
The incident sparked a debate in Mejico about the country's immigration policies and the need to address the root causes of migration. The Mejican Democratic Party, the most influential coalition partner of the governing National Action Party, soon began to call for an invasion of Central America and to topple its regime, as they perceived the unstable regime of Coordinator Daniel Ortega to be the primary driver of illegal immigration. President Quadri, after initially refusing based on the principles of the NAP, shifted his stance after MDP leader Rutilio Cornejo threatened to launch a motion of no-confidence, potentially triggering a political crisis in the midst of the national security situation. The pressure from the MDP, combined with growing public outcry following the Tapachula Incident, swayed President Quadri.
On January 22, 2023, in a televised national address, President Quadri justified the need for military intervention, declaring that the Central American government had become a failed state that directly threatened the sovereignty and security of Mejico. Quadri asserted that a "strong and preemptive response" was the only viable solution to ensure the security of Mejican borders and to address the humanitarian crisis arising from continuous waves of illegal migrants. The General Congress, swayed by the MDP's influence, granted Quadri an extraordinary mandate to conduct Operation Nuevo Amanecer. Just two days later, on January 24, Mejican forces launched a large-scale military incursion into Central American territory.
On January 24, 2023, Mejican forces crossed the border into the region of Guatemala and launched a major offensive aimed at securing territory along the Pacific Coast, taking Quetzaltenango on February 2. A second front was devised as a pincer maneuver (Feb. 4), with Mejican forces attacking Belice from Bacalar, and simultaneously advancing from Tabasco with units trained in jungle warfare, with the goal of meeting up in Petén, and a week later (Feb. 12) a third offensive commenced on Omoa Bay, as Mejican forces landed at Puerto Cortés.
In the following weeks, Mejican forces took several towns and villages, most notably El Progreso on Feb. 20, and Belice City on Feb. 23. Salvadoran President Necheb Bucquèl announced his nation's support for Mejico on Feb. 26, and deployed Salvadoran forces to assist their Mejican allies in their Guatemalan campaign. A day later, on Feb. 27, Prince Felipe II of Costa Rica honored the Bourbon Family Pact, and declared war on the Central American Republic, joining forces with Mejico and El Salvador in the invasion. Costa Rican troops swiftly advanced through the northern region of Guanacaste, capturing Rivas and San Jorge on Mar. 3.
In early March, Mejican forces finished the Crossing of the Petén, havng taken Belmopán on Mar. 1 and Flores on Mar. 4, establishing a perimeter that prevents guerrilla fighters from crossing into Mejico from the entire Petén region. Days later, Mejican forces of the Omoa Bay Offensive and the Petén Offensive took the cities of San Pedro Sula and Puerto Barrios, with the former city signing its surrender after a tough bombardment from Mejican artillery. As the conflict escalated, the CAR found itself increasingly isolated internationally, although it continued to receive arms shipped by its allies of the International from its southern coast. However, after Mejico took the Islas de la Bahía on Mar. 15 and established an important naval base in the region, Central America sought to sign a month-long armistice to discuss peace.
During negotiations, Mejican diplomats argued for the need to implement regime change, citing the CAR's alleged support for rebel groups and its failure to address issues that led to illegal immigration, one of the primary concerns of Mejico. The Mejican government, backed by El Salvador and Costa Rica, proposed a plan for a transitional government, to be overseen by a coalition of regional powers, that would pave the way for free and fair elections in Central America. However, the CAR delegation strongly opposed any proposal that would involve a change in leadership, aguing that it would undermine the sovereignty and legitimacy of the Republic. They accused Mejico and its allies of pursuing an imperialistic agenda and interfering in the internal affairs of the region. As negotiations reached a stalemate, both sides continued to prepare for further military action. Mejican forces consolidated their control over the conquered territories, establishing military bases and strengthening supply lines. The CAR, heavily reliant on support from its allies in the International, received additional arms and reinforcements from sympathetic nations.
As hostilities resumed on April 16, Mejican forces, led by Luis, IV Duke of Otumba, took to conquering the city of Huehuetenango, achieving that on Apr. 25, and simultaneously placing Guatemala City under siege. Meanwhile, on the northern coasts, the Mejican Imperial Navy used its bases on the Bay Islands to bombard the port city of La Ceiba, which fell by May 6. After taking the northern strip, Mejican forces began their advance towards Tegucigalpa, the federal capital of the Central American Republic. Fighting in Guatemala City escalated, with Mejico controlling over 65% by the middle of the month, and the city signing its surrender three days later, on May 18, after which Salvadoran forces moved to occupy the Department of Jutiapa.
