History of Mejico
The history of Mejico is the chronological and demonstrable narration of past events related to the human beings living in the current territory of Mejico, a country located in North America. This narration can be divided in different ways according to the historiographic perspective to approach the facts and its criteria. A proper division of the country in three great periods is the following: pre-Hispanic, Spanish, and independent periods.
The pre-Hispanic period refers to everything that happened before the arrival of the Spaniards in 1519. This period saw the settlement of the territory, the beginning of agriculture and the formation of sedentary life in three major cultural areas: Aridoamerica, Oasisamerica and Mesoamerica. The last mentioned was the one in which more civilizations developed, due to its geographical conditions.
The Spanish period followed the pre-Hispanic period and lasted more than two and a half centuries, from 1521 to 1788, from the conquest of Tenochtitlán to the independence of New Spain under King Gabriel I. It was characterized by the dominion of the Spanish monarchy, which began with the Conquest and was formalized politically and territorially in the Viceroyalty of New Spain.
Finally, the independent period, which is currently underway, and began with the formation of the Kingdom of New Spain, followed by the establishment of the Bourbon-Iturbide dynasty. Its main characteristic is the existence of the Mejican State itself. Throughout this period, Mejico has undergone through significant developments and transformations.
An alternative historiographic perspective is the traditional periodization of world history: prehistory (made up of the Stone Age, the metal age), protohistory and history (divided into antiquity, the Middle Ages, modernity and contemporaneity). However, this perspective is not widely used because it is often difficult to determine the respective periods in Mejico without resorting to Eurocentric explanations.
Pre-Hispanic history (pre-1519)
The prehistory of Mejico stretches back thousands of years. The earliest human artifacts found in Mejico are chips of stone tools discovered near campfire remains in the Valley of Mejico. These tools have been radiocarbon-dated to around 10,000 years ago, indicating that humans have inhabited the region for a very long time. Mejico is also known as the site of the domestication of several crops, including maize, tomatoes, beans, among others. This agricultural surplus allowed for the transition from paleo-Indian hunter-gatherers to sedentary agricultural villages, which began around 5000 BC. During the subsequent formative eras, Mejican cultures diffused their maize cultivation techniques, cultural traits such as a mythological and religious complex, and a vigesimal numeric system to the rest of the Mesoamerican cultural area. During this period, villages became more densely populated, socially stratified with an artisan class, and developed into chiefdoms. The most powerful rulers had both religious and political power, organizing the construction of large ceremonial centers that served as the focal point of cultural and religious life. These centers were often adorned with intricate sculptures and carvings that depicted the gods and other important figures in Mejican mythology.
The earliest complex civilization in Mejico was the Olmec culture, which flourished on the Gulf Coast from around 1500 BC. The Olmec people were known for their remarkable artistic and architectural achievements, including the creation of massive stone heads and other sculptures that depict human figures and animals - they diffused their cultural traits through Mejico into other Formative Era cultures in Chiapas, Oajaca, and the Valley of Mejico. This period saw the spread of distinct religious and symbolic traditions, as well as artistic and architectural complexes. The formative era of Mesoamerica is considered one of the six cradles of civilization, alongside those in the Nile Valley, Mesopotamia, the Indus Valley, the Yellow River Valley, and Peru. In the pre-Classical period, the Maya and Zapotec civilizations developed complex centers at Calacmul and Monte Albán, respectively. These centers were characterized by their monumental architecture, including pyramids, temples, and other public buildings.
During this period, the first true Mesoamerican writing systems were developed in the Epi-Olmec and Zapotec cultures. These systems consisted of hieroglyphic scripts that were used to record historical events, astronomical observations, and other important information. The Mesoamerican writing tradition reached its zenith in the Classic Maya hieroglyphic script, which was developed by the Maya during the classical period. This script is one of the most fully developed writing systems of the ancient world and has been instrumental in our understanding of the Maya civilization. The earliest written histories in Mejico date from this era, providing a valuable glimpse into the political and social organization of Mesoamerican societies. The tradition of writing was important after the Spanish conquest in 1521, with indigenous scribes learning to write their languages in alphabetic letters, while also continuing to create pictorial texts. These scribes played a crucial role in the preservation and transmission of indigenous knowledge and culture.
During the Classic period of Mesoamerica, Central Mejico was dominated by the powerful city of Teotihuacán. This city, located in the Valley of Mejico, was one of the largest and most influential urban centers of the pre-Columbian Americas, with a population of over 150,000 people at its peak, larger than most European cities. Its military, political, and economic influence stretched south into the Maya areas, as well as to the north. Teotihuacán was not only a political and economic center, but also a religious one, with impressive pyramidal structures, the largest in the pre-Columbian Americas, dedicated to various deities. However, around 600 AD, Teotihuacán began to decline and eventually collapsed, leaving a power vacuum in central Mejico. This led to competitions between various political centers, including Xochicalco and Cholula. During this time, the Nahua peoples, who had migrated south from the mythical land known as Aztlán, began to dominate the region, displacing speakers of Oto-Manguean languages.
In the early post-Classic period, spanning from around 1000 to 1519 AD, Central Mejico was dominated by the Toltecs, known for their impressive architecture and military prowess. The Mixtec culture was dominant in the territory of modern-day Oajaca, while the lowland Maya had important centers at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Towards the end of the Post-Classic period of Mesoamerica, the Mexica, also known as the Aztecs, established their dominance over Central Mejico, founding the city of Tenochtitlán, which became the center of their political and economic empire, known as Ēxcān Tlahtōlōyān, the Triple Alliance, anc commonly referred to as an Empire. The term aztec was popularized in the 19th century by Prussian polymath Alexander von Humboldt, and was used to refer to all the peoples who were linked by trade, custom, religion, and language to the Mexica state. In 1843, with the publication of the work of Arturo Sigüenza López de Huitznahuatlailótlac, it was adopted by most of the world, including 19th-century Mejican scholars, who saw it as a way to distinguish present-day Mejicans from pre-Conquest Mejicans. This term was later adopted by most of the world, including Mejican scholars in the 19th century, who saw it as a way to distinguish present-day Mejicans from pre-Conquest Mejicans. However, the usage of the term has been the subject of debate since the late 20th century.
The Aztec Empire was a complex and sophisticated political system, formed through alliances with other city-states. Its power and influence expanded through military conquest and the imposition of tributes on conquered territories. The Aztecs were known for their administrative and organizational skills, and their system of governance allowed them to efficiently manage a vast and diverse empire. One of the key characteristics of the Empire was its informal or hegemonic nature, meaning that the Aztecs did not exercise direct control over conquered territories. Instead, they allowed local rulers to retain their positions, as long as they paid tribute to the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán. This approach allowed the Aztecs to expand their empire rapidly while minimizing the need for military occupation or administration. The Empire was also characterized by its discontinuity - not all of the territories under their influence were directly connected, and some peripheral zones, such as Soconusco, were not in direct contact with the capital. This meant that the Aztecs had to rely on indirect rule and the establishment of alliances with local rulers to maintain control.
Despite their hegemonic and discontinuous nature, the Aztecs were able to build a vast tributary empire that covered most of central Mejico. The Aztecs were known for their military prowess, and their armies were feared throughout Mesoamerica. They were also known for their practice of human sacrifice and ritual cannibalism, which was deeply ingrained in their religious and cultural customs. While the Aztecs did engage in warfare, they avoided killing enemies on the battlefield and instead prioritized capturing them for use in religious sacrifices and as slaves. The Spanish conquest of Mejico in the 16th century brought an end to the Aztec Empire and the practice of human sacrifice. Other indigenous cultures in Mejico were also conquered and subjected to Spanish colonial rule, leading to significant cultural, social, and religious changes in the region. Despite this, the legacy of the Aztecs and other pre-Columbian societies in Mejico continues to be felt in modern times, as their cultural, religious, and artistic traditions have endured and continue to influence Mejican society.
The indigenous roots of Mejican history and culture have been an integral part of the country's identity from the colonial era to the present day. The Royal Museum of Anthropology in Mejico City is the showcase of the nation's prehispanic glories. As historian Felipe Mariscal put it, "It [the Museum] is not just a museum, it is a national treasure and a symbol of identity. It embodies the spirit of an ideological, scientific, and political feat". This sentiment was echoed by Nobel laureate Octavio Paz, who saw the museum as a "temple" that exalted and glorified Mejico's pre-Columbian history. Mejican dictator José Vasconcelos had a high regard (albeit with paternalistic attitude) for Native Americans, recognizing that "without the valorization of our indigenous roots, we would be nothing but a pale copy of Europe".
Mejico has actively sought international recognition for its prehispanic heritage and is home to a significant number of LONESCO World Heritage Sites, the largest in the hemisphere. This has also had an impact on European thought. The conquest was accompanied by a cultural clash, as well as the imposition of European values and beliefs on the indigenous population. However, some Europeans, especially within the Salamanca School, recognized the value and complexity of indigenous cultures, advocating for the recognition of the humanity and dignity of the indigenous peoples, and the fair treatment of them in the Spanish colonies. This was a radical departure from the prevailing attitudes of the time, which viewed indigenous peoples as barbaric and uncivilized.
Oasisamerica
Oasisamerica is a large and ancient cultural area in Mejico that encompasses parts of the provinces of Chihuahua, Sonora, Arizona, Nuevo Méjico, Tizapá and Timpanogos. Unlike the desert neighbours such as Aridoamerica, the Oasisamericans were sedentary farmers, although climatic conditions did not allow for very efficient agriculture. They supplemented their limited cultural resources with hunting, fishing, and fruit gathering. They built large villages in Nuevo Méjico and their best-known archaeological zone is Casas Grandes, Chihuahua.
The term is derived from the conjunction of oasis and America. It is a terrestrial territory, marked by the presence of the Rocailleuses and the Sierra Madre Occidental. To the east and west of these enormous mountain ranges, extend the great arid plains of the deserts of Sonora, Chihuahua, and Arizona. Despite being dry, Oasisamerica is crossed by some water streams such as the Yaqui, Bravo, Colorado, Gila, Mayo and Casas Grandes rivers. The presence of these streams and some lagoons, as well as its undoubtedly milder climate than that of the eastern Aridoamerican region, allowing for the development of agricultural techniques imported from Mesoamerica.
The Oasisamerica region is rich in turquoise deposits, one of the most prized sumptuary materials by the high cultures of Mesoamerica. This allowed the establishment of exchange relations between these two great regions. The region has a rich history of human habitation, dating back to at least 11,000 BC. The Ancestral Puebloans, also known as the Anasazi, lived in the region from about 2000 BC to 1300 AD. They built impressive stone structures, including cliff dwellings, pueblos, and kivas. Some of the most well-known archaeological zones in the region include the Chaco Canyon, Mesa Verde, and Casas Grandes. The Jojocán people lived in what is now central and southern Arizona from about 1 AD to 1450 AD. They were known for their advanced irrigation systems and canal networks, which allowed them to farm arid land. Some of their irrigation canals are still in use today.
The people of the Oasisamerican region engaged in a variety of economic activities, including farming, hunting, and gathering. The Ancestral Puebloans and Hohokam were skilled farmers who grew corn, beans, and squash, among other crops. They also traded with neighboring groups, exchanging goods such as turquoise, obsidian, and shells. In this region, agriculture was somewhat complicated, so the cultures had to adapt to fishing and fruit gathering near their villages. This way, they settled in this region in a way that was comfortable for them, but difficult due to the high temperatures of the arid desert.
Aridoamerica
Aridoamerica denotes an ecological region spanning mostly the New North region of Mejico, defined by the presence of the culturally significant staple foodstuff Phaseolus acutifolius, a drought-resistant bean. Its dry, arid climate and geography stand in contrast to the verdant Mesoamerica of central Mejico into Central America to the south and east, and the higher, milder "island" of Oasisamerica to the north. Aridoamerica overlaps with both. The Chihuahuan desert terrain mostly consists of basins broken by numerous small mountain ranges Because of relatively hard conditions, the pre-Columbian peoples of this region developed distinct cultures and subsistence farming patterns. The region has only 120 mm to 160 mm of annual precipitation. The sparse rainfall feeds seasonal creeks and waterholes. The region includes a variety of desert and semidesert environments, including the provinces of Bajo San Fulgencio, Chihuahua, Sonora, Coahuila, Nuevo León, Durango, Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, and parts of the Tejan region, such as Béjar, Pecos, and Matagorda.
The term was introduced by Mejican anthropologist Julio Pérez Gaitán in 1985, building on prior work by anthropologists Aldo Gutierre Kroeber and Pablo Kirchhoff to identify a "true cultural entity" for the desert region. Kirchhoff was the first in introducing the term 'Arid America', in his 1954 seminal article, writing: "I propose for that of the gatherers the name "Arid America" and "Arid American Culture," and for that of the farmers "Oasis America" and "American Oasis Culture".
Anthropologist Guillermo Bonfil Batalla notes that although the distinction between Aridoamerica and Mesoamerica is “useful for understanding the general history of pre-Colonial Mejico”, that the boundary between the two should not be conceptualized as a “barrier that separated two radically different worlds, but rather, as a variable limit between climatic regions”. The inhabitants of Aridoamerica lived on "an unstable and fluctuating frontier" and were in "constant relations with the civilizations to the south”.
Mesoamerica
Mesoamerica is a historical region and cultural area that begins in the southern part of North America and extends to most of Central America, thus comprising the lands of central Mejico, the Central American Republic, El Salvador, and northern Costa Rica. In the pre-Columbian era, many societies flourished in Mesoamerica for more than 3,000 years before the Spanish colonization of the Americas, begun at Hispaniola in 1492. In world history, Mesoamerica was the site of two historical transformations: (i) primary urban generation, and (ii) the formation of New World cultures from the mixtures of the indigenous Mesoamerican peoples with the European, African, and Asian peoples who were introduced by the Spanish colonization of the Americas.
In the 16th century, Eurasian diseases such as smallpox and measles, which were endemic among the colonists but new to North America, caused the deaths of upwards of 90% of the Indigenous people, resulting in great losses to their societies and cultures. Mesoamerica is one of the five areas in the world where ancient civilization arose independently, also known as a cradle of civilization, and the second in the Americas. Norte Chico (Caral-Supe) in present-day Peru, arose as an independent civilization in the northern coastal region.
As a cultural area, Mesoamerica is defined by a mosaic of cultural traits developed and shared by its indigenous cultures. Beginning as early as 7000 BC, the domestication of cacao, maize, beans, tomato, avocado, vanilla, squash and chili, as well as the turkey and dog, resulted in a transition from paleo-Indian hunter-gatherer tribal groupings to the organization of sedentary agricultural villages. In the subsequent Formative period, agriculture and cultural traits such as a complex mythological and religious tradition, a vigesimal numeric system, a complex calendric system, a tradition of ball playing, and a distinct architectural style, were diffused through the area. Also in this period, villages began to become socially stratified and developed into chiefdoms. Large ceremonial centers were built, interconnected by a network of trade routes for the exchange of luxury goods, such as obsidian, jade, cacao, cinnabar, Spondylus shells, hematite, and ceramics. While Mesoamerican civilization knew of the wheel and basic metallurgy, neither of these became technologically relevant.
During this formative period distinct religious and symbolic traditions spread, as well as the development of artistic and architectural complexes. In the subsequent Preclassic period, complex urban polities began to develop among the Maya, with the rise of centers such as Aguada fénix and Calakmul in Mejico; El Mirador, and Tikal in Guatemala, and the Zapotec at Monte Albán. During this period, the first true Mesoamerican writing systems were developed in the Epi-Olmec and Zapotec cultures. The Mesoamerican writing tradition reached its height in the Classic Maya logosyllabic script.
Mesoamerica is one of only six regions of the world where writing is known to have independently developed (the others being ancient Egypt, Peru, India, Sumer, and China). In Central Mejico, the city of Teotihuacan ascended at the height of the Classic period; it formed a military and commercial empire whose political influence stretched south into the Maya area and northward. Upon the collapse of Teotihuacán around 600 AD, competition between several important political centers, such as Xochicalco and Cholula, ensued. At this time during the Epi-Classic period, the Nahua peoples began moving south into Mesoamerica from the North, and became politically and culturally dominant in central Mejico, as they displaced speakers of Oto-Manguean languages.
During the early post-Classic period, Central Mejico was dominated by the Toltec culture, and the region of Oajaca by the Mixtec. The lowland Maya area had important centers at Chichén Itzá and Mayapán. Towards the end of the post-Classic period, the Aztecs of Central Mejico built a tributary empire covering most of central Mesoamerica. The distinct Mesoamerican cultural tradition ended with the Spanish conquest in the 16th century. Over the next centuries, Mesoamerican indigenous cultures were gradually subjected to Spanish colonial rule. Aspects of the Mesoamerican cultural heritage still survive among the indigenous peoples who inhabit Mesoamerica. Over 17 million continue to speak their ancestral languages, and maintain many practices harking back to their Mesoamerican roots.
The Spanish Conquest and Colonial Period (1517-1788)
Initial exploration (1517-1519)
After the conquest of Granada in 1492, Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, the Catholic Monarchs, financed several expeditions of Genoese explorer Christopher Columbus, who sought a westward maritime route to India, hoping to profit from the lucrative spice trade. In doing so, Columbus unexpectedly stumbled upon what would later be known as the New World. This monumental discovery began a new era, initiating widespread European exploration and eventual colonization of the Americas. He arrived on October 12 at the island of San Salvador, marking the start of European engagement with the Indigenous peoples of the Americas. Columbus's expeditions — four in total between 1492 and 1504 — set the stage for the extensive overseas empires that Spain and eventually other European powers would establish, drastically altering the course of history on a global scale.
The Spaniards continued exploring the New World, founding settlements and establishing forts, ports, and trading posts in the Caribbean Islands, with their main base located on Isla Juana, later known as Cuba. The Spaniards based their wealth on encomiendas, but because the native population had been decimated, the settlers were eager for new opportunities. Three friends of Cuban governor Diego Velázquez de Cuéllar — Francisco Hernández de Córdoba, Lope Ochoa de Caicedo, and Cristóbal de Morante — organized to buy two ships with the intention of traveling westward. Velázquez paid for a brigantine, also obtaining the necessary permits from the Jeronimite friars to undertake the expedition, as their approval was required. The objective of the journey was to find slaves, especially for Velázquez, but those leading the ships aimed to discover new lands to populate and govern. Antón de Alaminos was hired as the chief pilot, with Pedro Camacho de Triana and Juan Álvarez de Huelva as assistant pilots. Fr. Alonso González traveled as the chaplain, and Bernardo Iñíguez as the overseer.
On February 8, 1517, three ships set sail from Santiago with 110 men, navigating along the north coast of Cuba. Upon reaching San Antón, they intended to head towards the Islas de la Bahía, but were caught in a storm in the Yucatán Channel, arriving in early March at Isla Mujeres. There, they found various figurines of naked women dedicated to the Mayan fertility goddess Ixchel. They later sailed towards the north coast of the Peninsula, sighting Ecab, which they named the "Great Cairo". They anchored the ships, and the local inhabitants, with signs of peace, approached in canoes, inviting the newcomers ashore, saying "cones cotoch," which means "come to my houses", hence why they called it Punta Catoche. The next day, March 5, the Spanish expeditionaries accepted the invitation and upon disembarking, Hernández de Córdoba formally took possession in the name of the king of what he believed was an island, which he baptized with the name of Santa María de los Remedios.