Mejican forces continued their descent towards Tegucigalpa, taking the towns of Siguatepeque and Comayagua, installing roadblocks to prevent movement to and from the capital city. To keep the pressure mounting on the federal capital, on June 7, Mejico began the Fonseca Bay Offensive, with the aim of encircling Tegucigalpa from both north and south, and simultaneously opened the Chinandega Offensive, with the aim of capturing Managua in conjunction with Costa Rican forces, who had been stalled in the outskirts of Masaya. Regrouping, Costa Rican and Mejican forces undertook a small amphibious assault on the port of Corinto, and advanced on the larger city of Chinandega, taking it by Jun. 15. The Fonseca Gulf Offensive, however, was not as successful. While Mejican forces did manage to take cities and make important inroads, the heavily militarized nature of the region led to very significant casualties, with some sources counting up to 55,000 casualties throughout the month. However, by Jun. 28, Mejico and Costa Rica had managed to take the city of León, and two days later began the Siege of Managua.
Recognizing the severe casualties taken and the different operational challenges, the Mejican high command made the decision to dissolve the Fonseca Gulf Offensive on August 16, and transitioned their focus to consolidating their gains in other areas of the conflict. The decision was met with mixed reactions within Mejico, with some hailing it as an intelligent move to prevent further loss of life and resources, while others criticized the decision as a setback in Mejico's overall strategic objectives. After the heavy casualties taken in Choluteca a month earlier, President Quadri had announced his disposition to begin a new round of discussions for a ceasefire, but discussions broke down after Mejican diplomats were publicly caned by Coordinator Ortega on Aug. 24 in reaction to Mejican forces capturing the city of Managua.
The public caning, carried out on high-ranking Mejican diplomats of some of the most powerful ducal houses in the country stirred significant outrage both domestically and internationally, and further escalated tensions between Mejico and the CAR. The act captured global attention and led to widespread condemnation from human rights organizations, world leaders, and the international community. Out of the five caned diplomats, three belonged to powerful noble families: the House of Susumacoa, the House of Fagoaga, and the House of Talamantes. The public caning not only violated diplomatic protocols and norms but also challenged established rules governing diplomatic relations. Mejico eventually announced its intention to carry out referendums in the occupied territories in September due to this incident.
Between September 12 and 16, Mejico carried out said referendums within the occupied territories, allowing the local population to vote on the issue of their political future. The referendums were met with both heavy criticism and acclaim by the international community, with the International decrying them as inherently illegitimate, as they were conducted under conditions of military occupation and lacked transparency and independence, while other members of the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations accepted it as legitimate. Nevertheless, Mejico claimed that the results of the referendums showed support towards the option of joining the country in the occupied regions adjacent to Mejico, while those non-adjacent voted in favor of a ceasefire.
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September to December, 2023
Throughout the rest of September, the intensity of the conflict petered out, as both sides were concentrated on reassessing their strategies and seeking a potential path towards a negotiated settlement. Central American diplomats urged Coordinator Ortega to apologize for the caning fiasco, but Mejican officials remained unyielding, demanding that the CAR acknowledge the legitimacy of the referendums and accept the proposed transitional government. On October 17, in another televised address, President Quadri appeared together with Mejican Emperor Agustín VI to proclaim the creation of two new provinces: Belice, covering the regions of Belice and Petén, and Los Altos, adjacent to Chiapas, with cities such as Quetzaltenango and Huehuetenango. This sparked intense protests and backlash from the Central American Republic and its allies, including protests in Iran, Northern China, and Bengal.
The creation of the new provinces deepened the divide between Mejico and the CAR, with the CAR government condemning the move as an illegal annexation and a violation of international law. The international community was divided in its response, with some countries denouncing Mejico's actions and expressing support for the CAR's territorial integrity, while others, particularly those aligned with the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations, recognized the new provinces and their incorporation into Mejico. On Oct. 22, the Mejican Congress proclaimed the Ley de Protección y Anexión, formally annexing the new provinces to Mejico, and introducing sweeping changes to the political and economic systems of the new territories, introducing funding for reconstruction and reparation of damaged infrastructure, and allowing Mejican corporations to settle in cities to guide the economic integration of these new regions.
The opposition in Mejico, including the Popular Progressive Party (PPP) and the Movement for Democratic Rebirth (MDR), were divided in their reaction. The MDR is a relatively new party, founded in December 2021 after the narrow defeat of Gabino Nanclares in the PPP's leadership election. Nanclares had been trying to separate himself from what he called "the Neo-Progressive Order" of the PPP, and his party unanimously voted in favor of the Ley de Protección y Anexión. When the PPP attempted to stage a protest sit-in during the first round of voting, security forces intervened and dispersed the protesters, leading to clashes between security forces and PPP supporters. These events escalated tensions within Mejico, with critics of the government arguing that the crackdown on dissent violated basic democratic principles and human rights.
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The rest of 2023 saw little action on the battlefields, with Mejico maintaining an irregular shelling of Tegucigalpa. However, a flurry of political events unfolded in both Mejico and Central America. The PPP led its youth cohorts in student protests, advocating for university students to mobilize against "the unjustified occupation and annexation of Central American territories". The government's response to these protests deepened the polarization within Mejican society, with "old-school Lupinaccism" being wielded by the NAP to quell dissent. Different provinces deployed their provincial guards to maintain order, leading to clashes between students and security forces. Between October and November, over 3,000 students were arrested, more than 60 were hospitalized, and one death was reported during the clashes, as protestor Daniela Gálvez Magallón, a student of Fagoaga University, was accidentally run over during a protest on October 30.
In response to the escalating tensions within university campuses, Emperor Agustín VI lamented the violence and loss of life, but still condemned the PPP for fomenting unrest and undermining national unity. He argued that the government's actions were necessary to maintain law and order and protect the stability of the state. The Mejican media, largely under state control, portrayed the student protests as misguided and influenced by foreign interference. The four male children of Emperor Agustín, Juan (Prince Imperial, b. 1991), Agustín (b. 1993), Pablo (b. 1993), and Pedro (b. 1995), delivered a televised address in November, calling on the youth to embrace patriotism and prioritize the greater good of the nation over individual grievances. They urged students to engage in dialogue and peaceful means of protest rather than resorting to violence. However, the message was not well received by the student movement, and the protests grew in size and intensity, especially after the aforementioned Daniela Gálvez had been declared dead three days prior.
Right-wing counter-protestors, especially those affiliated with the MURO (Movimiento Universitario de Renovadora Orientación; Universitary Movement of Renewed Orientation), confronted the student protesters, amplifying the tension and violence on university campuses. Clashes between opposing factions resulted in more injuries and arrests. The government, citing concerns for public safety, imposed stricter control measures around universities and increased security presence in an attempt to suppress the protests. These measures, however, only served to further inflame the situation, with the opposition accusing the government of suppressing freedom of expression and targeting political dissent. In typical Lupinaccist fashion, government-affiliated "protestors" had set up honey pots to incite violence and discredit the student movement, which was highly decentralized, and had no real leadership.
On November 16, PPP leader Camila Lobato called for a large public demonstration in the Zócalo, the main square of Mejico City, in an effort to challenge the government's repressive measures and demand justice for the victims of the clashes. The demonstration quickly gained momentum, and drew participants from various sectors of society, including students, intellectuals, and human rights activists. Many political commentators have considered this moment as the peak of polarization, as thousands of anti-government protestors marched from the Paseo de la Emperatriz up to the Imperial Palace, chanting slogans against the government and demanding the resignation of President Quadri. The atmosphere was tense, with both sides aware of the potential for violence.
As the demonstration reached the Imperial Palace, clashes erupted between protestors and security forces. Tear gas was deployed, and water cannons were used to disperse the crowds. Reports emerged of excessive use of force by the security forces, with allegations of indiscriminate beatings, arrests without justification, and the disappearance of several protestors. Human rights organizations and international observers condemned these actions, calling for an immediate investigation into the alleged human rights abuses. Juan, Prince Imperial, allegedly said "¿Y a nosotros qué nos importa lo que digan esos maricones?", meaning "And what do we care about what these faggots have to say?", referring to the ONGs, which only served to ignite anger and resentment among the opposition.