After the protocol was finished, the expeditionaries ventured inland where they were ambushed. In the skirmish that ensued, two Spaniards and fifteen natives died. Hernández de Córdoba ordered a return to the ships, capturing two indigenous men, nicknamed Julianillo and Melchorejo, who became the first Maya-Spanish translators. The expedition continued sailing along the north coast. On March 22, they reached Can Pech, naming the place Puerto de Lázaro and disembarking to stock up on water. There, they were surrounded by a group of Mayans, and marveled when the natives pointed eastward saying, "castilán". The Spaniards were guided to the nearby settlement where they were well received. They observed blood-stained walls in a temple from a recent sacrifice. The halach uinik warned the visitors that they should leave or else hostilities would begin. In response, Hernández de Córdoba ordered his men to set sail. At sea, they were caught by a north wind that caused a loss of water, so they disembarked again in Chakán Putum. On this occasion, another group of Mayans, led by Moch Couoh, attacked the expedition without warning, causing more than twenty casualties and injuring Hernández de Córdoba. At this point, the expeditionaries had to flee, leaving one of the ships behind as they no longer had enough men to sail it. Thirsty and exhausted, the Spanish headed to La Florida, where they finally obtained fresh water, but once again, were attacked by natives.
The expedition returned to the port of Carenas in Cuba, where Velázquez was informed of the events. The governor made it clear that he would send a new expedition under new leadership. Upon hearing this, Hernández de Córdoba vowed to travel to Spain to complain to the king, but died ten days later due to the injuries sustained in Chakán Putum. Because of the indigenous people they had encountered, there was a belief that there was gold in the region. It was confirmed that there were survivors from the shipwreck that occurred in 1511 in the Gulf of Darien, and due to a misinterpretation, it was thought that the recently discovered place was called Yucatán in the Mayan language. Henceforth, the territory was named Yucatán. Recognizing the significance of these findings, Velázquez requested two permits to continue the explorations: one addressed to the Jeronimite friars in Santo Domingo, and the second directly to King Charles I of Spain, asking for the appointment of an adelantado.
The following year, the governor organized a second expedition, recovering the ships from the first voyage and adding a caravel and a brigantine. Once again, Alaminos, Camacho, and Álvarez served as pilots, joined by Pedro Arnés de Sopuerta as the fourth navigator. Velázquez appointed his nephew Juan de Grijalva as captain general and Francisco de Montejo, Pedro de Alvarado, and Alonso de Ávila as captains of the other ships, responsible for supplying provisions to the vessels. Juan Díaz participated in the journey, serving not only as a chaplain but also documenting the fleet's itinerary. Peñalosa acted as the overseer, and Bernardino Vázquez de Tapia as the general ensign.
In late January 1518, the ships departed from Santiago, sailing along the north coast and stopping in Matanzas to complete their supplies. They left on April 8 and arrived at Cozumel on May 3. On this date, Grijalva baptized the place as Santa Cruz de la Puerta Latina. When they landed on the island, the natives fled. They only encountered two old men and a woman who turned out to be Jamaican. The woman had arrived two years earlier when her canoe was carried by the current of the Yucatán Channel, and her companions had been sacrificed. She acted as an interpreter, as some of the Spaniards knew her language. Vázquez de Tapia raised the Tanto Monta flag in a small temple, and Diego de Godoy, the notary, ceremoniously read the requerimiento. Shortly after, the Mayans approached and, initially unaware of the Spaniards' presence, the halach uinik conducted a ceremony to their gods by burning copal. Following this, Grijalva ordered Juan Díaz to conduct a mass. This facilitated friendly communication between both parties. The Spaniards couldn't find gold but received turkeys, honey, and maize. They extended their stay in this place for four days.
Afterward, they briefly sailed south, exploring Zama (Tulum) and Bahía de la Asunción, which they believed marked the boundary of the "island of Yucatán". Grijalva ordered a change of course to head north to circle the peninsula and reach Chakán Putum, where, similar to the first expedition, they stocked up on water. Although this time they obtained a couple of masks adorned with gold from the natives, they were once again warned to leave. Ignoring the warning, they spent the night listening to war drums, and the following day, a battle ensued. This time, the outcome favored the Spaniards, who inflicted severe casualties on the Maya, forcing them to retreat. Despite sixty men being injured — Grijalva included, sustaining three arrow wounds and losing two teeth — the action was considered a victory. Only seven Spaniards died during the battle. The death toll increased later as thirteen soldiers succumbed to their wounds.
The vessels headed north, reaching Isla del Carmen in Laguna de Términos, which they named Puerto Deseado. Alaminos believed this to be the other boundary of "the island of Yucatán". They continued their journey, arriving in Tabasco, inhabited by the Chontal Maya. They captured four natives, naming one of them Francisco, who served as an interpreter for the Chontal language. On June 8, they discovered a river, naming it the Grijalva River, and disembarked in Potonchán, where Grijalva met with the Maya chief Tabscoob, who gifted them some pieces of gold. Encouraged by this, they crossed the Tonalá River, and a bit farther west, Alvarado took the initiative to navigate the Papaloapan River. This displeased Grijalva, leading to a rift between them from then on.
Along the coast, they encountered various settlements. By mid-June, they arrived at an island where they found a temple and four dead people, apparently sacrificed to Tezcatlipoca. Hence, the place was named Isla de Sacrificios. They disembarked at Chalchicueyecan, where Grijalva inquired Francisco about the reason for the sacrifices. He responded that they had been ordered by the Colhuas, but the answer was misunderstood, and it was believed that the place was called Ulúa. Considering the date, June 24, the place was baptized as San Juan de Ulúa. Here, they collected gold with the Totonacs, one of the peoples subjugated by the Mexicas.
A few days later, the calpixques Pínotl, Yaotzin, and Teozinzócatl arrived, accompanied by Cuitlapítoc and Téntlil, presenting themselves as ambassadors of the huey tlatoani Moctezuma Xocoyotzin. Peacefully, they exchanged gifts. Through this interaction, Grijalva realized that the Mexicas dominated the region and were both feared and resented. Alvarado was sent back to Cuba to report and deliver the treasures obtained to Velázquez. Montejo led an exploration journey northward. He discovered the Cazones River and Nautla, which he named Almería. Further along, the ships navigated the Pánuco River, where twelve canoes with Huastec natives attacked the Spanish incursion. Consequently, the captains decided to return. With a damaged ship, the journey was slow, and they chose not to establish any garrison. Meanwhile, in Santiago, Velázquez had no news from the explorers and was concerned about the delay. He decided to send a rescue caravel under the command of Cristóbal de Olid, who managed to reach Cozumel, but as the journey continued, the ship suffered damage. Olid aborted the mission and returned to Cuba.
When the governor received Alvarado on the island, he was impressed by the report of the journey. Immediately, he sent Fr. Benito Martín to Spain to inform Bishop Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca and the King about the news from the discovered territories. The fleet's itinerary and some gold objects were sent as support. Despite the achievements of the expedition, Velázquez was displeased with his nephew. According to official orders, Grijalva should not have established any colonies during the journey, but unofficially, the governor expected the opposite.
Diego de Velázquez, not having received a response regarding the appointment of an adelantado, organized a third expedition. Considering his nephew had failed in his mission and thus required a new captain, he, prompted by his secretary Andrés de Duero and accountant Amador Lares, chose Hernán Cortés, then the mayor of Santiago. Both signed agreements and instructions on October 23, 1518. Velázquez signed as an adjunct to the admiral and commander in chief Diego Colón and Moniz Perestrello since he had not yet received an appointment from the King of Spain. The governor feared someone from Hispaniola or Jamaica might preempt a similar enterprise.
Eleven ships were gathered. Three contributed by Velázquez, three by Cortés, and the rest by participating captains. However, at the last moment, the governor changed his mind and decided to dismiss Cortés, sending Amador de Lares for the interview and blocking the supply of provisions. Cortés left Santiago, evading the orders and informing Lares, who conveyed the news to the governor. On the day of the incident, Velázquez appeared at the dock to inquire about the situation. Cortés, surrounded by his armed men, confronted him: "Forgive me, but all these things were considered before they were ordered. What are your orders now?" Faced with the insubordination, Velázquez did not respond, and the ships set sail on November 18, 1518. They stopped on the south side of the port of Trinidad, recruiting soldiers and stocking up on supplies for almost three months.
The captains designated by Cortés were Pedro de Alvarado, Alonso de Ávila, Alonso Hernández Portocarrero, Diego de Ordás, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Francisco de Saucedo, Juan de Escalante, Juan Velázquez de León, Cristóbal de Olid, and Gonzalo de Sandoval. He appointed Antón de Alaminos as the chief pilot, who was familiar with the area having participated in the expeditions of Hernández de Córdoba in 1517, Juan de Grijalva in 1518, and Juan Ponce de León's journey to Florida in 1513. Cortés assembled 550 Spaniards, including 50 sailors and 16 horses. Additionally, according to Bartolomé de las Casas' chronicle, he brought 200 auxiliaries, some natives, and Black slaves. Meanwhile, in Spain, King Charles I had signed the document on November 13, 1518, authorizing Velázquez's expedition.
Velázquez made a second attempt to stop Cortés. He sent various letters, one directly to Cortés, ordering him to wait. The others were directed to Juan Velázquez de León, Diego de Ordás, and the mayor of Trinidad, Francisco Verdugo, asking to delay the departure of the expedition and even ordering the apprehension of Cortés. As a last attempt, the governor sent Gaspar de Garnica to apprehend Cortés in Havana. However, Cortés's ships left the coasts of Cuba on February 18, 1519. Nine ships set sail from the south side, and two ships departed from the north side. The flagship's flag featured white and blue fires with a red cross in the center and around it, a Latin inscription that said, "Amici sequamur crucem, & si nos habuerimus fidem in hoc signo vincemus", meaning: "Friends, let us follow the sign of the Holy Cross with true faith, for with it, we will conquer".
Mesoamerican background
According to legend, before the arrival of the Spaniards, eight signs were given during the previous ten years, announcing the collapse of the Mexica State:
- A column of fire appeared in the night sky (possibly a comet).
- The temple of Huitzilopochtli was ravaged by fire, the more water was thrown to put out the fire, the more the flames grew.
- Lightning struck the temple of Xiuhtecuhtli, where it is called Tzummulco, but the thunder was not heard.
- When there was still sun, a fire fell. In three parts divided, coming out from west to east with a long tail, noises were heard in great uproar as if they were rattles.
- The water of the lake seemed to boil, because of the wind that blew. Part of Tenochtitlán was flooded.
- A mourner was heard to lead a funeral dirge to the Aztecs. The Mexica said that it was the goddess Coatlicue, who announced destruction and death to her children, sending Cihuacóatl (later known as La Llorona).
- A strange crane-like bird was hunted. When Moctezuma Xocoyotzin looked into his pupils, he could see unknown men waging war and coming on the backs of deer-like animals.
- Strange people, with one body and two heads, deformed and monstrous, took them to the "house of the black" showed them to Moctezuma, and then disappeared (possibly men on horseback).
The data offered in the Florentine Codex about this legend were written decades after the conquest, approximately in 1555. Modern historians, such as Mateo Respendial, have concluded that it is possible that some of the events described may have happened, but that it is not proven that Moctezuma truly interpreted these signs as announcing the end of his empire. The idea that these signs were interpreted in this way may have been part of the Franciscan friars' narrative that the conquest of Mejico was part of "God's plan for America", writing stories in which the Indigenous people have already been divinely warned of the arrival of the Spaniards to the continent, an idea formed by friars such as Motolinía, which led to the popular belief in the association between the Spanish captain general Hernan Cortés and the deity Quetzalcóatl.
Since the mid-15th century, the Mexica had been expanding over a large territory, subjugating various peoples and making them tributaries. Towards 1517, Moctezuma Xocoyotzin continued the military campaigns of expansion. The Tlaxcaltecs, close neighbors of the Mexica, had tenaciously resisted the dominion and expansion of the latter, finding themselves surrounded, leaving them virtually under siege. On the other hand, after the fall of Tula, there was a legend that the god Quetzalcóatl would return someday, arriving by the eastern sea, where the sun rises and the gods lived. This legend was well known to the Mexica, and some prophets foretold the return of Quetzalcóatl and posited it as the end of the existing lordship. Moctezuma firmly believed in these prophecies due to certain omens and events, such as the appearance of a comet, a "spontaneous fire" in the house of the god Huitzilopochtli, a lightning bolt in the temple of Xiuhtecuhtli and other events.
News began to arrive to the Mexica, of Spanish ships described as "mountains that moved on the water and with white-skinned bearded men on them". This was immediately related to the return of the god Quetzalcóatl. Moctezuma ordered the calpixque of Cuextlan, Pinotl, to build watchtowers and set up guards on the coast to watch for the possible return of the boats. Since the first encounters with the Spaniards ended in commercial exchanges for the "ransom of gold", the idea spread that the way to get rid of them, without fighting, was to simply give them gold or women and accept whatever they brought to exchange. Because of this, the exchanges multiplied since the first Spanish expeditions, but the effect was the opposite of that expected by the natives, since it created in the Europeans the idea that there were inexhaustible treasures in the area, thus awakening their ambition.
Cortés' expedition and Conquest (1519-1521)
The third expedition was organized in 1519, with Cortés, being chosen as commander. Despite Velázquez retracting his decision and ordering Cortés to stop, he set sail for Yucatán, disembarking in February 1519. There, Jerónimo de Aguilar, one of the shipwrecked Spaniards, joined the expedition, and served as an interpreter for Maya to Spanish. Cortés fought with and defeated Tabscoob in the Battle of Centla, where he received a slave known as Malintzin, baptized as Doña Marina, who would become Cortés' great translator, lover, and a key player in the conquest. He also founded the town of Santa María de la Victoria, which would become the capital of the province of Tabasco. Cortés continued his journey and founded the Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz in Aztec territory. According to Spanish law, if a town with a cabildo was founded, it would be autonomous. Vera Cruz immediately elected a cabildo, the first city council in Mejican history, and it appointed Cortés as the leader of a new expedition that would render its obedience to the King of Spain alone.
Cortés headed towards Totonac territory, where he managed to convince local rulers to join his forces, promising to liberate them from tribute-paying duty towards the Aztecs. Cortés employed cunning maneuvering and deceit to exploit division and divert the suspicions of the Aztecs. The Totonacs contributed 1,300 warriors and countless tamemes to Cortés' enterprise, which saw another 300 men join it after an expedition sent by the governor of Jamaica disembarked in Vera Cruz. On August 16, 1519, Cortés and his entourage began their march towards Tenochtitlán, during which he attempted but mostly failed at recruiting subjugated peoples to join him. In Ixtacamaxtitlán, the Spaniards were nearly ambushed, but the Totonacs warned Cortés of the possible trap, and encouraged him to continue through the territory of Tlaxcala.
Tlaxcala was a confederation united in a republic and governed by a Senate. They were fierce rivals of the Aztecs, and frequently engaged in ritual wars known as Xochiyaoyotl. The Senate, led by Xicoténcatl the Old, Maxixcatzin, and Xicoténcatl the Young, originally decided to war against the Spaniards who managed to defeat them in battle multiple times. Cortés pursued peace with the Tlaxcalans who, on September 18, 1519, closed a crucial alliance. Continuing their march towards Tenochtitlán, they passed through Cholula, a tributary city and ally of the Aztecs, and rivals of the Tlaxcalans. There, the Spaniards avoided another possible ambush, and instead carried out the Massacre of Cholula, killing more than 5,000 men in less than five hours. The Spaniards seized gold and jewels, the Amerindians seized salt and cotton. The Cholultecs then joined Cortés, as he continued his march.
Moctezuma attempted to dissuade Cortés on multiple occasions, but his efforts were always in vain. On November 8, 1519, Cortés and his men were received by the tlatoani and a large host, counting with the presence of the tlatoanis of Tlacopan and Texcoco, high-ranking dignataries, and other servants. Gifts were exchanged, and the Spaniards where housed in the Palace of Axayácatl. During their stay, in Nautla, there was a battle between the Totonacs and the Aztecs, as they had stopped paying tribute, and the Spanish garrison of Vera Cruz, who defended them. The Spanish also discoeverd gold in the palace, and subdued Moctezuma, suspecting yet another possible ambush. Cortés took the events of Nautla as a pretext to arrest the tlatoani, demanding punishment for those responsible. Moctezuma granted the privilege of carrying out a trial, and Aztec dignataries were sentenced to death.
The Mexica began to doubt their leader. Cortés asked Moctezuma to abandon his gods and to prohibit human sacrifices, tore down effigies and imposed Christian images, and had a mass celebrated at the top of the Templo Mayor. Cortés also found out the places where the gold came from, and sent multiple expeditions. In one such expedition, the brother of Cacama, tlatoani of Texcoco, was executed, prompting a failed rebellion by Cacama, who was betrayed by his brother Ixtlilxóchitl. Moctezuma insisted the Spaniards leave, but Cortés excused himself of not having boats, as they had been destroyed. Social unrest was brewing, and the tlatoani attempted to calm the people down. Considering he had relative control over the city, Cortés sent his men on expeditions to found a colony, extract gold, and monitor the coast and, to reassure Moctezuma, to build new ships - with the secret instruction to carry out the work as slowly as possible.
In Spain, Puertocarrero and Montejo had arrived in Seville and tried to orchestrate a meeting with King Charles. Fr. Benito Martín had already obtained the title of adelantado for Velázquez, and requested that full authority be granted for the governor to punish Cortés' insubordination. Impressed by the gold and people brought from the Americas, the Bishop of Badajoz advocated for Cortés before the King, despite the Velázquez's partidaries controling the Council of Castile. Cortés' emissaries eventually met the procurators on April 30, 1520, in Santiago de Compostela, where the Council eventually heard the procurators. In May, the committe decided to postpone its resolution until hearing new evidence from both Velázquez and Cortés.
Velázquez, unaware of the events in Spain, organized an army that consisted of 19 vessels, 1,400 men, 80 horses, 20 pieces of artillery, and 1,000 Cuban auxiliaries, appointing Pánfilo de Narváez as captain, with secret orders to arrest or kill Cortés. Rodrigo de Figueroa, resident judge of Hispaniola, considered that the fight was not beneficial for the Crown, and sent men to stop the expedition, but Velázquez disregarded the official request. Vázquez de Ayllón decided to travel to Vera Cruz to try to negotiate an agreement. The ships set sail from Cuba on March 5, 1520 and, shortly before leaving Cuba, a smallpox epidemic had spread on the island - the virus was transported on the excursion. Narváez's expedition arrived in San Juan de Ulúa on April 19, but Vázquez de Ayllón's ships had arrived days earlier, so he was able to contact Vera Cruz.
Narváez founded San Salvador, met with the Totonacs, and informed them that he intended to arrest Cortés. The Totonacs sent gifts, but Narváez kept them, provoking the antipathy of his followers, who then began to get restless. He also arrested several men, and sent Vázquez de Ayllón to Hispaniola. There, he denounced the events and sent letters to Spain. A delegation from Moctezuma contacted Narváez, and messages were soon sent to the tlatoani. He harbored hopes of being released and kept his communications secret, but he could not hide the news of the arrival of the boats. Cortés sent men to investigate and, on the coast, Narváez proclaimed that Velázquez ordered that all Spaniards were to support Narváez. Gonzalo de Sandoval decided to arrest Narváez's commissioners and immediately sent them to Tenochtitlán, where they were well received by Cortés, astonishing them. They informed Cortés of the new expedition's plan, and he sent them back to the coast with a reply letter to Narváez. In contrast, Cortés emissaries had been arrested, but they began to secretly distribute gold to Narváez's men.
Cortés left Tenochtitlan, marching with part of his army towards the coast and leaving a garrison under Alvarado. Narváez and Cortés exchanged propositions that were not accepted by either of them, with the interviews serving as espionage and giving Cortés the capability of bribing Narváez's officers. On May 28, in Cempoala, Cortés carried out a swift and accurate attack against Narváez, who was blinded in one eye during the battle. There were very few casualties, and most of Narváez's men surrendered, recognizing Cortés as their chief after being convinced of Aztec wealth, increasing the strength of the conquistador. A messenger from Tenochtitlan informed Cortés about a rebellion in the city, through which they had ambushed all the men who had been protected from it. Likewise, he learned of the secret communication that Moctezuma had had with Narváez.
A ceremony was to be held in honor of Huitzilopochtli. The Mexica asked permission from Alvarado, who granted it. Many men of the Aztec nobility and priesthood danced and sang unarmed, before being suddenly butchered by Alvarado's men, who discovered serious indications that a conspiracy was underway. The Massacre of Tóxcatl caused enormous indignation, and the already embittered Mexica attacked the Palace of Axayacatl. Moctezuma failed to contain the rebellion, as the Mexicas besieged the palace for more than twenty days, where the Spaniards entrenched themselves, taking Moctezuma and other chiefs with him. Back in the city, Cortés was able to meet with his captains in the palace, arriving with more than 1,300 soldiers and 2,000 Tlaxcalans.
Moctezuma died in these days, but the accounts are contradictory. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxóchitl affirms that the Spanish murdered Moctezuma, which the Spanish chroniclers deny. Bernal Díaz del Castillo says that Moctezuma was hit with a stone, thrown from the angry crowd, after he attempted to address his people. He was taken inside, but died three days later due to the wound. On June 30, 1520, during the night, Cortés and his men left Tenochtitlan, initially in an orderly manner, with soldiers, horses, gold, commanders, officers, Aztec nobles, and artillery pieces gathered in groups of three. The Spaniards were discovered and the alarm was raised, leading to the loss of about 800 Spaniards, thousands of native allies, cannons, horses, harquebuses, swords, bows, arrows, and a hefty portion of the gold. The survivors escpaed through the Tlacopan route and, after escaping, all chroniclers agree that Cortés wept under an ahuehuete tree.
They took a route back to Tlaxcala. On July 7, the conquistadors were fiercely attacked in the battle of Otumba. Exhausted and in spite of the immense numerical inequality of forces, Cortés' military skill was centered on defending himself in a circle until he managed to kill the main captain of the Mexicas. After he did so, the pursuers fled, achieving a victory that is still studied in military academoies today. The Spaniards attributed this victory to the apparition of Saint James the Great, patron saint of Spain. Due to the fact that the greatest number of casualties corresponded to the Tlaxcalans, Cortés assumed the alliance had ended, but contrary to his beliefs, he was received with benevolence in Tlaxcala. The Spanish forces began to reorganize, although it took them more than a year to return to take Tenochtitlan.
Meanwhiile, a smallpox epidemic epidemic broke out in Tenochtitlan. As collateral damage, there was a famine due to the disruption of the supply systems. Cuitláhuac, the new Huey Tlatoani, ordered the reconstruction of the main temple, reorganized the army and sent it to the Tepeaca valley. He tried to make an alliance with the Purépechas, but their cazonci, Zuanga, refused to accept it. Emissaries were also sent with the intention of sealing peace with Tlaxcala, but they refused. In November of that year, Cuitláhuac died of smallpox. Considering that Cacama had died during the events that occurred on June 30, the Triple Alliance had new successors, Coanácoch in Texcoco, Tetlepanquetzaltzin in Tlacopan and Cuauhtémoc, nephew of Moctezuma Xocoyotzin, in Tenochtitlan.
During his journey to Tenochtitlan, Cortés had achieved the alliances of towns subjugated by the Aztecs, such as Tlaxcala and Chalco. After having gathered his forces and those of his allies, Cortés began the march back to Tenochtitlán in January 1521, more than six months after his retreat. The Aztecs were now governed by Cuauhtémoc, since Cuitláhuac had died due to smallpox, a disease of which some Spaniards were carriers and to which many Indians were extremely vulnerable. In March, Cortés began the siege of the city, to which he cut off the water supply and the basic resources of sanitation, communication, and commerce. Despite his alliances with Texcoco and Tlacopan, the city had to surrender on August 13, marking the beginning of Spanish rule.
Viceroyalty of New Spain (1521-1788)
Cuauhtémoc, Aztec leader, was arrested after attempting to escape on a raft on Lake Texcoco. Imprisoned in Coyoacán, he was subjected to torture by the Spanish - his feet were burned to make him confess the location of the Aztec treasure. Despite his suffering, he refused to reveal the location, demonstrating great courage and loyalty to his people. Cuauhtémoc was eventually released by the Spanish, but remained under their control as a puppet ruler. In 1525, he became a Catholic convert, taking the name of Carlos, in honor of the Spanish king, and the surname “Guatemocín de Santiago”. He would become an important part of the local bureaucracy, as he retained his noble status and wealth, and was able to bring the native population closer to the Spaniards and the Catholic faith. He would become the Count of Guatemocín, and would die in 1537 of smallpox.
In 1525, several indigenous leaders were found guilty of leading a rebellion against the Spanish. They were hanged in the town square of what is now Mejico City, marking the end of Aztec resistance to Spanish rule.
The Spanish conquest is well documented from multiple points of view. There are accounts by the Spanish leader Hernán Cortés himself, and multiple other Spanish participants, including Bernal Díaz del Castillo. There are indigenous accounts written in both Spanish and Nahuatl, and pictorial narratives by allies of the Spanish, most prominently the Tlaxcalans, as well as the Texcocans and Huejotzincans, and the defeated Mexica themselves, recorded in the last volume of Bernardino de Sahagún's General History of the Things of New Spain.
The 1521 capture of Tenochtitlan and the immediate founding of the Spanish capital Mejico City on its ruins was the beginning of a 269-year-long colonial era during which Mejico was known as Nueva España (New Spain). Two factors made Mejico a jewel in the Spanish Empire: the existence of large, hierarchically organized Mesoamerican populations that rendered tribute and performed obligatory labor, and the discovery of vast silver deposits in northern Mejico. The Kingdom of New Spain was created from the remnants of the Aztec Empire. The two pillars of Spanish rule were the State and the Catholic Church, both under the authority of the Spanish crown. In 1493, the pope had granted sweeping powers to the Spanish monarchy for its overseas empire, with the proviso that the crown spread Christianity in its new realms. In 1524, King Charles I created the Council of the Indies based in Spain to oversee State power in its overseas territories; in New Spain, the crown established a high court in Mejico City, the Real Audiencia, and then in 1535 created the Viceroyalty of New Spain. The viceroy was highest official of the State. In the religious sphere, the diocese of Mejico was created in 1530 and elevated to the Archdiocese of Mejico in 1546, with the archbishop as the head of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, overseeing Catholic clergy. Castilian Spanish was the language of rulers, and increasingly so the language of the common folk. The Catholic faith was the only one permitted, with non-Catholics, including Jews and Protestants, and Catholics holding unorthodox views, excluding Amerindians, being subject to the Mejican Inquisition, which was established in 1571.
In the first half-century of Spanish rule, a network of Spanish cities was created, sometimes on pre-Columbian sites where there were dense indigenous populations. The capital Mejico City was and remains the premier city, but other cities founded in the 16th century remain important, including Puebla de los Ángeles, Nueva Mérida, Zacatecas, Oajaca, Culiacán, and the port of Veracruz. Cities and towns were hubs of civil officials, ecclesiastics, business, Spanish elites, and mixed-race and indigenous artisans and workers. When deposits of silver were discovered in sparsely populated northern Mejico, now part of the Old North, far from the dense populations of central Mejico, the Spanish secured the region against fiercely resistant Chichimecs, establishing the previously mentioned silver-mining cities of Zacatecas and San Luis de Mesquitique, and developing a network of roads, known as the Camino Real de Tierra Adentro, linking the mining cities with the metropolis of Mejico City, which continued to expand as a population center. The Viceroyalty at its greatest extent included the territories of modern Mejico, the Democratic Republic of Central America, El Salvador, and Costa Rica, and a small portion of the Kingdom of Louisiana. The Viceregal capital Mejico City also administrated the Spanish West Indies (the Caribbean), the Spanish East Indies (the Philippines), and Florida.
The Spanish established their political and economic institutions with Indian or Spanish elites as landholders and tax collectors, and Indians or Mestizos as labor. The Spanish set up a system of Repúblicas, with the República de Indios (Republic of Indians) being established in areas densely populated by Indians, who received land, housing and in such urban centers, churches were to be built for their Christianization. In the República, Spaniards, blacks, mestizos or mulattos could not reside, and the native lands and customs were allowed, as long as they did not contravene the Christian religion or the laws of the State. Among the power ceded to these Republics were the administration of communal property, the collection of taxes, citizen security, regulation of commercial activity, among others.
In order to forcefully extract the maximum amount of labor from Indian workers, the Spanish instituted the encomienda system, granting certain Spaniards the right to tax and exploit local Indians by making them laborers and serfs, granting them lands to cultivate and populate, and keeping them in garrisons to work these lands and convert them to Christianity. The most prestigious encomenderos of this system were the Encomenderos of Coatzacoalcos and those of Ecatepec, who were at once landowners, political intermediaries, landlords, judges, and tax collectors, and held a large number of Indians in this system.
The encomienda gave rise to abuses and violence, to a kind of covert slavery. These behaviors were denounced by some individuals, such as Fray Antonio de Montesinos and Fray Bartolomé de las Casas. Fray Matías de Paz reflected from a Christian point of view while the jurist López de Palaci y Rubios contributed a juridical point of view. Bartolomé de las Casas would come to be attended by Carlos I and Felipe II. In 1512, the denunciation of Fray Montesinos, relative to some abuses of these first encomiendas, provoked the immediate promulgation of the Laws of Burgos that same year, extended a year later, where the labor system in the encoiendas is developed and defined explicitly, with the following rights and guarantees of the Indians and the obligations of encomenderos of fair treatment: work and equitable retribution and that he evangelized the encomendados. However, after the secularization of the Spanish empire, these obligations were omitted, transforming the encomienda into a system of forced labor for the native peoples in favor of the encomenderos. On December 9, 1518, this law was enriched by establishing that only those Indians who did not have sufficient resources to earn a living could be encomendados, and that when they were able to fend for themselves, they would cease the encomienda. The laws went so far as to oblige them to teach the Indians to read and write.
In 1527 a new law was passed that determined that the creation of any new encomienda must necessarily have the approval of the religious, who were responsible for judging whether an encomienda could help a specific group of Indians to develop, or whether it would be counterproductive. In 1542, Carlos I, after 50 years of existence of the encomienda, considered that the Indians had acquired sufficient social development for all to be considered subjects of the Crown like the rest of Spaniards. For this reason, the Leyes Nuevas (New Laws) were created in 1542, where it was stated that:
- New encomiendas will not be assigned, and the already existing ones will have to die necessarily with their owners.
- Those encomiendas that were in favor of members of the clergy, public officials, or persons without a conquest title were abolished.
- The amount of the tributes that had to satisfy the entrusted ones is limited considerably.
- That there was no cause or reason to make slaves; that the existing Indian slaves were to be set free, if the full right to keep them in that state was not shown.
The new viceroys arrived in the Americas with express orders that these laws were to be complied with, the opposite of what had happened with the previous ones. There were two wars in Peru between the encomenderos and those loyal to the king in 1544 and 1553. Meanwhile, in New Spain, Viceroy Luis de Velasco y Ruiz de Alarcón freed 15,000 Indians. It also provoked a conspiracy headed by the son of Hernán Cortés, Martín Cortés, II Marqués del Valle and his brother, whose outcome was his perpetual banishment from the Indies.
The rich deposits of silver, particularly in Zacatecas and Guanajuato, resulted in silver extraction dominating the economy of New Spain. Mejican silver pesos became the first globally used currency. Taxes on silver production became a major source of income for the Spanish Monarchy. Other important industries were the agricultural and ranching haciendas and mercantile activities in the main cities and ports. As a result of its trade links with Asia, the rest of the Americas, Africa and Europe, and the profound effect of New World silver, central Mejico was one of the first regions to be incorporated into a globalized economy. Being at the crossroads of trade, people and cultures, Mejico City has been called the "first world city". Trade within the Viceroyalty was conducted through two ports: Veracruz, on the Gulf of Mejico, and Acapulco, on the Pacific Ocean. The Nao de China (Manila Galleons) operated for two and a half centuries, arriving at the latter, carrying products from the Philippines to New Spain, and from there they were transported by land, arriving in Puebla, to Mejico City and Veracruz, from where they would be sent to Spain or to the ports of the Atlantic. Trade contributed to the flourishing of these ports, Mejico City and the intermediate region. Silver and the red dye cochineal were shipped from Veracruz to Atlantic ports in the Americas and Spain; pearls and copper were shipped from the port of La Paz at the southern tip of the San Fulgencio Peninsula to the Philippines and Japan; and silver from the Potosí mining region was carried to Mejico City. Veracruz was also the main port of entry in mainland New Spain for European goods, immigrants from Iberia and Italy, and African slaves. The Camino Real de Tierra Adentro connected Mejico City with the interior of New Spain.
Over the decades, the Viceroys of New Spain would sponsor expeditions towards the north in order to explore the continent, to better understand the geography of New Spain and, most of all, in search of riches, particularly the legendary Seven Cities of Gold. These legends would lead the Spaniards towards the Great Canyon and the Great Plains of North America, coming across a wide variety of peoples and installing outposts in California in the late 16th century, and in the region of Tejas in the mid-17th-century.
The population of Mejico was overwhelmingly indigenous and rural during the colonial period, despite the massive decrease in their numbers due to epidemic diseases and violence. Diseases such as smallpox, measles, and others were introduced by Europeans and African slaves, especially in the 16th century. The indigenous population stabilized around 1-1.5 million individuals in the 17th century from the most commonly accepted 5-30 million pre-contact population. During the two-and-a-half centuries of the colonial era, Mejico received between 700,000-950,000 Europeans, between 180,000 and 220,000 African slaves, and between 50,000 and 140,000 Asians.
The previously-mentioned Bartolomé de las Casas had supported the abolition of the encomienda and the congregation of Indians into self-governing townships, where they would become tribute-paying vassals of the king. He also supported a colonization plan that would be sustainable, which wouldn't rely on resource depletion and Indian labour - Spanish peasants were to migrate en masse to the Americas, where they would introduce small-scale farming and agriculture.
Under Viceroy Martín de Mayorga, the first comprehensive census was created in 1783, with racial classifications included. Although most of its original datasets have reportedly been lost, most of what is known about it comes from essays and field investigations made by scholars who had access to the census data and used it as reference for their works, such as German scientist Alexander von Humboldt. Europeans ranged from 25% to 30% of New Spain's population, Mestizos from 21% to 25%, Indians from to 45% to 54%, and Africans were between 6,000 and 10,000. The total population ranged from 4,799,561 to 7,322,354. It is concluded that the population growth trends of whites and mestizos were even, while the percentage of the indigenous population decreased at a rate of 13%-17% per century, mostly due to the latter having higher mortality rates from living in remote locations and being in constant war with the colonists. Independence-era Mejico eliminated the legal basis for the hierarchical system of racial classification, although the racial/ethnic labels continued to be used.
Colonial law with Spanish roots was introduced and attached to native customs, creating a hierarchy between local jurisdiction (cabildos) and the Spanish Crown. Upper administrative offices were closed to American-born people, even those of pure Spanish blood (criollos). The administration was based on racial separation. Society was organized in a racial hierarchy, with European-born whites on top, followed by American-born whites, mixed-race persons, and the Indigenous in the middle, and Africans at the bottom. There were formal designations of racial categories. The República de Españoles (Republic of Spaniards) comprised European- and American-born Spaniards, mixed-race castas, and black Africans. The República de Indios (Republic of Indians) comprised the Indigenous populations, which the Spanish lumped under the term indio (indian), a colonial social construct that indigenous groups and individuals rejected as a category. Spaniards were exempt from paying tribute, Spanish men had access to higher education, could hold civil and ecclesiastical offices, were subject to the Inquisition, and were liable for military service when the standing military was established in the late 18th century. Indigenous paid tribute, but were exempt from the Inquisition (as they were seen as neophytes in the faith), indigenous men were excluded from the priesthood; and exempt from military service. Although the racial system appears fixed and rigid, there was some fluidity within it, and the racial domination of whites was not complete. Since the indigenous population of New Spain was so large, there was less labor demand for expensive black slaves than in other parts of Spanish America. In the mid-18th-century, the crown instituted reforms that raised Criollos and Castizos to the same privileges enjoyed by Peninsulares, opening doors to multiple positions in the government, the clergy, commerce and the army. Mestizos and Indigenous peoples also benefitted from these reforms, gaining many civil and political rights, with a few being able to attain grandee status.
The Marian apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe, said to have appeared to the indigenous San Juan Diego in 1531, gave impetus to the evangelization of central Mejico. The Virgin of Guadalupe became a symbol for American-born Spaniards' (criollos) patriotism, seeking in her a Mejican source of pride, distinct from Spain. Our Lady of Guadalupe was declared to be patroness of New Spain in 1754 by the papal bull Non est Equidem of Pope Benedict XIV.
Spanish military forces, sometimes accompanied by native allies, led expeditions to conquer territory or quell rebellions through the colonial era, including the conquest of the Philippine Archipelago. Notable Amerindian revolts in sporadically populated northern New Spain include the Chichimeca War (1576–1606), Tepehuán Revolt (1616–1620), and the Pueblo Revolt (1680), the Tzeltal Rebellion of 1712 was a regional Maya revolt. Most rebellions were small-scale and local, posing no major threat to the ruling elites. To protect Mejico from the attacks of English, French, and Dutch pirates and protect the Crown's monopoly of revenue, only two ports were open to foreign trade—Veracruz on the Atlantic and Acapulco on the Pacific. Among the best-known pirate attacks are the 1663 Sack of Campeche and 1683 Attack on Veracruz. Of greater concern to the crown was foreign invasion. The Crown created a standing military, increased coastal fortifications, and expanded the northern presidios and missions into Alta California and Tejas. The volatility of the urban poor in Mejico City was made evident in the 1692 riot in the Zócalo. The riot over the price of maize escalated to a full-scale attack on the seats of power, with the viceregal palace and the archbishop's residence attacked by the mob.
Spanish projects for American independence (1783-1788)
During the reign of Charles III, there were discussions and proposals for American independence presented to the monarch. However, it is unclear whether Charles III initially took a position in favor or against these proposals. Nevertheless, it is evident that this was a matter of serious consideration at the highest levels of the Spanish political environment. In 1781, Francisco de Saavedra was sent to New Spain as a royal commissioner to meet with Viceroy Martín de Mayorga and other high authorities. During his visit, Saavedra was struck by the wealth and potential of the viceroyalty but also witnessed the growing discontent among the social classes with the Imperial system of administration. He also noted the resentment of the Criollos towards the more favored Peninsulares, and the potential danger posed by French Louisiana. However, he made a distinction between Louisiana and New Spain, as he saw the first as nothing more than "factories or warehouses of transient traders, filled with troublesome Indians", while the Spanish overseas provinces "are an essential part of the nation separate from the other. There are therefore very sacred ties between these two portions of the Spanish Empire, which the government of the metropolis should seek to strengthen by every conceivable means".
Gálvez's proposal was the most conservative of the three, advocating for a tightening of control over the Spanish colonies. Bernardo de Gálvez, remembered for his military exploits in the Gulf Coast campaign against the French and governor of Tejas, believed a strengthened colonial presence and increased military expenditure could deter both internal seditions and external threats. He suggested the creation of an American army loyal to the Crown, substantial investment in fortifications, and a revival of mercantilist economic policies to ensure financial flows remained between the colonies and the metropolis.