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Emperor Agustín ordered the arrest of Lobato and the rest of the PPP's leadership involved with the protests on Nov. 17. President Quadri, too, ordered the National Gendarmerie to crack down on the demonstrations and arrest anyone involved in what he called "subversive activities against the state", leading to comparisons with Salvador Abascal and the 1968 Tlatelolco Massacre. he crackdown resulted in even more violent clashes between security forces and protestors, leading to casualties and dozens of injuries. The government justified its actions by claiming that it was necessary to restore law and order and protect the stability of the country. Despite opposition from various parts of the world apart from the International, Mejico used its leverage on the League of Nations to veto any and all motions calling for international intervention or investigations into the ongoing conflict. This fueled accusations of authoritarianism and disregard for human rights against the Mejican government.
The rightward shift of Mejican politics was increased when, on Nov. 19, Agustín proclaimed the dissolution of the PPP, using his royal prerogative to declare the party illegal and ban its activities. This move was justified by the government as necessary to protect the integrity of the state and eliminate what it labeled as a destabilizing influence. The decree also gave law enforcement agencies expanded powers to crack down on any remaining PPP members or sympathizers. As a result of the dissolution of the PPP, many of its leaders were either arrested or went into hiding, being placed on no-fly lists and denied usage of Mejico's extensive railway systems through their biometric data.
As the PPP had been dissolved and its leadership arrested, the MDR found itself in a difficult position. Pressure from the government effectively led to Nanclares submitting to Imperial authority, renouncing his previous opposition and supporting Mejico's actions in the student crackdowns. This move was seen by some as a betrayal, deepening the divisions within the dissident movement. With the main opposition party decimated, and the second opposition movement dissuaded, the government solidified its control over the political landscape, leaving little room for dissent. This submission was known by many as the Pact of the Basilica, as it was agreed upon on the Basilica of Guadalupe after the Emperor invited Nanclares to a Sunday Mass on December 3.
For the rest of the month, protests were relatively dissuaded, as Mejican paramilitary groups, the Knights of Christ the King, and other government-affiliated organizations intensified their presence on the streets, while the militant anti-Communist MURO became ever-present in universities, intimidating potential protestors. The Knights were present on the streets as many Catholic chapels and churches had been targeted for vandalism and desecration by radical elements within the opposition and anarchist groups. The government portrayed these actions as attacks on religion and used them as justification for the presence of paramilitary groups. While there were reports of excessive force being used by the Knights and other groups, the government dismissed these allegations as falsehoods. However, at the same time, terrorist attacks were reported in the newly-annexed territories, specifically within Belmopán and Huehuetenango, widely believed to have been caused by Central American partisans. However, an investigation - the accuracy of which has been doubted by many - concluded that Mejican nationals carried out the attacks to express their support of Central America.
January to February, 2024
On January 1, 2024, Emperor Agustín VI delivered a speech on the Zócalo, reminiscent of his father's speech in the same city square in 1976. There, the emperor emphasized the importance of national unity, granted the right of return to those citizens who had fled their cities to become Mejican citizens, boasted of the "justified nature" of the invasion, and denounced the fizzled-out opposition as "enemies of the state" who sought to undermine the prosperity and stability of the nation. He congratulated the National Gendarmerie, the MURO organization, the Knights of Christ the King, and paramilitary organizations for their dedication and service in defending Mejico against external threats and internal subversion. Agustín VI also declared that the government's crackdown on dissent was necessary to ensure the continued security and progress of the nation.
In response, many condemned the Emperor's speech as a blatant display of authoritarianism and accused him of having his father's autocratic tendencies. Due to this, the activities of many NGOs were suspended in Mejico, as the government tightened its control over civil society organizations that were critical of its actions. Human rights groups and international organizations condemned the government's suppression of dissent and voiced concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Mejico. This was seen as the coup de grace to the opposition in Mejico. As tensions escalated, covert support began flowing to the remnants of the dissident movement from sympathetic foreign governments and non-state actors. Members of the International expressed their disgust over Mejico's imperialistic ambitions and of its violation of human rights and called for an end to the repression.