Contrastingly, the unionist proposal of José Moñino, Count of Floridablanca, who served as the Secretary of State under Charles III, took a more moderate stance. Floridablanca recognized the limitations of direct colonial management from Madrid and suggested a form of federal union. He envisioned each colony would maintain a degree of autonomy under a centralized monarchic framework, which would handle foreign policy and defense. He believed such a union would appease colonial subjects and reduce the fractures that plagued the British in their North American possessions, by allowing for local governance to cater to regional needs.
The most radical proposal came from Pedro Pablo Abarca de Bolea, Count of Aranda. Having been ambassador to France and acquainted with the Enlightenment philosophies percolating through Europe, Aranda perceived the colonial discontent as an inevitable consequence of an outdated system. He proposed a quasi-independence for the colonies, forming self-governing states that would still swear allegiance to the Spanish Crown but operate with substantial internal freedom. Aranda theorized that granting autonomy would not only quell revolutionary sentiments but also create a strong and loyal buffer against other colonial powers, particularly French Louisiana and the encroaching British interests.
The plan put forth by Aranda included the establishment of colonial parliaments, their own tax systems, and the right to form local militia for defense. Most controversially, it provided for the colonies to engage in free trade with nations approved by the Crown, a clear break from traditional Spanish mercantilism which restricted colonial trade to solely Spanish merchants. Aranda believed that his plan would address the concerns of the Criollos, and prevent the colonies from violently seeking independence. His proposal was successful in that it helped to ease tensions between the colonies and the metropolis, and contributed to a period of relative stability in the Spanish Empire.
Aranda's proposal drew intellectual support from José Ábalos, whose writings in 1781 argued that the self-governing capacities of the American possessions were not only desirable but necessary for the Empire's longevity. Ábalos, a noted economist and jurist in the colonies, observed that greater local control would lead to more efficient and responsive governance. He touted economic liberalization as a means to stimulate productivity and loyalty among colonial subjects. Drawing on empirical data from the colonies' economies, Ábalos noted that the trade policies of the metropolis stifled economic growth and fomented resentment among merchants and landowners in the New World. He proposed a more flexible system that would allow the colonies to adapt to their unique circumstances, suggesting that these territories be permitted to establish trade agreements with foreign powers under the oversight of the Crown. Ábalos's ideas laid the intellectual groundwork for a more decentralized empire, which he argued would benefit both the colonies and the empire as a whole.
The proposal was as follows:
"That Your Majesty should part with all the possessions of the continent of America, keeping only the islands of Cuba, Puerto Rico and Jamaica in the northern part and some that are more convenient in the southern part, with the purpose that those serve as a stopover or deposit for Spanish commerce. In order to carry out this vast idea in a way convenient to Spain, three princes should be placed in America: one king of New Spain, the other of Peru, and the other of New Granada, with Your Majesty taking the title of Emperor, and reigning over the rest of the Tierra Firme".
Under some conditions "in which the three sovereigns and their successors will recognize Your Majesty and the princes who henceforth occupy the Spanish throne as supreme head of the family", in addition to "a contribution" from each kingdom, that "their children will always marry", "so that in this way an indissoluble reunion of the four crowns will always subsist", "that the four nations will be considered as one in terms of reciprocal trade, perpetually subsisting among them the closest offensive and defensive alliance".
"...established and closely united these three kingdoms, under the bases that I have indicated, there will be no forces in Europe that can counteract their power in those regions, nor that of Spain, which in addition, will be in a position to contain the aggrandizement of the American colonies, or of any new power that wants to establish itself in that part of the world, that with the islands that I have said we do not need more possessions".
In 1785, Charles III made the decision to appoint his tenth child and fourth son, the Infante Gabriel, as the King of New Spain. This was a significant decision, as New Spain was one of the most important colonies of the Spanish Empire, encompassing present-day Mejico, parts of Central America, Florida, and the administrative center of the Philippines. The appointment of a royal prince as the King of New Spain was seen as a way to strengthen the ties between the colonies and the metropolis, and to ensure the loyalty of the Criollo elites, who were becoming increasingly restless under the rule of the Peninsulares.
Gabriel was born on 12 May 1752 and was only 33 years old at the time of his appointment. Before that, he had served as a military officer and had accompanied his father on various diplomatic missions. Gabriel was described as intelligent, well-educated, and cultured, with a passion for the arts and sciences. Gabriel arrived on the Americas on 12 December 1788, which was a day of great significance for the people of New Spain, as it was the Feast Day of Our Lady of Guadalupe. His arrival was greeted with much fanfare and celebration, as it signified a new era of royal attention and autonomy that could elevate New Spain's political importance within the Empire.
Upon his arrival, Gabriel met with the outgoing viceroy and the Archbishop of Mejico City. He spent the next few weeks getting to know the people and the culture of the colony, with celebrations including a game of bola criolla and bullfighting. On 29 December 1788, he was crowned at the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mejico City in a lavish ceremony that was attended by the nobility of New Spain, high-ranking church officials, representatives of the local indigenous communities, as well as envoys from other Spanish territories. The coronation was seen as a pivotal moment that marked the transition from direct colonial administration to a semi-autonomous kingdom under the Spanish Empire. Gabriel was given the regal name Gabriel I, King of New Spain, and he adopted a coat of arms that combined elements of the Spanish royal family with symbols representative of the New World.
Independent era (1788-present)
Early post-Independence under the House of Bourbon (1788-1825)
Gabriel I's reign was characterized by several transformative reforms for New Spain, as the kingdom transitioned from a colonial dependency to a semi-autonomous constitutional monarchy under the Spanish Crown. His reign began with great optimism and pageantry, epitomized by his coronation in Mejico City's Metropolitan Cathedral. Inspired by enlightened absolutism, he sought to modernize the administration, promote economic development through selective trade liberalization, and foster a sense of shared identity between New Spain and the metropole. Gabriel Gutiérrez de Terán was appointed as his first Secretary of State. Gutiérrez was a Spaniard and a peninsular, although that fact did not sour public opinion, as he was a respected merchant and had been mayor of Mejico City in the past.
The monarch and the Secretary implemented measures to improve the efficiency of the bureaucracy, reducing corruption and favoritism that had long plagued the system. In line with Aranda's proposal, he established a number of local parliaments called "Asambleas Reales" (Royal Assemblies), to provide regional governance - they were primarily composed of Criollos, but also included representation from various Indigenous judges. Together with this, the main focus of Gutiérrez had to do with economic advancement, as New Spain took an experimental approach by permitting limited free trade, allowing the kingdom to engage in commerce with nations approved by the Spanish Crown, taking advantage of its unique position as a nexus between the Pacific and Atlantic trade routes. This brought about an economic boom, as new markets opened for Mejican silver, which was in high demand, and enabled the importation of scientific knowledge and innovation. The economic reforms led to investments in the mining sector and agricultural development, bringing a degree of prosperity to the region that had been previously stifled by strict trade regulations.
On January 5, 1794, Gabriel appointed Juan Vicente de Güemes, II Count of Revillagigedo, as his new Secretary of State. Revillagigedo, an accomplished administrator, shifted the focus of governance towards strengthening New Spain's internal structures. Under his guidance, the kingdom implemented significant reforms in Mejico City, aimed at improving its infrastructure, including the construction of roads, bridges, and aqueducts, facilitating communication and trade. They introduced rainage and sewers to all streets, paved them, and installed public lighting to illuminate them at night. He ordered the beautification of promenades, squares, and avenues and these efforts culminated in a renaissance of urban development. The Alameda Central, Mejico City's oldest municipal park, was refurbished under Gabriel's patronage, adding neoclassical statues and fountains to mirror European ideals. Together, they sought to elevate the capital not merely as the seat of governance but as a cultural beacon of the Spanish world. By the end of Güemes' administration, Mejico City was known as the City of Palaces.
Another of the measures to which his government paid much attention was the improvement of the Intendencias, which led to the promotion of cotton, hemp, silk, and linen cultivation. To improve communication and commercial traffic, Gabriel and Güemes ordered the design and construction of a wide network of modern roads, including the one that went from Mejico City to the port of Veracruz, carrying out engineering works to save ravines and rivers. They also established the Royal Council for Agricultural Development, which aimed to provide financial support to and expertise to local farmers and artisans, and Gabriel I passed the Real Decree of Intendential Statutes, by which the intendencias were granted increased administrative autonomy while being held accountable for their financial and operational performance. The intendants were given explicit mandates to oversee agricultural production, maintain public order, and implement local infrastructure projects, with resources allocated directly to responsible intendencias.
Gabriel was interested in indigenous cultures and supported several anthropological expeditions. In 1790, during excavations in the Plaza de Armas, the Aztec Calendar was found. Captain Alejandro Malaspina traveled along the coast of Osolután in San Salvador de Guatemala and later San Francisco de Yerbabuena in the Fulgencines to secure Spanish possessions, causing diplomatic problems with Great Britain. Gabriel also supported Martín de Sessé's expedition for the study and classification of Mejican flora. As a promoter of education, he endowed the San Carlos Academy with with great and outstanding teachers, created the chairs of mathematics applied to architecture, anatomy in the general hospital and physiology, and in 1793 inaugurated the Museum of Natural History.
In a decisive move reflecting the kingdom's shifting intellectual climate, Gabriel appointed Francisco Primo de Verdad as his Secretary on February 14, 1799. A lawyer and ardent advocate of Enlightenment principles, Primo de Verdad ushered in a period of liberal experimentation. Gabriel, while cautious about the pace of change, endorsed several of his secretary's initiatives, including expanded municipal autonomy and limited press freedoms. An ardent proponent of enlightened absolutism, Primo de Verdad sought to modernize the kingdom by advancing education, economic development, and public welfare. He introduced policies that aimed to expand access to education, emphasizing the importance of scientific knowledge and rational thought. Efforts were made to establish new educational institutions and enhance existing ones, promoting literacy and technical skills among the populace.
Primo de Verdad also promoted the Ley de Desamortización de Fincas Rústicas, which aimed to secularize lands previously held by the Catholic Church and redistribute them for agricultural use, in 1804. This was designed to alleviate poverty among the rural population by granting land to peasant families, incentivizing agricultural production. Despite facing resistance from traditionalist factions within the nobility and the church, he was capable of navigating these challenges effectively, facilitating a period of relative stability and progress within the Kingdom. However, a plan to close down pulquerías in Mejico City in 1807 led to the Tacuba Riots (Spanish: Motín de Tacuba), led by the lower classes and indigenous populations. The riots quickly spread across the capital, and King Gabriel deposed Primo de Verdad on April 3, 1807, due to the escalating unrest. He was replaced as Secretary by Juan Aldama.
During the Napoleonic Wars, New Spain found itself in a precarious position as the collapse of central authority in Spain prompted questions about loyalty and governance. The news of the Abdications of Bayonne reached New Spain in August 1808, prompting widespread debates about sovereignty and self-rule. As King Gabriel navigated these turbulent waters, the ongoing influence of liberal reforms and Enlightenment ideals persisted within the kingdom. Then, on October 23, King Gabriel I passed away after a bout of illness, which also affected his son and heir, Infante Pedro. Rumors soon began to spread, targeting Secretary Aldama - these rumors, published by anonymous pamphleteers affiliated with dissenting factions, claimed that he had participated in secret negotiations to turn New Spain into a republic, with an alleged conspiracy occurring in Valladolid, Michoacán. On the night of September 15, 1808, Gabriel de Yermo led a coup d'état against the Secretary, arresting and deposing him on suspicion of treason.
Having recovered from his illness, Pedro finally assumed the throne on September 22, 1808. After imprisoning Aldama at La Acordada, Yermo entrenched himself in the Town Hall, refusing to surrender authority until formally ordered to by the new monarch. His actions catalyzed a crisis of governance, as factions within the kingdom began to mobilize either in support of the monarchy or in favor of a republican form of government as the Conspiracy of Valladolid became better known. On September 29, Pedro personally requested Yermo to step out of the town hall, asserting the necessity of restoring order and unity. Yermo complied, but only after receiving assurances from the king that the conspiratorial elements would be dealt with swiftly. Yermo also received a royal dispatch to form a volunteer corps, named the Most Noble and Most Loyal Legion of the Crown. They were nicknamed "chaquetas" due to their corpulent uniforms, and "chaquetero" entered the Mejican lexicon as a term for a supporter of the crown.
Once the situation calmed down in the capital, Pedro moved to prohibit any publication likely to propagate revolutionary ideas among the population and dispatched an army, headed by his brother-in-law Agustín de Iturbide, to Valladolid. There, Iturbide found that many of his friends and fellow aristocrats were sympathetic to the republican cause, complicating the task of quelling dissent. At the insistence of his wife, Princess María Carlota, Iturbide engaged the rebels and suppressed them through military force. By the end of October 1808, many rebel leaders were either captured or had fled, and Iturbide's actions effectively stabilized the kingdom, landing him great recognition. Pedro elevated him to the rank of Colonel and granted him a seat in the newly convened Council of State, established to advise the young king. This body, composed of loyal royalist officers, prominent criollos, and select representatives from local assemblies, was tasked with ensuring Pedro's reign followed the principles of enlightened governance espoused by his father, while also addressing the pressing concerns of security and stability. Together with this, on October 7, Evaristo de Cajigal was appointed as the new Secretary of State.
Meanwhile, the kingdom remained divided in its reaction to the Abdications of Bayonne. Pedro, despite his personal loyalty to the Spanish Crown, began preparing contingency plans to host the exiled Bourbon royal family if Napoleon’s dominance over the Iberian Peninsula persisted. However, elements within New Spain increasingly viewed Napoleonic France as a model for modernization, and with the Conspiracy of Valladolid still in fresh memory, a revolt known as the War of the Afrancesados began in January 1809, with sporadic uprisings occurring across the kingdom, beginning with Michoacán and Guanajuato. The Afrancesados, primarily composed of liberals, championed ideas such as constitutional governance, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and the abolition of fueros. Their manifesto called for a national assembly and the establishment of representative institutions, opposing the absolutist tendencies of the monarchy.
The rebels, led by José Mariano de Michelena, were emboldened by secret support from French agents operating out of Louisiana and the Caribbean, and managed to take control of several cities, including Valladolid and Querétaro, before declaring a provisional republican government. King Pedro responded by summoning his Council and delegating military authority to Agustín de Iturbide, whose previous successes had already made him a trusted commander. In a bold initial campaign, Iturbide launched a counteroffensive against the rebels, relying on his reputation as a strategist to rally royalist forces. By May, Iturbide had recaptured Querétaro, defeating the insurgent army in a decisive battle near the town of San Juan del Río. The war entered a more challenging phase in late 1809, when guerrilla warfare erupted in the central highlands and along trade routes vital to the kingdom's economy.
Iturbide adapted his tactics, introducing mobile columns - small, fast-moving units designed to pursue and neutralize guerrilla fighters. At the same time, Pedro and Cajigal enacted emergency levies to fund the military campaigns and improve supply chains. Pedro also worked to secure the loyalty of indigenous communities and rural populations by granting tax exemptions and land guarantees to those who supported the royalist cause. With thousands of new Indigenous recruits joining the ranks, royalist forces began to regain their strength. Generals José Gabriel de Armijo and Pedro Celestino Negrete, however, were defeated by insurgent general Ignacio Allende during the famous capture of the Alhóndiga de Granaditas and then at the battle of Atlacomulco. Iturbide was forced to abandon the siege of Valladolid and defeated Allende at the crucial battle of Monte de las Cruces on June 13, 1810. With this defeat, the revolt was effectively over, with the city of Valladolid capitulating within three weeks.
In the years after the war, Pedro embarked on a series of far-reaching reforms known collectively as the Petrine Reforms. These reforms attempted to moderate discourse and establish a framework for governance that reconciled many of the Enlightenment ideals embraced by the Afrancesados with the traditional values of the monarchy. Implemented between 1811 and 1823, the Petrine Reforms sought to strengthen the governance of New Spain while also ensuring greater administrative efficiency and public welfare. Among these reforms were measures to reorganize municipal governments, increase their autonomy, and create a system of elected officials who would be accountable to their local constituencies, marking a historic first in Hispanic America. The first political parties were formed in Mejico, including the Conservative Party (Spanish: Partido Conservador) and the Moderate Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Moderado), reflecting the growing political pluralism of the country. However, no legislative bodies and no congressional assemblies were established, maintaining the monarchy's central authority.
In 1820, Hernán García de Loaysa was appointed as the new Secretary of State, succeeding Evaristo de Cajigal. A more conservative reformist, García de Loaysa sought to consolidate the achievements of the Petrine Reforms while emphasizing the importance of maintaining traditional values and monarchical authority. While not a particularly influential Secretary, he's best known in history for his role in the signing of the Treaty of Bonchamps-Onís, formalizing the Mejican-Louisianan in 1821. Also in 1820, after Fernando VII was forced to restore the Constitution of Cádiz, Pedro expressed doubt about the status quo. Together with the monarchs of New Granada, Peru, and Argentina, the historic Congress of Panama was convened on March 18, 1821, aiming to address the common grievances against the Spanish Crown. The Congress discussed several topics, including total legislative independence from Spain and the abolition of the office of Real Oidor, a notarial office responsible for overseeing legal matters in the Americas on behalf of Spain; this position did not have the authority to block legislation. The Congress encountered significant challenges, such as divergent interests among the attendees and the absence of King Antonio II of Peru. In the end, it failed to produce a unified stance or significant resolutions, leading to tensions among the participating states.
Pedro passed away on July 4, 1823, after a horse riding accident. Upon his death, he was succeeded by his 11-year-old son, Gabriel II. Recognizing the exigencies of governance during a monarch's minorty, a Regency Council was assembled to steward the Kingdom's affairs. The council's composition was an amalgam of liberal and conservative factions. The council's ranks comprised figures such as María Teresa, Gabriel's mother, and Carlos José, his uncle. Ecclesiastical representation was realized through the Archbishop of Mejico, Pedro José Fuente, and the Inquisitor General, Francisco García Diego. This was coupled with political and military voices, including Agustín de Iturbide and José María Morelos.
Gabriel II's reign was marred by political instability and strife. Shortly after the beginning of his reign, Secretary García de Loaysa presented his resignation, citing health concerns. The Regency Council appointed Nicolás Bravo, II Marquis of Bravo de Chichihualco, on October 19. The Council struggled to maintain coherence among its members, as diverging interests frequently led to conflicts and stalemates in governance. While liberal factions pushed for further reforms and autonomy, conservatives sought to maintain traditional structures and resist radical changes to the established order. This created an environment ripe for unrest, culminating in the formation of a republican rebellion in Central America, led by Manuel José de Arce. This group demanded the abolition of absolutism and the establishment of a constitutional republic.
The rebellion began on March 12, 1824, with the Guatemala Uprising and its accompanying pronunciamiento, calling for immediate reform. As the uprising spread through the region, the Regency Council was split by its internal divisions. Some members advocated for a military response, while others suggested negotiations with the rebels. Archbishop Pedro José Fuente, for example, advocated for negotiations with the rebels, where the cleric José Matías Delgado had significant influence. Ultimately, María Teresa of Portugal, mother of Gabriel II, as a conservative and absolutist, demanded military intervention, and Generals Agustín de Iturbide and José Gabriel de Armijo were dispatched to quell the rebellion by deploying royalist forces to the region. The royalists engaged the rebels at the battles of Mazatenango, El Quiché, and Escuintla, before besieging Guatemala City on July 8, 1824. The rebels abandoned the rebellion, requesting amnesty on July 28, leading to the end of hostilities.
The remainder of Gabriel II's reign was relatively tranquil, and during this period, numerous institutions were established, including the Public Treasury, the Military College, the Royal National Museum, and the Merchant Navy. However, within the Regency Council, there was a growing sentiment of conflict regarding the direction of governance. María Teresa's strict iron grip began to falter as Agustín de Iturbide's status grew; with the general being of aristocratic origin, widely respected by the military, and married to Infanta María Carlota, the sole daughter of Gabriel I, many in the Council, and indeed the country, considered him a more adept leader. Soon, rumors of a potential palace coup began circulating among political circles in Mejico. On the evening of September 15, 1825, on the orders of Agustín de Iturbide, Sergeant Major Pío Marcha summoned numerous regiments to march on the Royal Palace, the residence of María Teresa and Gabriel II. With the Army proclaiming Iturbide as king and with many collaborators within the Regency Council, Iturbide entered the palace on September 16. The young Gabriel II was forced to abdicate and, together with his mother, he was exiled to the city of Monterrey. The coup was effected without a single casualty.
Establishment of the House of Bourbon-Iturbide (1825-1855)
Within days of the Iturbidista coup, preparations for the administration of the new kingdom were organized, including the coronation speech, the order of succession to the throne, the members and treatments of the royal family, the decorations, degrees and titles that monarchs could appoint, and the level of Maria Carlota's involvement. As a member of the House of Bourbon, Maria Carlota would acquire the title of queen sui juris rather than queen consort, granting her significant influence within affairs of state and domestic politics. In turn, a legitimist movement arose that advocated the return to the throne of the young Gabriel II, arguing that his removal had been illegitimate. Gabriel would spend eight years in Monterrey before retiring to Portugal with his mother, and would not return until 1866. Agustín and María Carlota were crowned in the Metropolitan Cathedral on October 6, 1825, receiving the names of Agustín I and María I of New Spain.
On November 15, 1825, Agustin summoned a Constituent Assembly, known as the Assembly of Anahuac. Notables from various provinces were called to Mejico City to draft a first constitution that would reconcile liberal ideals with traditional monarchical structures. The Assembly, composed of representatives of various political factions, was led by the liberal Miguel Domínguez and the conservative Lucas Alamán. Standard bearers under the promise of the Three Guarantees -religion, union and independence-, they ratified the Solemn Act of the Declaration of Sovereignty of Mejico, which proclaimed the independence of the territory as a kingdom and changed its name, while guaranteeing civil and ecclesiastical rights.
This new constitution, presented on October 15, 1826, promoted a tripartite division of powers: executive, legislative and judicial, as well as the creation of a bicameral system, with a Chamber of Deputies and a Senate. The monarchy retained significant powers, including the privilege of vetoing legislation, dissolving Congress, and appointing key government positions, among others. The office of president of the government was formally established, a position charged with serving as head of the council of ministers, but subordinate to monarchical authority. A four-year term limit was also established for the president, who would be elected by census vote, reflecting an attempt to involve a portion of the population in the political process, albeit with restrictions favoring the upper classes. Nicolás Bravo, the former Secretary of State who had participated along with Iturbide in the deposition of Gabriel II, was recognized as the first president of the government under this new constitution.
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The first democratic elections were held in 1827, with the participation of the Conservative Party and the Moderate Liberal Party. The first democratically elected president in Mejico was Lucas Alamán, who took office on December 1, 1827. Alamán, a staunch defender of conservative values and leader of the conservative faction during the Anáhuac Assembly, worked to stabilize the country after years of political turmoil, and his administration focused on promoting policies that encouraged economic growth and the consolidation of centralism. On January 17, 1829, the Royal Decree of Foreign Colonization was issued, which promoted the colonization and settlement of the so-called “Interior Territories”, known today as the New North. This measure was intended to attract European immigrants, especially of Spanish or Catholic origin and from countries with good relations with Mejico, to the vast and sparsely populated north of the kingdom. Alamán defended colonization as a means to develop agriculture, the economy and border security.
In 1830 the Gabrielista Uprising took place, a brief revolt led by General Felipe de la Garza in Nueva Santander, in support of the reinstatement of Gabriel II, who had already come of age. The uprising began in July 1830, and the kings Agustín and María Carlota sent General Antonio López de Santa Anna to put down the movement, giving Manuel Gómez Pedraza the command of the region. Gómez Pedraza established firm military control in the area and organized a series of actions against the insurgent forces. The insurgent resistance was disarticulated in September 1830 during the Battle of La Laguna, and de la Garza was arrested on December 1. Gabriel's mother, Maria Teresa of Portugal, was confined to house arrest, and later, in 1833, she would be allowed to leave for her homeland, as a measure to minimize any influence she might exert on the young prince.
It is also worth mentioning that in 1831 the first strategically important railroad section between Mejico City and Veracruz was inaugurated, financed in part by foreign investment, particularly British and French capital, and in part by the crown. This railroad, known as the Camino de Hierro or the Mejico-Puebla-Veracruz Railroad, had a significant impact on the economy of the kingdom, facilitating the transportation and mobilization of troops. It allowed the acceleration of trade between the interior and the ports, connecting the main agricultural and mining areas of central Mejico with the Gulf ports, increasing productivity and access to international markets.
The following year Valentín Gómez Farías was elected president, representing the Moderate Liberal Party. Gómez Farías, as one of the main architects of liberal reformism, advocated a series of policies that sought to modernize Mejico's social and economic structures. His government was marked by the fierce debate between centralism and federalism. The Conservative Party, opposed to the reforms, mobilized to preserve the centralization of power, arguing that fragmentation of government would lead to instability; meanwhile, federalism gained influence among the Moderate Liberal Party, which proposed greater autonomy for the provinces and decentralized administration. Discussions between the two factions culminated in political tensions that threatened the stability of the government.
Agustín and María Carlota promoted the Royal Decree of Harmonization, promoting reconciliation between the conflicting factions. Issued in April 1832, this cedula sought to establish a framework for dialogue and cooperation between the liberal and conservative parties, urging the creation of inter-party committees to facilitate discussions and the resolution of disagreements. Despite these efforts, polarization in Mejican politics continued to intensify, to the point where a split in the Moderate Liberal Party would occur, creating the Federalist Party as a new political faction in 1833. This party, led by Lorenzo de Zavala, focused on promoting a stronger federal structure and greater participation of the provinces in political decision-making.
Among the other important administrative acts of President Gómez Farías was the implementation of the Public Education Law of 1833, an ambitious project that sought to guarantee access to basic education for all citizens, regardless of their social class. He also promoted the regulation and modernization of the economy by introducing policies that would stimulate foreign investment and encourage the development of infrastructure. Similarly, it is important to mention the infamous Slave Runaway of 1834, which arose in the Texas region. A group of 418 Louisianan Maroons established a palenque on the border, attracting national attention. The illegal crossing and establishment of this palenque resulted in a series of tensions within the government. This culminated in the eviction of the palenque, but the perceived inaction of Gómez Farías along with the fragmentation of the Liberal Party, resulted in the majority election of Manuel Gómez Pedraza in 1835, defeating José Fernández Félix and Vicente Guerrero, of the Federalist and Moderate Liberal Parties, respectively.
Between November and December of the same year, the military José María Lobato, a Federalist supporter of Guerrero, carried out a revolt known as the Motín de La Acordada in response to the election of Gómez Pedraza. Lobato attempted to stop the president-elect's accession to power, arguing that his administration did not represent the will of the people. One of the best known events of the riot was the indiscriminate looting of the stores in and around the Parián. After an armed confrontation on December 17, Lobato was arrested and sentenced to prison. At the same time, Guerrero, who was involved in the uprising and used Lobato as a front man, was apprehended on January 15, 1836 by a Genovese mercenary named Gaetano Odicini, who offered him passage on his ship to South America, but in reality intended to hand him over to the authorities. Guerrero was executed on February 14, 1836, on charges of treason.
With a strong congressional majority, one of the first actions of President Gómez Pedraza was the promulgation of the Constitutional Bases, modifying the political structure of the country and reinforcing the principles of centralism in the Magna Carta. Issued in January 1836, this document also reaffirmed the role of the monarchs and focused on strengthening the executive at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches. Similarly, the Seven Laws were enacted, a series of constitutional instruments that, among other things, established a fourth power: the Supreme Conservative Power, a five-member collegiate body that would be in charge of supervising the correct execution of the laws and guaranteeing the stability of the regime. In addition, it abolished local legislatures, replaced by provincial boards, and granted the monarch the privilege of selecting governors, elected from a shortlist sent by the boards, composed of seven members.
These reforms were met with great resistance from liberal factions, who denounced the Seven Laws as a regression to an autocratic and elitist system. Uprisings were registered in Tejas and Zacatecas. These rebellions were efficiently suppressed by Agustín I, President Gómez Pedraza (who, upon leaving Mejico City, left María Carlota with full powers), Antonio López de Santa Anna and Martín Perfecto de Cos. Among the many consequences for the revolted provinces were the separation of the Department of Aguascalientes from Zacatecas and the separation of the Department of Béjar from Texas in 1836. Other than this, the government of Gómez Pedraza was relatively calm. His administration focused on maintaining political stability, dealing with the opposition, and facing an economic crisis that affected the most vulnerable sectors of the population. In 1837, Congress passed legislation regarding customs tariffs, seeking to protect local production and encourage domestic trade. The laws imposed included high tariffs on imported products, which generated controversy and resistance among those who advocated trade liberalization. During this time, Lucas Alamán re-emerged as a strategic advisor to Gómez Pedraza, advocating greater centralization of power as the only way to preserve order. However, political and social tensions continued to ferment, especially in the Central American provinces, where republican sentiment intensified.
Against this backdrop, in 1838 the War of the Shepherds emerged, an armed conflict in which Central American insurgent forces, composed mainly of peasants and small landowners led by Francisco Morazán and José Justo Milla, rose up against the centralist policies of the Gómez Pedraza government. The war originated in the province of Guatemala, where a mixture of economic factors, lack of political representation and oppression by local authorities provoked an outbreak. In addition, the so-called Pastry War, a diplomatic conflict between Mejico and France, exacerbated the internal situation. This diplomatic incident began in 1838 when a French citizen, chef Monsieur Remontel, demanded compensation for the destruction of his establishment in Tacubaya. The French Prime Minister, Louis-Mathieu Molé, demanded an exorbitant compensation, a sum of 600,000 pesos.
When the government ignored, a French fleet under the command of Admiral Charles Baudin carried out a naval blockade against the Mejican ports of the Gulf; among his orders was also the bombardment of the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa and the capture of Veracruz. General Santa Anna, acting under the orders of Agustín I, commanded the defense of the city and managed to organize an effective resistance. Despite having lost a leg during the battle, Santa Anna managed to repel the French forces from Veracruz, which earned him considerable prestige and recognition within the military and political sphere of the country, catapulting him to prominence as a national figure and hero. His success in the defense of Veracruz not only consolidated his image as a defender of the homeland, but also allowed the conservatives to gain ground in an increasingly polarized political environment. Interestingly, Santa Anna did not come to the defense of General Mariano García de Arista's residence, which was sacked by the troops of the Prince of Joinville; many historians have explained this event as the main source of animosity between the two men, which would detonate later in Mejico's history.
The threat of a full-scale conflict with France meant that the military strategy in Central America was modified. Most of the regiments that had been sent to quell the Shepherds' War were redeployed to the Gulf provinces, resulting in a significant advance by the insurgents. However, a greater show of force in the Gulf capable of repelling any Gallic army was essential to keep up appearances. This caused particular discontent in the south, which perceived a lack of attention to its needs. Negotiations with France, led by Buenaventura Cazón, were complex; the diplomat was able to evade discussions concerning the Central American situation, projecting power to the French. After weeks of deliberation, an agreement known as the Treaty of Cazón-Baudin was reached and signed on March 27, 1839. Under this treaty, Mejico agreed to pay a revised sum of 300,000 pesos to the affected French citizens, and granted France a privileged position in trade in Mejican waters, which generated mixed reactions among the population. The treaty was strongly criticized by liberals, who considered it a humiliation for the country and a sign of weakness before foreign powers.
The conflict in Central America continued to develop. General Perfecto de Cos was sent with a reinforcement army to the region, trying to regain control over the rebellious provinces. His mission was to suppress the insurgency of Morazán, who had managed to establish a coalition with several local leaders and gain popular support due to his promise to restore the rights and liberties they considered undermined by centralism. Morazán's forces had already gained ground in early 1839, taking important cities such as El Salvador and Tegucigalpa. Resistance was fierce, and several clashes took place throughout 1839, including the battle of San Miguel, where Cos' forces were defeated in a decisive confrontation. After this, the Federation of Central America was officially proclaimed, with its capital in Managua. The rebellion had even spread to Chiapas, which forced Emperor Agustin I himself to go to the front. After a series of battles that included victories in Tonalá, Cintalapa, Tuxtla, and Huixtla, the insurgents were expelled from Chiapas. Finally the Treaty of San José was signed on December 15, 1839, ending the war and recognizing the Federation of Central America as a new sovereign state.
The elections of 1839 marked one of the most contested moments in Mejican political history. The conservative candidate, Anastasio Bustamante, narrowly defeated the moderate liberal leader, Manuel de la Peña, with only a 2% difference in the final vote count. This narrow victory highlighted the deep ideological divisions in Mejico, as voters faced opposing narratives. Conservatives framed liberalism as a destabilizing force responsible for the Mutiny of La Acordada and the Shepherds' War, while liberals denounced the centralist policies of the Seven Laws and the perceived humiliation of the Pastry War settlement. Ultimately, the conservative message of order and national preservation resonated most strongly with voters fatigued by the unrest. Despite their ideological differences, pragmatic recognition of the nation's fragility led the leaders of both parties to negotiate a bipartisan pact, which became the cornerstone of the incoming administration.
Under President Bustamante, who took office in December 1839, Mejico pursued a policy called “Política Interna,” designed to insulate the nation from foreign entanglements while addressing internal fractures. The bipartisan pact, negotiated by King Agustín I and luminaries such as Lucas Alamán, Miguel Ramos Arizpe, José María Luis Mora, consolidated this approach by promoting non-interventionism, and both conservatives and liberals agreed to prioritize internal stability and reconstruction over ideological disputes. The policy restricted Mejico's involvement in global conflicts, redirecting resources instead toward military modernization and economic infrastructure. The Bustamante government implemented high tariffs to protect local industries, encouraged internal trade routes, and launched new colonization projects in the northern territories. These measures were intended to strengthen the country's sovereignty, especially in vulnerable border areas, while avoiding the diplomatic mistakes that had plagued previous administrations.
Although Bustamante's isolationist policies were effective in restoring stability, they were not without controversy. Federalists, who remained at the margins of the bipartisan pact, criticized the continued dominance of centralism, and discontent was latent in regions such as Texas. Internal Politics was forced to change after January 24, 1843, an election year, following the discovery of large gold deposits in the Llagas River. The settler Horacio García Rivera, resident of Coloma, Alto San Fulgencio, reported a significant find, attracting the attention of prospectors from various parts of Mejico and abroad. This discovery prompted the Fulgencina Gold Rush, and the new wealth spurred rapid population growth, with the main prospectors being of Mejican, North American, Ibero-American, European and Asian origin. Ordinary gold prospectors were able to collect large quantities of easily accessible gold, with average finds worth 10 to 15 times the daily wage of a day laborer in central Mejico.
The presidency of José Joaquín de Herrera, I Marquis of Aculco, marked a decisive change in Mejico's political and economic landscape, as the liberal platform gained strength following the economic transformation and demographic changes brought about by the Fulgencine gold rush. Liberals presented themselves as the party of progress, advocating for greater representation and policies that took into account the new prosperity. In contrast, the conservative message of stability and centralization struggled to resonate in the face of rapid social change. Herrera's candidacy, based on promises of reform, economic liberalization and regional autonomy, captivated public opinion, especially in the burgeoning northern territories. His presidency was hailed as a new beginning, aimed at reconciling long-standing tensions between centralists and federalists, while addressing the challenges of an increasingly diverse and prosperous nation.
Although it was a source of immense wealth, the Gold Rush brought about profound demographic changes. The discovery of gold transformed the Fulgencinas into a bustling frontier, attracting migrants from all over Mejico, the Americas, Europe and Asia. This influx of argonauts and laborers fueled explosive economic growth, with local industries, trade routes and urban centers flourishing. However, this prosperity came at a high cost. The region's already marginalized indigenous populations faced widespread displacement and violence. Known retrospectively as the Fulgencino Genocide, entire communities were uprooted and many indigenous lives were lost in forced labor, land grabbing and reprisal attacks. The tragedy became a dark counterpoint to the glittering narrative of economic progress, sparking debates about the ethical responsibilities of the state in managing the resource boom.
To better manage the rapidly growing region and its diverse population, Agustin and Maria Carlota undertook the division of San Fulgencio into four new provinces: Porciúncula, San Francisco, Mendoza and Nueva Asdingia, doing so by decree in 1847. Each province was given distinct administrative and judicial structures to accommodate its unique demographics and economic functions. Porciúncula and San Francisco emerged as urban and commercial centers, full of trade and cultural exchanges, while Mendoza and Nueva Asdingia maintained a more agrarian and industrial focus. This restructuring was intended to improve governance and quell growing tensions between native populations, gold prospectors and early settlers, although critics argued that it did little to address underlying inequalities.
The prosperity of this period was accompanied by two negative events for Mejico: the cholera epidemic of 1846 and the Caste War in Yucatán in 1847. The epidemic especially ravaged the south, where the lack of sanitary infrastructure and medical resources exacerbated the crisis. Among its most notable victims was Father Benito Juárez, a rising star in the Liberal Party. The government rushed to contain the epidemic, implementing quarantines and public health regulations; the Royal Sanitary Expedition was deployed in response to the crisis, mobilizing doctors and health personnel to the most affected areas. Catholic friars and nuns played a crucial role in caring for the sick and maintaining morale. Meanwhile, the Caste War broke out in July 1847, when Manuel Antonio Ay was executed by Governor Santiago Méndez. This would unleash a brutal war that would not be resolved until 1865, characterized by massacres of Creoles and Indians and the emergence of the Cult of the Talking Cross.
The presidency of Juan Álvarez marked the beginning of an ambitious program of liberal reforms in response to the growing prominence of liberalism in the wake of the Fulgencine gold rush and the economic transformations of the previous decades. Alvarez, a military veteran and defender of regional rights, assumed power at a time of relative economic stability, taking advantage of the revenues generated by the northern regions to finance his policies. His administration prioritized administrative decentralization and enacted laws limiting the Church's influence in civil affairs, such as the 1848 Law of Secularization of Ecclesiastical Assets, which transferred land from ecclesiastical corporations to small landowners. At the same time, Alvarez pushed for the expansion of technological infrastructure, promoting the construction of the first telegraph lines between Mejico City and Puebla, and between Los Angeles and San Diego. These innovations not only modernized communications, but also strengthened the government's ability to respond quickly to emergencies and coordinate policy decisions at the national level.
The railroad plan also took center stage during his presidency. The Royal Mejican Railway Company (RCMF) was founded in 1848 with the goal of expanding the land transportation network throughout the nation. The RCMF initiated the construction of railroad lines connecting the main cities and productive regions of Mejico, facilitating commerce and the mobility of people. Taking the Camino de Hierro, the route that ran from Mejico City to Veracruz, as its base, the RCMF set out to extend a railroad system that would reach the northern territories as well as the southern and eastern regions. During these years, lines were expanded from Mejico City to cities such as Pachuca, Querétaro, León and Guadalajara, while in the northwest, the Fulgencina Railway Company was founded in 1850, connecting the city of Los Angeles with Bicuñer. This allowed for the efficient transportation of goods, such as gold and other resources, to international markets. As new lines were developed, the construction of stations and the creation of transshipment points promoted regional economic integration.