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Discontent against Ortega's government and disillusionment with the prospect of reclaiming the occupied territories led to a significant increase in animosity towards Ortega within the Central American Armed Forces. Captain Rodrigo Anaya, leader of a faction of dissident officers and policemen, launched a coup against Coordinator Ortega on January 3, 2024. Due to this, Ortega called for a national conscription program within the same day as a means of bolstering support, quelling the opposition, and retaining power. However, this move only further intensified the resentment against his regime. Protests escalated in unoccupied Central American cities and Tegucigalpa, with demands for democratic reforms and an end to the oppressive Ortega regime.
Captain Anaya was arrested by the Central American Special Forces and was jailed in the National Penitentiary on Jan. 14, leading to an even more volatile situation in Central America. The arrest of Captain Anaya sparked outrage among his supporters and the anti-Ortega movement, who saw it as a suppression of their calls for democracy and a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Protests continued to rage against the Ortega regime, with thousands taking to the streets demanding the release of Anaya. With the city blockaded by Mejican forces from the north and west, and with the ever-popular figure of the IV Duke of Otumba leading the blockade, the situation in the federal capital escalated even more. The Central American Otumbist movement had risen to prominence after the Battle of Guatemala City, where the Duke had shown himself as a magnanimous, benevolent figure. Otumbists advocated for the creation of a monarchy in Central America led by the Duke, which would mend the ties between Central America and Mejico by establishing a personal connection between the two countries' monarchies, as the Duke of Otumba and Emperor Agustín VI are cousins.
On February 5, General Otumba received approval from Agustín VI to support a second coup d'état against Coordinator Ortega, and moved to liberate Captain Anaya from prison, garnering significant support from dissident factions within the Central American Armed Forces. The joint forces of General Otumba and the dissident officers launched a coordinated attack on key government installations in Tegucigalpa. The coup, known as Operation Brutus, quickly gained momentum as more military units and important government officials defected from the Ortega regime and joined the rebellion. With the backing of Mejican forces and the tacit support of certain international actors, Mejico made significant territorial gains in the city of Tegucigalpa, which fell under its control by 10:43 p.m.
On Feb. 9, Mejican and Anaya-aligned diplomats met in the city of Comayagua, under Mejican occupation, and discussed potential frameworks for a transitional government in Central America. The Treaties of San Miguel were signed on Feb. 17, formally ending the war. The Federal Republic of Central America was established with Anaya as president; it compromised Mejico to modify the status of both Belice and Los Altos, establishing October 17, 2024, as the latest date for Mejico to carry out a second round of referendums within both territories to decide their futures as either Mejican provinces or to be integrated into the newly-created Federal Republic; specified the establishment of a LON-led monitoring mission to oversee the transition process; compromised Captain Anaya to carry out a plebiscite to join the ICN within three years of the signing of the treaty; and mandated the creation of an Otumbist Party.
Post-Treaties of San Miguel
After the Treaties of San Miguel were signed in Comayagua, Mejico compromised with the new Anaya government to aid in rebuilding the war-torn regions of Central America. As part of the reconstruction efforts, Mejican engineers and construction workers were deployed to assist in infrastructure projects, including the repair of damaged roads, bridges, and buildings, while Mejico also covered the salaries of these Central American workers. Humanitarian aid and financial assistance were also provided to support the recovery of the region.
Simultaneously, the FRCA was admitted into the American Free Trade Agreement, further integrating the Central American economy with the wider, continent-wide macroeconomy. This move aimed to stimulate economic growth, attract foreign investment, and create job opportunities for the population. Other trade agreements were signed between the FRCA and Mejico to promote cross-border commerce and investment, with special emphasis on sectors such as agriculture, energy, and manufacturing. Central American immigrants in Mejico with legal residence permits were granted paths to citizenship, while certain illegal immigrants were provided amnesty and the opportunity to regularize their status, under the condition that they would move to the newly-acquired territories.
Within Central America, many previous opposition groups, suppressed by the Ortega government, formed their own parties to participate in the democratic process. These parties represent a diverse range of ideologies and interests, including pro-Mejican parties, Catholic parties, as well as liberal and conservative parties. Meanwhile, the Otumbist Party, as mandated by the Treaties, emerged as a significant political force, advocating for an executive monarchy with the Duke of Otumba as the head of state. The party gained support from monarchist sectors, especially traditionalist conservatives, and those who saw it as a means to further and better integrate into the wider Iberoamerican world once the plebiscite to join the ICN was carried out.