However, Alvarez's policies were not without controversy. The secularization of land provoked resistance among conservatives, while indigenous regions denounced the expansion of railroads as favoring commercial elites and affecting their ancestral territories. Railroad construction in traditionally indigenous areas often resulted in forced displacement and loss of access to vital resources, generating discontent and protests that were often brutally suppressed. This would later lead to the resurgence of indigenous millenarian movements to reclaim their territorial rights.
Mariano García de Arista was elected in 1851, continuing the path traced by Álvarez, intensifying liberal reforms and moving towards an even more radical transformation of the political system. García de Arista, a radical liberal, adopted a more confrontational stance towards the conservative opposition and the Church. During his term, drastic measures were implemented such as the abolition of the Supreme Conservative Power in 1852, the Caseríos Law in 1853, allowing the expropriation of indigenous communal lands in the New North in favor of agro-industrial development projects, and the enactment of the Freedom of Religion Law in 1854, which guaranteed religious freedom and limited the influence of the Catholic Church in diplomacy. These reforms, although popular among liberal sectors, were vehemently rejected by conservatives and the ecclesiastical hierarchy, who saw them as a direct attack on tradition and established morals.
In addition, civil institutions were strengthened through the creation of new courts and the professionalization of the civil service. In the economic sphere, he promoted the Industrial Promotion Law of 1853, which granted tax incentives to companies involved in manufacturing and mining, key sectors for economic development. He also expanded the railroad network with the construction of the Mejico-San Luis Potosí Railroad, and established subsidies for the installation of telegraph offices in secondary cities, fostering broader economic integration. However, his administration faced increasing challenges due to conservative resistance and discontent from sectors of society. Tensions within Congress intensified in 1854 when, following the death of Queen Maria Carlota on June 12 during the mourning period, Congress became embroiled in a heated debate over the political direction of the country. This resulted in the dissolution of the centralist model, forcing King Agustin I, already 72 years old and worn out by political tensions and the death of his wife, to accept the convocation of a new Constituent Assembly on September 13, 1854.
This Assembly was convened with the objective of drafting a new constitution that would reflect the political, economic and social changes Mejico was experiencing. The influential speech “In Pursuit of Liberty,” delivered by liberal writer Ignacio Ramírez, became one of the ideological pillars of the new constitution. In it, Ramirez advocated freedom of expression, freedom of worship, universal suffrage, and the need for secularization of the country. On October 1, 1855, after intense debates, the new Constitution was promulgated, marking a turning point in Mejico's history. This legal document formally abolished the centralist regime and defined a federal model that gave greater autonomy to the provinces. It also established mechanisms to guarantee the separation of Church and State, which generated a profound reaction among conservative and religious sectors. The constitution also included provisions for the creation of a secular educational system, the civil registry, the protection of civil rights, the secularization of cemeteries, and the elimination of ecclesiastical and military privileges.
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Conservative Era (1855-1880)
The tensions provoked by the new liberal constitution culminated in a coup d'état led by retired general Antonio López de Santa Anna, who used his popularity and heroic status to justify his seizure of power on October 27, 1855. The so-called Plan of Tacubaya, pronounced by Narciso Calderón, Sebastián de la Torriente, IV Marquis of Guenduláin and the military men Juan José Baz, also governor of Mejico City, Ignacio Comonfort, Manuel Payno and Félix María Zuloaga, intended to give Santa Anna omnimal powers to overthrow the liberal regime and reestablish the Constitution of 1826. The revolution was immediately made known, by means of telegraphs, to the rest of the country, generating reactions of both support and rejection.
King Agustín I pronounced himself in favor of the Plan of Tacubaya, pointing out that the stability of the country required a strong leadership to stop what he considered the chaos generated by the radical reformism and strongly supporting the restoration of the 1826 Constitution. In the elections of that year, Indalecio Pico had been elected president, although he never assumed the presidency. By means of a decree, Agustín I proclaimed said elections illegitimate and "suspended" the elections temporarily until the establishment of a new order that, according to him, would guarantee the peace and unity of the country. This act unleashed a series of protests and riots by liberals and those who opposed Santa Anna's dictatorship. Pico moved to Guanajuato in November, where he proclaimed the "Legitimate Government of His Majesty Gabriel II" - referring to the king deposed in 1825 by Agustín I - composed of representatives of different liberal factions committed to resisting the Santannista regime. This government was immediately rejected by the conservatives, who considered that the recognition of Agustín I and Santa Anna was a fundamental pillar for national stability.
With the support of most of the nobility, the clergy, the army, and conservative sectors of the population, Santa Anna quickly consolidated his power, establishing a government that prioritized the restoration of a traditional political order. His administration focused on dismantling liberal reforms, restoring privileges to the Church and the elites. The 1855 constitution was repealed and the 1826 constitution was restored. Santa Anna implemented several measures to strenghten his regime, among them, the creation of a National Guard in exchange of maintaining order and suppressing dissidence. Prominent figures of liberalism, who had participated in the drafting of the new constitution, were persecuted and many of them were forced into exile; García de Arista, for example, was exiled to France, and would never return to Mejico.
Immediately new elections were called, in which Santa Anna was elected with an overwhelming majority, more than 80% of the votes. This result was widely criticized by liberal sectors, who denounced fraud and manipulation in the electoral process. In spite of the accusations of illegality, Santa Anna was proclaimed president with the approval of King Agustín I. The opposition began to consolidate in the so-called Liberal Reform Movement, which sought to reestablish the constitutional principles of 1855. Melchor Múzquiz, the new liberal leader, managed to escape the repression of the regime and began to coordinate efforts from exile, propagating his ideas and seeking international support. Eventually, this movement managed to attract discontented sectors both inside and outside the country, including former sympathizers of the liberal constitution who understood the consequences of returning to an authoritarian regime.
Although the Supreme Conservative Power was not restored as such, the Santa Anna regime adopted several of its authoritarian practices, centarlizing power and restricting civil liberties, including freedom of the press and freedom of assembly. For example, through the Law of Suspects of 1856, all citizens who had a copy of the 1855 Constitution and did not deliver it to the authorities were considered traitors, which led to the confiscation of books and documents related to liberalism. The press was subjected to strict censorship, and publications considered subversive were banned, resulting in the closing of newspapers and magazines that advocated for liberal ideas. Santa Anna revived conservative policies, reintroducing the fueros for the clergy and military that granted them important legal immunities, further polarizing society and undermining the foundations of Mejican liberalism.
Undermined and politically defeated, the liberals sought a different solution to regain power: foreign intervention. Mejico's liberals sent secret delegations to Queen Victoria of Great Britain, hoping to leverage the geopolitical interests of the British Empire against the authority of Mejico's conservatives. The liberals hoped to use the resources of the vast British Empire to reinstate García de Arista, and proposed a treaty, popularly known as the Buccleuch-Orellana Treaty, whereby the province of New Asdingia would be ceded in perpetuity to the Dominion of Oregon, along with the right of access to Mejican natural resources and the right of transit in numerous parts of the country, including the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The treaty was never consolidated due to Queen Victoria's refusal.
Between 1865 and 1863, Santa Anna ruled with an iron fist, with more and more powers being delegated by the aging Agustín I, who was becoming increasingly reluctant to participate in government affairs. During this period, diplomatic relations gradually began to deteriorate, especially with Louisiana, which had been closely watching Mejico's political developments. Santa Anna promulgated the Bases Orgánicas in 1862, a set of reforms that sought to improve Mejico's image globally. Federalism was officially adopted, as centralism was increasingly seen as an inefficient system that had caused repeated political crises. However, these reforms were no more than a veneer that concealed the authoritarian essence of the regime. Although some institutions aimed at strengthening regional planning and local governance were established, in practice, power continued to be concentrated in the figure of Santa Anna. Among other reforms adopted was the New Colonization Law, which promoted the arrival of foreign immigrants and encouraged the creation of agrarian settlements in sparsely populated territories. The law sought to boost the economy through the exploitation of inactive lands and attract foreign capital, especially from Europeans seeking development opportunities.
In Yucatan, the Caste War had been raging since 1847. The war had its roots in long-standing tensions between the Mayan population and the Criollo elite, in addition to the explosion of the henequen industry. The conflict erupted when a Mayan revolt spread throughout the peninsula. The war was characterized by a guerrilla insurgency, in which rebels employed hit-and-run tactics against government forces. Liberals saw the war as an opportunity to challenge the status quo and restore their lost influence in the country, considering the government incapable of dealing with local conflicts. As the rebellion gained momentum, the Maya achieved some initial successes, leading to the establishment of the de facto independent state of Chan Santa Cruz, a theocratic republic ruled by the Cult of the Talking Cross. The Criollo elite mobilized in 1859 to crush the rebellion, which was characterized by its brutality. General Miguel Miramón, a skilled military man, devout Catholic and staunch monarchist, was charged with leading the campaign to quell the rebellion, and was accompanied by his right-hand man, General Tomás Mejía.
In 1863, King Agustín I considered Mejico to be in a new period of harmony, which led him to call elections to form a new congress. Juan Nepomuceno Almonte, of the Conservative Party, was elected president. Santa Anna reacted negatively to this, since he intended to become a president for life, and promulgated the Plan of Lerma, although he did not receive the popular support he expected. The new congress disqualified him; Santa Anna was tried in the fort of San Juan de Ulúa and condemned to eight years in exile. Santa Anna lived in the Jerosolimitan Lucayas, Santo Domingo, Florida, Nasáu and New York during his exile, until he was allowed to return to Mejico in 1873; he died in the capital in 1876.
The presidency of Juan Nepomuceno Almonte marked a period of transition and consolidation in Mejico's history. Almonte took office in a context of relative order after the exile of Antonio López de Santa Anna. His government prioritized national reconciliation after decades of conflict between liberals and conservatives, seeking to strengthen institutional stability. One of the first measures of his administration was the reorganization of the federal system, with emphasis on balancing regional autonomies without sacrificing central authority. Almonte also promoted an economic policy focused on industrialization and infrastructure development, continuing with railroad projects and offering tax incentives to foreign companies, especially from Europe. This led to the expansion of the Mejican Central Railroad, connecting key cities such as Guadalajara, Querétaro and Monterrey with the port of Veracruz, improving trade and internal mobility.
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During his tenure, Almonte faced two major developments. General Miramón took the city of Chan Santa Cruz on June 29, 1865, finalizing the pacification of the peninsula. However, the death of King Agustín I on July 19, at the age of 83, delayed the process of the signing of a peace agreement. The monarch's funeral was a solemn and monumental event, celebrated in the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mejico City, with the presence of national and international dignitaries. His death marked the end of an era that spanned some of the most tumultuous moments in Mejico's history, and his figure was honored as a pillar of the nation. Succession to the throne fell to his son, Agustin II, then aged 56, who took office with a promise to continue his father's legacy, but in the face of a more modern and diverse nation. Almonte worked closely with the new monarch, consolidating the alliance between the crown and the government to stabilize the country and prepare the basis for a more balanced political future.
Finally, the Treaty of Izamal was signed on September 23, 1865, fully reintegrating the peninsula into the sphere of Mejico's central government. Among the main provisions of the treaty was the creation of a provincial congress divided between royalist and creole Maya, guaranteeing political representation for both groups in an effort to promote peace and reconciliation. The treaty also provided reparations for families affected by the massacres and land expropriations during the war, the henequen industry would continue to develop under regulations that ensured the good treatment of the indigenous population. And above all, the Treaty of Izamal also provided for the creation of the Duchy of Bacalar, a unique entity that granted a special degree of autonomy to the region, under the command of General Miguel Miramón and his family, who would receive hereditary titles in recognition of their efforts in the pacification of the region.
The deteriorating political climate and the deepening division between the Conservative-ruled government and the Liberals was exacerbated by the election of José Rómulo de la Vega in 1867. The inauguration of the new president, who assumed office on December 1 of the same year, was rocked by a significant backlash from liberal factions, with a notorious brawl in the Zócalo that culminated in over twenty injuries and numerous arrests. De la Vega's presidency marked a contentious period characterized by heightened tensions between the two ideological groups. This tension was coupled with the Panic of 1868, as a speculative bubble in the railway and agricultural sectors resulted in economic instability that affected both domestic and foreign investments. As financial institutions collapsed, widespread unemployment ensued, exacerbating public discontent towards the conservative administration.
De la Vega's attempts to implement economic reforms aimed at stabilizing the financial system, known as the Plan de Estabilización y Desarrollo, were received with skepticism from both conservative factions wary of liberal influence and disillusioned liberals who felt that their concerns were being overlooked. The Plan included austerity measures, tax reforms, and enhanced regulations on speculation, which were intended to restore investor confidence. With public discontent growing, Agustín II promulgated the Ley de Empadronamiento on February 27, and the Ley de Sufragio Efectivo on March 8, seeking to stifle the rising voices of the opposition by caving to popular demands. Regardless, the liberals continued to see De la Vega as an illegitimate president, as accusations of coercion and ballot stuffing did not cease. The losing liberal candidate, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada, attempted to mobilize his supporters by organizing protests and calling for civil disobedience.
After Lerdo de Tejada was arrested following another public brawl in the Zócalo on April 3, the situation became intolerable for many. This culminated in the rebellion of numerous military officers, who promulgated the Plan of Ayutla on April 15, 1868. The Plan called for the resignation of President de la Vega and the establishment of a provisional government aimed at restoring constitutional order and addressing the grievances of the liberal factions. It drew support from disillusioned officers, including Porfirio Díaz, Ignacio Zaragoza, Mariano Escobedo, Santos Degollado, and Juan de la Barrera. Led by General Anastasio Parrodi, the liberals organized guerrillas across several regions surrounding the Valley of Mejico, such as Puebla and Oajaca, taking advantage of the difficult terrain and their knowledge of the local areas to avoid direct confrontations with the superior and better-equipped military forces of the government.
The insurgency gained support from disaffected elements within the population, as well as from regional leaders who were discontented with the centralized power structure. The governors of Puebla and Michoacán, for example, began providing clandestine support to the rebels, offering supplies, arms, and volunteers. This support was crucial, as it allowed the insurgency to sustain its efforts despite the oppressive military responses initiated by de la Vega's government. The conflict was marked by its brutality and its toll on civilian populations caught in the crossfire. As the insurgency intensified, the government responded with harsh measures, leading to widespread human rights abuses and further deepening the divide between the factions. Despite the government's military advantage, the insurgents proved to be a persistent challenge.
Agustín II commissioned General Miguel Miramón to lead the counter-insurgency effort, tasking him with consolidating military resources and quelling the rebellion. Miramón, who had previously played a key role in stabilizing the Yucatán Peninsula, faced the dual challenge of engaging a determined insurgent force while attempting to restore faith in the conservative government. His strategy involved encircling and cutting off insurgent supply lines, employing scorched-earth tactics in areas suspected of harboring rebels. Several battles underscored his tactical brilliance and the effectiveness of the governmental forces. The Duke of Bacalar played an instrumental role in leading the victories, and was renowned for his strategic prowess, earning the moniker of "Young Maccabee" from the press, comparing him to the ancient Jewish warriors noted for their combat skill and fervent commitment to their cause. One of the first major engagements came with the Battle of Salamanca on June 17, where General Parrodi was defeated by Luis G. Osollo and Miramón.
The insurgents entrenched themselves in Guadalajara, where they proclaimed the Provisional Government of the Republic on July 1, 1868. This declaration aimed to establish a liberal, republican government in direct opposition to de la Vega's administration, with Lerdo de Tejada being proclaimed as the provisional president. Miramón ordered the Michoacán Campaign, aimed at punishing governor Régulo Uraga, who had openly supported the insurgents by providing resources and shelter. The campaign commenced on August 5, 1868, with Miramón's forces advancing swiftly through Michoacán, employing both conventional military tactics and psychological warfare to demoralize the local population sympathetic to the liberals. General Ulises Paniagua took the city of Valladolid following his victory at the battle of Tarímbaro, and then defeated General Dámaso del Olmo at the battles of Charahuén and Tancítaro, which effectively let the province under conservative control. The capture of Uraga on October 15, 1868, was particularly symbolic; as a former general, he was court-martialed and jailed for treason.
With Puebla being a Liberal stronghold, Miramón attempted to encircle the city with a large pincer maneuver. To the north, an army of approximately 12,000 troops, led by Tomás Mejía, would march from Tlaxcala, while to the south, leading an army of 20,000 troops, Miramón himself would take Atlixco and rendezvous with Mejía's forces in the outskirts of Puebla. Their combined strategy aimed to cut off any supply routes and reinforcements for the rebels in Puebla. The campaign began on February 10, 1869, with conservative forces advancing methodically towards their objective. The campaign quickly developed into a protracted conflict, with both sides suffering significant casualties. Zaragoza scored an important victory against Mejía at Apizaco, but the overall situation for the insurgents grew increasingly precarious as Miramón's forces began their siege on March 3. With support from General Quirino Altolaguirre, who commanded an auxiliary force of 7,000 reinforcements, Miramón intensified the siege through strategic bombardments and the establishment of increasingly tighter cordons around Puebla. On May 5, the defenders under General Zaragoza sallied out in a bold attmept to break the siege. The ensuing confrontation, the Battle of Puebla, resulted in the highest number of casualties of any battle in the war, with over 6,000 troops lost on both sides.
General Miramón achieved a series of decisive victories in late 1869. The Battle of Atenquique, fought in the rugged terrain of Jalisco on September 14, saw Miramón's forces outmaneuver liberal troops commanded by General Santos Degollado. Shortly afterwards, at the Battle of Zapotlanejo on October 15, conservative forces once more overwhelmed the liberal defenders, paving the way for the siege of Guadalajara. With an army of over 45,000 troops, Miramón initiated the siege of Guadalajara on November 1, 1869, intending to topple the Provisional Republican Government. Overseen by King Agustín II, who was present throughout the siege, the conservative leadership believed that capturing Guadalajara would effectively dismantle the liberal rebellion. The siege tactics included systematic bombardment and the establishment of fortified positions to prevent any potential escape of the liberal leadership. The city capitulated on December 3, 1869, but King Agustín II granted clemency to the liberal leaders in a bid to promote national reconciliation and avoid further bloodshed.
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The fall of Guadalajara, however, did not signal the end of the conflict. The liberals, reorganized by Porfirio Díaz and Mariano Escobedo, launched a bold march towards Veracruz, aiming to secure the vital port city as a bastion for their cause. By April 1870, Díaz had entrenched his forces within Veracruz, fortifying its defenses against the expected conservative assault. The First Siege of Veracruz, lasting from April to July 1870, saw relentless conservative attacks under Miramón. The city, emboldened by the Stivedore's Oath - a public declaration of solidarity from the dockworkers and merchants of the port, pledging their support for Díaz's forces - held firm. Despite the disadvantage of being cut off from reinforcements, the liberal defenders employed guerrilla tactics and strategic withdrawals to conserve their strength, while relying on the intricate network of tunnels and warehouses within the city for supplies. Miramón was unable to breach the city's formidable defenses, and Díaz managed to repel the assaults, forcing the conservatives to withdraw after suffering significant losses. This failure invigorated the liberal cause, providing them with a critical foothold.
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With the Liberals believing the Conservatives were on the back foot and with Miramón preoccupied with Veracruz, Colonel Diego Suárez launched a surprise revolt of the cadets at the Military Academy of Chapultepec on August 6, 1870, threatening the heart of Mejico City. The "Niños Héroes", a group of nine cadets ranging from ages 13 to 17, led a counter-insurgency within the academy that captivated public sentiment. They entrenched themselves at the Alcázar, proclaiming their loyalty to Agustín II, and refused to participate in the insurgency. The ensuing battle at the Academy resulted in the deaths of all nine cadets, who became martyrs for the royalists and symbols of bravery. Their sacrifice stirred national fervor and drew a wave of support for the conservative government, leading to public rallies and demonstrations across various cities, particularly in the capital. Two liberal forces, deliberately small to deceive the conservative command, attempted to march on Mejico City, but their progress was halted at the skirmishes of Tacubaya and Cuautitlán on September 1870.
De la Vega presented his resignation on December 17, 1870, and was succeeded, per the Constitution, by Félix María Zuloaga, who was previously a prominent conservative military leader. Zuloaga's assumption of the presidency marked a continuation of the conservative agenda, seeking to consolidate power and quell the ongoing liberal insurgency. He quickly declared a state of emergency, mobilizing additional troops and resources to reinforce the military's presence in key regions. Meanwhile, in territories under liberal control, Lerdo de Tejada worked tirelessly to consolidate his authority. In early 1871, the liberals scored significant victories at Loma Alta, Silao, and Querétaro, claiming the valuable mining regions that had been critical to funding their military efforts. In response to the resurgence of liberal strength, Zuloaga appointed General Miramón as commander of all conservative forces, tasking him with launching a counteroffensive campaign to reclaim lost territories. Determined to regain the initiative, Miramón devised an ambitious plan to bifurcate liberal forces by attacking simultaneously from multiple directions. He launched campaigns across central Mejico while also deploying significant forces to secure Veracruz, intending to disrupt liberal supply lines.
The campaign, known as La Magnánima, commenced on June 15, 1871. Miramón's strategy involved a two-pronged attack, with one contingent advancing towards Querétaro while another aimed to recapture Veracruz from liberal control. His forces, numbering around 45,000 men, were meticulously organized into several columns designed to outflank the dispersed liberal positions. The first major confrontation of this campaign occurred at the Battle of Querétaro on July 11, 1871, where Miramón's troops faced off against a significantly smaller liberal force under the command of General Escobedo. Utilizing superior artillery and a well-coordinated infantry assault, Miramón achieved a decisive victory, effectively regaining control of the region and severing the liberals' lines of communication with their stronghold in Veracruz.
In early 1871, a Gabrielist uprising in Nuevo León briefly threatened conservative control in the northern territories. Inspired by the liberal successes in Querétaro and Veracruz, the insurgents, led by Colonel Manuel Treviño, sought to rally support from local populations dissatisfied with conservative taxation and governance, but also in favor of Gabriel II, who had been allowed return to the country in 1866. However, the rebellion quickly petered out, as it was swiftly suppressed by Santiago Vidaurri, a loyal conservative commander and former Governor known for his administrative and military prowess, as well as Gabriel II's own negative towards taking up the mantle of the revolution. Vidaurri mobilized a disciplined force and decisively defeated Treviño's troops at the Battle of Cerralvo on March 3, 1871. In recognition of his success, Agustín II elevated Vidaurri to the rank of Duke of Cerralvo, consolidating his influence in the region and reinforcing conservative dominance in the north.
A ceasefire agreement brokered in early 1872 by President Zuloaga offered a brief reprieve to the war-weary nation. Negotiated by envoys from neutral parties, the truce sought to address grievances on both sides while allowing civilians to recover from the devastating toll of the conflict. However, the ceasefire collapsed in late 1872, as skirmishes erupted in Oajaca and Veracruz between local militias and regular troops. The breakdown of negotiations led to renewed hostilities, with both conservatives and liberals redoubling their efforts to achieve a decisive victory. By January 1873, the war intensified once again with the conservatives targeting the key liberal stronghold of Veracruz. The Second Siege of Veracruz (January–March 1873) marked one of the most brutal chapters of the insurgency. Conservative forces under General Miguel Miramón encircled the city, aiming to cut off all supply routes and starve the defenders into submission. Porfirio Díaz commanded the defense, utilizing Veracruz's formidable coastal fortifications and intricate network of tunnels to resist the assault. The siege saw relentless bombardments and daring naval skirmishes as liberal forces attempted to secure supplies from sympathetic merchants and foreign traders. Despite Díaz's tactics, including guerilla-style sorties against besieging forces, the liberal garrison was overwhelmed by March 14. The fall of Veracruz delivered a critical blow to the liberal cause, with Díaz being jailed at the Convent of Santa Isabel, in Puebla.
The last engagement of the insurgency was the battle of Calpulalpan on May 1, 1873. General Miramón, commanding a conservative force of over 30,000 troops, faced the remnants of the liberal army under General Jesús González Ortega, with approximately 25,000 men. Miramón was accompanied by Mejía, Leonardo Márquez, Paniagua, Altolaguirre, José Esnaurrizar, and Bernal Sabariegos, while González Ortega was accompanied by Zaragoza and del Olmo. The Conservative forces, bolstered by their recent triumphs in Veracruz and fueled by a sense of invincibility under the command of General Miramón, outnumbered and outgunned the demoralized Liberal army. Regardless, the liberals mounted a determined defense, and attempted a daring maneuver to capture general Miramón. However, this failed, and the liberal army was encircled and overwhelmed.
In the aftermath of Calpulalpan, Agustín II proclaimed a general amnesty for the surviving liberal leaders, seeking to promote national reconciliation and prevent future uprisings. However, the monarchy's triumph came at great cost, with thousands dead and significant destruction across central and eastern Méjico. The war's conclusion allowed the conservatives to consolidate their power, but the deep ideological divisions and economic devastation left a legacy of resentment that would continue to shape the nation's political landscape. On May 5, 1873, the Treaty of Tula was signed, effectively ending the conflict. Miramón was hailed as a national hero, and was granted the title of Prince of Peace, while liberalism moved towards a more cautious, more civilian approach.
In 1875, the highly revered Miramón, the candidate of the Conservative Party, won the elections with over 70% of the popular vote, one of the largest margins a candidate has ever achieved. His campaign capitalized on his military prestige and the promise of stability after years of conflict. The population, weary of war and seeking a return to normalcy, rallied behind the celebrated general. His ascendancy was widely seen as a validation of conservative principles and a rejection of liberal ideologies that had previously dominated the political discourse. His presidency was also marked as the first five-year-long term. While the idea of re-electionism was discussed during the peace talks at Tula, the implementation of such measures garnered mixed reactions among political factions and was ultimately rejected.
Miramón favored large landowners and the nobility, many of whom took on crucial roles within his administration. Wealthy hacendados and aristocrats were appointed to key government positions, reinforcing the existing social hierarchy. This ensured continuity of political power concentrated in the hands of those who had traditionally ruled, and in exchange, they provided Miramón with the necessary support to implement his agenda. His policies often encouraged the expansion and strengthening of the agricultural sector, particularly the export of cash crops, which added to the wealth of the landowning class, as well as the exploitation of the gum of the sapodilla tree in Yucatán, the cultivation of coffee in the southern provinces, and sugar cane along the coasts of Veracruz, Tamaulipas and Béjar. Miramón's government also invested in infrastructure projects, including railways and telegraphs, aimed at modernizing the country and facilitating trade. This infrastructure drive garnered both domestic and foreign investments, particularly from the United States and European nations eager to capitalize on Mexico's rich natural resources. This economic strategy, however, did little to mitigate the long-standing issues of land dispossession and the plight of rural peasants who struggled under the increasingly acrimonious system of land distribution that further entrenched economic disparities across Mejico. Despite the prosperity seen among the elite, these tactics would plant the seeds of future social discontent.
The nobility would play a key role in Mejico's industrialization process, leveraging its resources to establish manufacturing enterprises in textiles, mining, and railway construction. The administration made substantial investments to improve the transportation infrastructure, facilitating the movement of goods and connecting the rural production centers to major urban markets and ports. The main rail project of Miramón's presidency was the completion of the Mejico-Santa Fe Railway, nicknamed the Ferrovía de la Plata, as well as the joint project of the completion of the Trans-Continental Railroad, finalized in 1878 with the completion of the Santa Cristina de Gosiute track. Another major project was the Tehuantepec Railway, built between Coatzacoalcos on the Gulf of Mejico and Salina de la Santa Cruz on the Pacific. The most important investor of the project was Diego Emiliano de Susumacoa, II Duke of Susumacoa, a Tlaxcaltec hidalgo and one of the foremost supporters of Miramón's policies.
Miramón's policies also reinforced the central role of the Catholic Church in Mejican society. The Ley de Concordato, passed in 1872, reaffirmed the Church's tax exemptions and provided funds for the construction of new cathedrals, seminaries, and monasteries, many of them with royal patronage. While these measures earned him the unwavering support of the clergy, they alienated secular intellectuals and exacerbated tensions with liberal-minded urban centers. Social reforms during his presidency aimed to address the needs of veterans and families affected by the insurgency. The Fondo de Reconciliación Nacional (FORENA) was established in 1875, providing pensions for widows and orphans, as well as grants for rebuilding homes and farms in war-torn regions. An amendment to the old Ley de Caseríos from 1853, which previously allowed the confiscation of Indian land in the New North for the establishment of homesteads, was reintroduced with modifications aimed at land redistribution to favor the soldiers and loyalists of the Conservative cause, creating a middle-class of petite landowners in the Fulgencines.
Around this time, a group of Laborist Catholic intellectuals emerged, seeking to provide an alternative vision for the organization of society and the economy. This group, known as the Catholic Social Movement, was led by Ernesto Valverde, who promoted cooperativism and workers' rights. His movement argued that the State should play a larger role in regulating the economy, ensuring that the benefits of industrialization were more evenly distributed among all members of society, as well as advocating for its subordination to Catholic morality. This group, guided by the principles of solidarity, subsidiarity and the common good, came to greatly influence Miramón, and this influence is most glaring in the 1877 Labor Code, which introduced protections for workers in various sectors, including regulations on working hours, safety standards, and instituting a minimum wage, while also prohibiting child labor.
It was not until 1880 that the Conservative Era of Mejican politics would come to an end. Despite being a relatively popular president, the proliferation of a free press encouraged increased scrutiny of Miramón's administration, and the influence of positivism began to gain traction among educated elites and urban populations. Intellectuals such as Facundo Nájera and Silas del Campo started advocating for more democratic principles, leading to a growing push for liberal reforms that would expand civil liberties and reduce the concentration of power within the conservative establishment. Vicente Riva Palacio, the candidate for the newly formed Civic Liberal Party, defeated Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, by a narrow margin of 3%.
Liberal Trentennium (1880-1910)
After the prolonged Conservative rule in Mejico, the Liberal positivists and the presidency of Vicente Riva Palacio brought significant changes to the country, leading to a period of rapid modernization, as well as demographic and economic change, known as the Liberal Trentennium, characterized as a period of "order and progress". The era was marked by economic stability, growth, and significant foreign investment and influence, which allowed for the expansion of the railroad network, telecommunications, and educational infrastructure. The construction of railroads facilitated the movement of goods and people across the rugged terrains of Mejico, effectively linking communities with urban centers. Meanwhile, telegraphic and postal infrastructures were refurbished, enhancing communication and administration throughout the provinces.
One of the hallmarks of Riva Palacio's presidency was the massive economic growth driven by partnerships between Mejican aristocrats and foreign capitalists, as Riva Palacio presented Mejico as an attractive destination for American, British, French, German, Spanish, and Greek investors, promoting its vast natural resources and geographical advantages. These partnerships, coupled with generous economic incentives, rapidly accelerated industrialization, leading to the establishment of factories, mining operations, and agricultural enterprises that were increasingly oriented towards the export market. The region became known for its agricultural exports, especially in the production of silver, coffee, and sugar, which significantly contributed to the national income. Together with this, the completion of the Tehuantepec Railway in 1882 was a notale achievement, transforming the isthmus into a vital transit corridor for international commerce, leading to significant growth for the ports of Coatzacoalcos and Salina de la Santa Cruz. Similarly, mining towns in northern Mejico flourished, as foreign expertise and capital revitalized the extraction of silver, copper, and other valuable resources.
The Puertas Abiertas immigration policy, the colloquial name for the Ley de Bienvenida of 1881, further contributed to the economic expansion. Designed to populate and develop underutilized lands, this policy invited European Protestant immigrants, who had generally been disadvantaged under previous immigration codes, to settle in Mejico. Hundreds of thousands of Protestants from Germany, Scandinavia, Bohemia, the Netherlands, northern Ireland, and Great Britain settled in Mejico, as well as a large Mormon contingent from the Ohio Country, dramatically expanding the extant Mormon community in the northern province of Timpanogos. Over 300,000 Protestant settlers poured into Tejas alone during Riva Palacio's term, contributing to the region's rapid transformation into an agricultural and industrial powerhouse. However, these policies also resulted in tensions between the newcomers and the existing Catholic population, particularly in relation to land ownership, job competition, and the cultural landscape of local communities.
Another one of Riva Palacio's objectives was to strengthen and expand education throughout Mejico. He believed that an educated populace was the key to progress and prosperity. Consequently, he championed the establishment of new schools, universities, and technical institutions in various regions of the country. Through generous funding and encouragement of intellectual pursuits, Riva Palacio laid the foundation for an educated and skilled workforce that would drive industrialization and technological advancement. In 1884, the prestigious Colegio de Méjico was founded, an institution dedicated to advancing scientific research, the humanities, and pedagogy. The highly influential Diego Escorial Borreguero, SJ emerged as a key figure within the new educational landscape as the founding rector of the Colegio de Méjico.
The former Liberal general Porfirio Díaz was elected to the presidency in 1885, marking the beginning of a period known as the Porfiriate (Spanish: Porfiriato), a 25-year-long period where Díaz's influence was all-encompassing and notorious, although the term is more commonly used to refer to his post-presidency years, as he continued to influence his successors while out of office. The Porfiriate is known for Mejico's continued economic growth, but also the beginning of Mejican imperialism and the abandonment of Anastasio Bustamante's isolationist Política Interna policy, resulting in increased military and diplomatic engagements throughout Central America, the Caribbean, and the Pacific. Díaz's Dos Costas policy was instrumental in fostering Mejican expansionism, as he sought to establish Mejico as a global power.
Shortly after Díaz's accession to office, on April 11, 1886, King Agustín II passed away from natural causes. Receiving a grand funeral marked by national mourning, Agustín II was succeeded by his son, Agustín III. The new monarch, aged 54, was significantly more liberal-leaning than his father and grandfather, fostering a spirit of reform that complemented Díaz's initiatives. Agustín III's reign, beginning in a politically dynamic environment, was characterized by an enthusiastic embrace of modernization and industrial development, and his marital links with France complemented Díaz's own Francophilia. He supported economic policies that benefitted the Mejican nobility, proclaiming them as "forerunners of progress", and his royal council included numerous prominent aristocrats and industrialists.
To bolster the nation's economic and scientific prowess, Díaz's government continued and expanded upon his predecessor's modernization projects, establishing in 1888 the world's first electric-traction rapid transit railway, which was also fully underground, in Mejico City, becoming a striking emblem of technological progress. Díaz collaborated with and funded the projects of scientist Tomás de Alba Maldonado, a prominent engineer and inventor, who garnered international acclaim for his work in electricity. By the mid-1890s, most major Mejican cities had a trolley system, significantly enhancing urban mobility and contributing to the rapid urbanization of the country. The integration of electric streetcars facilitated daily commuting, encouraged the growth of suburbs, and stimulated local economies.
However, despite the impressive economic growth achieved under Díaz, the Porfiriate was also marred by glaring social and economic inequalities. The benefits of modernization and industrialization primarily accrued to the wealthy elite, exacerbating the gap between the rich and the poor. The working class and rural communities often faced exploitation and labor abuses, leading to social unrest and discontent among the disadvantaged segments of society. The Conservative Party moved to represent the interests of the agrarian and urban sectors, while the liberals were increasingly perceived as an elitist party catering to the affluent. This dynamic set the stage for rising tensions, political discord, and a burgeoning labor movement, with the Catholic Social Movement making a small resurgence. Díaz's Cuerpo de Rurales, a state-backed paramilitary rural force, was often employed to suppress dissent and maintain order.
The chief architect of Díaz's state was Manuel Romero Rubio, a minister and advisor who led the highly influential group of Los Científicos. The group, composed of a cadre of technocrats and intellectuals, included men such as José Yves de Limantour, Romualdo Pacheco, Gabino Barreda, Justo Sierra, Enrique Creel, Luis Terrazas, Rodrigo Cabarrús, Pablo Macedo, among many others. Disciples of positivist thought, they championed modernization and scientific progress as the antidote to Mejico's perceived backwardness. Romero Rubio was instrumental in consolidating Díaz's power and implementing key policies aimed at furthering economic expansion, structural reforms, and his control over political affairs. Under Romero Rubio's guidance, the Científicos increasingly adopted a platform focused on stability, economic growth, and modernization, appealing to both the aristocracy and burgeoning capitalist classes.
Díaz was well aware of the potential threats posed by rebellions within the army. To reduce the risk, he took on a policy of modernization, restructuring the armed forces to ensure loyalty and effectiveness. Díaz emphasized the importance of professionalization, instituting Prussian-style military reforms that focused on training, discipline, and modernization of equipment. The Prussian General Ludwig von Steinhorst was invited to Mejico to oversee the reforms in 1887, leading to the restructuring of the Heroic Military College after Germany's elite institutions. This transformation led to the introduction of new tactics and technologies, including the adoption of modern artillery, rifles, and machine guns. However, Díaz also cultivated loyalty among the officer corps through favoritism and strategic appointments, ensuring that those with personal ties to him or the ruling elite maintained key positions within the military hierarchy. This fostered a sense of dependency on Díaz, as promotions were often tied to loyalty rather than merit, which helped mitigate the risk of military coups.
Unlike other Mejican liberals, Díaz was not anti-clerical, which became a significant advantage when he came to power. He won over conservatives, including the Catholic Church as an institution, and blurred the previous lines of division between liberals and conservatives in this matter. Radical liberalism was staunchly anti-clerical, criticizing the privileges, economic power, and educational influence of the Church. While Díaz maintained religious pluralism, he derogated numerous laws passed under his liberal predecessors - religious marriages were recognized as valid as civil marriages, religious corporations were allowed to acquire real estate, the ringing of church bells was sanctioned, and bans on public religious acts and clerical garb were lifted. As a pragmatist, Díaz covered both pro- and anti-clerical elements, being the head of the Freemasons in Mejico and an important advisor to Catholic bishops.
The brief Indian Wars (Spanish: Guerras Indianas) broke out in 1888, causing turmoil and unrest throughout the New North. Between 1888 and 1889, the Payute and the Comanche tribes engaged in a series of conflicts with Mejiacn settlers and military forces in an effort to resist territorial encroachment and assert their sovereignty. Tensions had been escalating due to the increasing influx of settlers drawn by economic opportunities and land grants offered by the Díaz administration as part of its expansionist policies. The Mejican government responded to these hostilities with military force, seeking to establish control over the northern regions. The Rurales were employed to suppress the Payute, leading to considerable violence. Meanwhile, in Tejas, alliances were struck with rivaling Indigenous tribes, such as the Apache and the Toncahua, to combat the Comanche, with allied leaders such as Flechas Rayadas and the Apache chief Victorino playing pivotal roles in coordinating military operations.
Inspired by millenarianism, Payute leader Serafín Cuoitze Au, also known as Huovoca, was an apocalyptic preacher who claimed to be a prophet. He also claimed to have received visions after entering a two-day trance, following a solar eclipse; his visions entailed the resurrection of the Payute dead and the removal of Whites and their works from North America. Huovoca's message resonated deeply with his tribe, as well as other Indigenous groups facing displacement and marginalization. He preached that a great purification must occur to restore the land and that a new era of prosperity would emerge for the Indigenous peoples once they cast off foreign influence. His leadership galvanized segments of the Payute and other tribes, resulting in a temporary alliance against the Mejican forces. After the infamous Eyring family massacre on February 2, 1889, during which a Mormon family was violently murdered by Payute insurrectionists, President Díaz sent a telegraph for his Rurales corps, with the single order "Mátenlos en caliente", meaning "Kill them immediately".
The Rurales, under Colonel Balbino de la Parra, swiftly mobilized to respond to Díaz's order. The campaign against the Payute was marked by force and brutality; the Rurales engaged in scorched earth tactics, destroying villages and confiscating food supplies to undermine the resistance. Huovoca's followers, facing superior military organization and firepower, struggled to sustain their resistance against the systematic onslaught. After the cessation of hostilities in March, through the Decreto de Pacificación y Reasentamiento, thousands of Payute and allied tribal members were forcibly relocated throughout Mejico, with many being sent to provinces like Durango and Zacatecas. While not all Payute were relocated from their ancestral lands, their population in the New North was reduced by over 50%, and Díaz repopulated the region with other Indigenous peoples that were largely perceived as loyal to the State, such as the Otomí, the Nahuas, and the Mixtecs.
Meanwhile, the Comanche were subdued by a combination of military force and strategic negotiations. In 1889, Díaz ordered an influx of additional troops and resources into the region to confront the Comanche directly. Led by General Epigmenio Casas, the Army engaged in a series of decisive battles, culminating in the battle of Río Blanco Canyon in April 1889. This confrontation resulted in heavy casualties for the Comanche and significantly crippled their ability to resist the Mejican expansion. Following the Indian Wars, Díaz saw the opportunity to present himself as the "savior of Mejico", emphasizing his role as a strong leader who restored order and stability to the tumultuous northern regions. The government launched a propaganda campaign portraying Díaz as a champion of progress, directly correlating his military successes to the economic growth and modernization that Mejico experienced under his administration. With Díaz's approval ratings soaring among the population, he began to centralize power and weaken any potential challengers, using the pretext of "modernization" and "civilization" to justify the ongoing consolidation of his authority.
In 1889, the Porfirian system was reinforced as the Ley de Reelecciones was passed, with royal assent, providing the president to seek reelection, while allowing the members of the Chamber of Deputies and Senators to seek reelection indefinitely. The Civic Liberal Party became known as the National Porfirist Circle, as it functioned as the ruling party that ensured support for Díaz's administration. The National Porfirist Circle dedicated itself to quelling opposition, often employing propaganda and strategic alliances to curb dissenting political factions. Díaz also cultivated personal relationships with influential industrialists, landowners, and foreign investors, rather than doing so institutionally, meeting with them regularly at private gatherings.
Apart from the previously-mentioned industrialization, the creation of the Mejican Stock Exchange in 1888 and the establishment of various private banking institutions further fueled economic growth during the Liberal Trentennium. The Stock Exchange, headquartered in Mejico City, provided a platform for the investment of capital into burgeoning industry. In 1889, the first automotive company in the world was founded - Godoy Automotriz - in Puebla, kickstarting the automotive industry in Mejico. This pioneering company was established by the industrialist Severo Godoy, who sought to capitalize on the rapid industrialization and infrastructure development that had been catalyzed by Díaz's policies. Godoy Automotriz initially produced lightweight vehicles primarily for commercial use, tapping into the demand for efficient transport solutions across the expanding economy. Meanwhile, in the Fulgencines, the Mejican Oil Company was founded by Celestino Ontiveros, Eduardo L. Doheny, and Marcos de la Torre in 1890, which quickly became a major player in global oil production. The company's establishment coincided with a surge in demand for petroleum, spurred by industrialization and the advent of the automotive age.
Between 1889 and 1890, Díaz made communal lands parcelable. The new owners, unaccustomed to private property, were swindled by private individuals or officials. As a result, many Indigenous people found themselves without land and had to be employed in nearby haciendas. Another series of demarcation laws in which a parcel of land without its respective title could be considered vacant allowed those who had the necessary resources to acquire large portions of land. By 1900, less than 5% of the families in Mejico owned or controlled about 85% of the arable land. Villages, where 51% of the population lived, had only small portions of land, and most of it depended on neighboring haciendas. Additionally, the laws and the national situation favored the hacendados, as they were the only ones with access to credit and irrigation projects, for example. On the other hand, small towns and independent farmers were forced to pay high taxes. This situation greatly affected the agricultural economy, as the haciendas had large uncultivated portions and were less productive than the smaller properties.
Mining also experienced significant growth during the Porfiriate. Investors capitalized on extractive industries, such as copper, lead, and other minerals. The notorious Fagoaga family founded the Siderúrgica Fagoaga mining company in 1893, receiving significant government support in the form of favorable concessions and tax incentives. The Fagoaga family's operations centered in the northern regions of Mejico, particularly in Sonora and Chihuahua, where rich mineral deposits were abundant. Changes in Mejican law allowed for private enterprises to own the subsoil rights of land, altering the colonial-era practice of granting all subsoil rights to the State. This encouraged further investment in mining and resource extraction. The rise of industrial manufacturing, particularly in textiles and cotton, spearheaded by the Textiles Atrisco company, also played a crucial role in Mejico's economic landscape.
The modernization and economic development promoted by Díaz also brought massive social and political changes. The emergence of a middle class, known as the literate class, challenged the traditional social structure. The literate class, which included lawyers, engineers, and other professionals, became involved in politics and called for more democratic reforms. The government responded with increased censorship and repression, leading to discontent among intellectuals and middle-class citizens. As workers sought to improve their working conditions, the Liga de Jornaleros 1877 was founded in 1893, referring to the 1877 Labor Code passed under President Miguel Miramón, which had established legal protections for laborers. However, they faced significant obstacles as Díaz's administration strictly controlled labor activities, viewing organized labor as a threat to stability. The General Mining Strike of 1893 and the murder of Pedro, Duke of Miraflores, a child of Agustín III, by anarchist Alberto Pasternak on January 5, 1894 led to a violent crackdown on the Liga.
In 1895, Romualdo Pacheco, the Civic Liberal candidate, defeated the Conservative and Populist candidates Macario Cortázar and Nicolás Zúñiga Miranda. Pacheco made history as the first President from the New North, hailing from the Province of Porciúncula. Like his predecessor, Pacheco continued to follow the ideals of the Porfirian system, emphasizing economic growth and stability through industrialization and foreign investment. His presidency was marked by optimism, positivism, regional peace, economic prosperity, colonial expansion, and a wave of technological, scientific, and cultural innovations that reshaped Mejico, such as the invention of the radio and aeroplanes, and new developments in automobiles, electricity, and motion pictures. The scientist Alejandro Sarmiento Palencia revolutionized communication and information after inventing the radio in 1896, enhancing the spread and efficiency of communications across Mejico. Meanwhile, aviator Pellegrino Vavassori demonstrated the potential of powered flight during a series of experimental flights in 1897, drawing international attention.
Pacheco continued to pursue liberal economic policies, encouraging domestic and foreign investments in various industries. The nation witnessed a surge of industrialization and the development of industrialized ports and cities. Urbanization escalated rapidly as the urban population more than doubled, with significant growth in the New North. Cities such as Mejico City, Guadalajara, Los Ángeles, Monterrey, San Francisco, Veracruz, Puebla, and Acapulco emerged as thriving economic centers, attracting middle and upper-class families seeking new opportunities. Pacheco's forward-looking policies also encompassed cultural advancement, with Mejico hosting the 1896 International World's Fair, which showcased the nation's industrial achievements and cultural heritage. The fair attracted foreign exhibitors, as well as over 10 million visitors, who were drawn to the exhibits of technology, agriculture, and art.
Another key development of Pacheco's presidency was Mejico's venture into colonialism. The Mejican Colonization Society (Spanish: Sociedad Colonial Mejicana), founded in 1890, had important advocates such as Joscelino Palafox, the Minister of the Economy and member of the Científicos, and other influential politicians and business leaders. In the midst of the Spanish Turn of the Century Crisis, Mejico moved to occupy several Pacific islands that were administered by the Philippines, including the Isabelinas, Marianas, Carolinas, Jardines, and Trinidad islands. Mejico swfitly occupied these islands beginning in 1897, and would hold them until 1929, when Spain reconquered the Philippines and they were turned into a Spanish-Mejican condominium. The next year, the Society funded an expedition towards the islands of Solomón and Mendaña in 1899, seeking to procure resources such sugar and rubber to support the burgeoning industries at home. Following the establishment of these colonies, Mejico implemented a structured administration and encouraged the settlement of Mejican citizens in the new territories, appealing mainly to farmers. The first governor appointed to oversee the newly acquired territories was Saturnino Peralta, and the capital was established at Santa Isabel de Honiara.
Around the same time, protectorates were established at the Javay Islands and Samoa. Javay had long been of interest due to its strategic location and potential for agricultural development. The Mejican government aimed to enhance its influence in the Pacific region, primarily to secure trade routes and resource bases. Diplomat Colonel Guillermo Cornwell and Javayan Prince David Kawānanakoa negotiated the Treaty of Santa Águeda in 1899 that formalized the protectorate status of the Javay Islands, granting Mejico the right to oversee defense and foreign affairs while allowing for local governance. Mejican settlers would also be allowed into the islands, as well as Catholic missionaries, while Mejico pledged to support agricultural development and infrastructure improvements. Meanwhile, in Samoa, Mejico intervened during a local civil war in 1899; following a series of negotiations, Mejico signed the Treaty of Apia in 1900, officially establishing a protectorate over the Samoan islands. As part of the treaty, Mejico agreed to assist in stabilizing the region and to promote economic development through investments in agriculture and trade. In return, Mejico gained access to valuable resources, including coconut plantations and access to shipping routes in the South Pacific.
While a generally popular figure, Pacheco lost the backing of the National Porfirist Circle shortly before the 1900 election due to a proposed measure to secularize the Royal and Pontifical University of Mejico. One of the oldest institutions in the country, it had long carried the weight of traditional religious influence, and many conservatives viewed the proposed reform as a direct attack on Catholic values and the influence of the Church in education, and a rift between previous Porfirist policies of non-interference. Criticism mounted quickly, with King Agustín III - despite being a liberal himself - proclaiming that such an act was "pointlessly antagonizing". Faced with increasing opposition and demonstrations, Pacheco ultimately withdrew the proposal, which helped to mend relations temporarily with conservative factions. However, as the election drew closer, fellow Científico José Yves de Limantour, who had been Secretary of Finance since 1893, was pushed by Porfirio Díaz, and Pacheco withdrew his candidacy.
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The Count of Casa Limantour was a progressive technocrat, and emerged victorious in the 1900 election after receiving the backing of Díaz; he defeated the conservative candidate Manuel Osornio and the perennial candidate, the populist Nicolás Zúñiga Miranda. During his presidency, the country's railroad network expanded to cover over 100,000 km, solidifying Mejico's position as a key player in North American trade and transportation. Limantour's administration emphasized the integration of the national economy, facilitating movement between urban centers and rural regions. The increased reach of the railroads promoted the trade of commodities such as sisal, mesquite, and rubber, significantly boosting the agricultural sector.
Mejican influence also increased during Limantour's presidency, particularly in Central America and the Caribbean. Most of Mejico's influence was due to private companies, including the highly controversial Compañía Frutera La Tropicana, which held significant sway over agricultural production and exportation in Central America. Established in 1898, the company quickly expanded its operations to include banana and sugar plantations across the Central American Federation. This economic expansion allowed Mejico to exert considerable influence over the political landscapes of these nations through lobbying and financial support for like-minded leaders. Mejico also intervened in the Chinese Boxer Uprising as part of the Eight-Nation Alliance in 1900, where Mejican troops were deployed to protect its interests and citizens in the region. This intervention marked Mejico's first significant military engagement in Asia, showcasing its growing global aspirations. A few years later, Mejican engineers and workers would finish the Panama Canal in 1907, one of Mejico's most important foreign policy successes.
Limantour's economic policies were the most significant developments of his presidency, creating an environment conducive to foreign investment and industrial growth. Díaz's previous parcelation policy had allowed for surveyors to own over 130 million acres of land, and important oil discoveries were made in the northwestern regions of Mejico during Limantour's tenure. The government granted concessions to private companies to extract and develop natural resources, thereby stimulating both domestic and international investment. Oil production became a major driver of Mejico's economy, impulsing the Fulgencines, Tejas, and Veracruz oil fields to the forefront of global markets. By 1905, Mejico emerged as one of the leading oil producers in the world, promoting a surge in the establishment of refineries in key urban centers. The emergence of major oil companies, such as the Compañía Petrolera Mejicana, Compañía Petrolera El Águila, and the Compagnie Pétrolière du Sabine-Gulf, which acquired the Compañía Petrolera La Estrella del Norte, dominated the market, creating thousands of jobs and significantly contributing to the national GDP.
The Mejican peso appreciated after the influx of capital and the growth of the oil industry, bolstering economic confidence domestically and internationally. The stability of the currency and the increased productivity from the industrial sector attracted more investors, further driving economic expansion. In 1904, the Gold Standard was adopted, which further stabilized the peso and integrated Mejico into global financial markets. This transition had wide-ranging effects, enhancing foreign confidence in Mejico's economy and leading to a significant increase in liquidity and credit availability. This era of peace and prosperity led to optimism and enthusiasm, and many would come to refer to it as Mejico's Belle Époque, highlighting the cultural, artistic, and intellectual development that occurred during this period.
The flourishing economy enabled increased investment in education, infrastructure, and the arts. Numerous cultural institutions, theaters, and art galleries were established throughout Mejico, epitomized by the beginning of the construction of the Palace of Fine Arts and the Royal Theater Minerva in 1904 and 1907, respectively. The former, in Mejico City, was a neoclassical/art nouveau masterpiece, while the latter was beaux-arts in style, both designed to celebrate the nation's cultural achievements. In the realm of literature, the rise of realist and naturalist works is noticeable, as well as the first stepping stones of Castizaje literature that would later come to greatly influence José Vasconcelos and his policy from the 1930s onwards. Arguably the most important Mejican architect of the 20th century was Ulises Meza Gallegos, who designed numerous public buildings, infrastructures, and even royal residencies, that symbolized the era's artistic ambitions. His work included the renovation of plazas, promenades, civic buildings, town halls, and religious buildings. Receiving royal patronage, he was a founding member of the New Mejican School of Architecture, showcasing bold designs that integrated spatial arrangements while embracing ornamentation and texture.
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As a leading advocate of immigration, Limantour believed that Mejico's prosperity depended on the influx of skilled workers and entrepreneurs. Under Limantour's tenure, Mejico processed more than 6 million immigrants, with a considerable expansion of the previous Puertas Abiertas policy. This led to a significant increase in the country's population and diversity, with Europeans, Americans, Asians and Middle Easterners settling in Mejico, contributing to the labor force. The overwhelming majority of immigrants settled in urban areas, seeking opportunities in Mejico's expansive industries, particularly in textiles and manufacturing. Mejican immigration policy prioritized cultural integration, encouraging newcomers to learn the Spanish language and participate in social and civic life, while also promoting compatibility. Citizens from countries with friendly relations with Mejico, such as Spain, Italy, the British Empire, Germany, Argentina, Brazil, the Eastern Roman Empire, and Japan were particularly invited to settle, as they were perceived as having compatible values and economic roles.
Limantour's policies also opened up opportunities for Mejican citizens to migrate to other parts of the world, creating a global Mejican diaspora. Many Mejicans, especially those of the upper classes and the nobility, traveled to Europe and as far as Asia, where they established businesses, made cultural and political connections, and introduced Mejican products, cuisine, and culture. For example, merchants of the Mejican Merchant Navy introduced avocado and tequila to European and Asian markets, while sports such as American harpast began to gain popularity in ports of call throughout the Pacific. The proliferation of Mejican goods and culture contributed to a growing interest in Mejican art and music in international circles. This increased Mejico's influence and contributed to its growing reputation as a rising global power.
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However, as immigration to Mejico increased, so did the nativist sentiment, bringing challenges and tensions. Some Mejican citizens feared losing their jobs to immigrants, while others felt that there was an increasing alienation between traditional Mejican urban culture and rural values. This fear was particularly pronounced among working-class Mejicans, who perceived immigrants as competition in the burgeoning industrial labor market. The nativist movement began to organize protests and political action, calling for stricter immigration controls and promoting the idea of preserving Mejican identity. Mejicanity was seen as an increasingly important value that the government had to protect closely. This led to the Ley de Integración of 1909, which introduced requirements for immigrants to pass a cultural literacy test to demonstrate in Spanish and compatibility with Mejican values. However, the Manzanero Amendment, which proposed restrictions on the number of immigrants who could settle in any given area to avoid the creation of ethnic enclaves, was ultimately rejected.
In terms of labor, two of the most important strikes in Mejican history occurred shortly after Limantour's reelection in 1905, including the Cananea Strike in Sonora, in 1906, and the Río Blanco strike in Veracruz, in 1907. Both strikes arose from tensions in the mining and textile industries, respectively. Strikebreakers were widely employed, and the government's response to these labor movements often involved the use of military force. The Cananea Strike began as a protest against poor working conditions and low wages. The strike at Cananea resulted in the deaths of at least 10 people, while conservative estimates for Río Blanco estimate between 50 and 70 dead.
Throughout Limantour's presidency, the role of Porfirio Díaz and the level of influence he exercised has been referred to as one of the main catalysts for the development of the Maderist Rebellion and the subsequent Civil War. Díaz, as a benefactor and mentor to Limantour, was crucial in securing Limantour's standing in the National Porfirist Circle and as president. In 1902, by a decree which received royal assent, the office of the General Coordinature of the Nation was established, consolidating power and influence for Díaz despite being out of office. A life-long position, it allowed him to maintain significant oversight over the central government and its operations, effectively acting as a shadow president. Under this arrangement, Díaz was able to leverage political patronage and influence key policy decisions even while Limantour pursued his agenda. Critics saw Limantour as a puppet of Díaz, and the general populace grew increasingly disillusioned with the prevailing political structure.
The Maderist Rebellion and Civil War (1910-1920)
During the Liberal Trentennium, Porfirio Díaz had accumulated extraordinary political influence, being named General Coordinator of the Nation in 1902. The pervasiveness of Díaz's influence was compared by many to that of Santa Anna earlier in the 19th century. With the aging of Díaz and his circle, "Los Científicos", the Porfirian system entered into a crisis, as the circle was a highly exclusive group that prioritized the interests of a select few, often at the expense of more democratic participation. After an interview with American journalist James Creelman in 1908, Díaz spoke of the importance of the Coordinature, although he also hinted at the possibility of stepping down from the position in 1910 due to his advanced age. A flurry of anti-coordinature clubs and books, as activists and intellectuals called for broader representation and an end to the Porfirian system.
Coahuila-based landowner Francisco I. Madero founded the National Anticoordinationist Party in 1909, and had published the influential book, La sucesión presidencial en 1910. Meanwhile, other parties promoted their own candidates - the Popular Sovereignty Club supported General Bernardo Reyes for the presidency; the Populist Party once more ran its ticket with Nicolás Zúñiga at its helm; the Conservative Party backed Timoteo Beauford; while Díaz selected Ramón Corral for the Civic Liberal Party. Madero made three national tours to promote provincial anti-coordinationist clubs, while planning to hold a convention in April 1910 to create the party's ticket. However, Madero was apprehended by order sof the district judge of San Luis Potosí, Tomás Ortiz, while he was with his wife in Monterrey. He was accused of inciting rebellion, for which he was transferred and confined in the provincial prison. Forty-five days later he was released on bail, although without the possibility of leaving the province. During this same period the presidential elections were held.
In the 1910 general elections, which were held on June 26, Corral was elected president. On October 6, Madero escaped from San Luis Potosí to San Antonio de Béjar, where he met with his family and supporters. There, he wrote together with a small group - among then Juan Sánchez Azcona and Roque Estrada - a document known as the Plan of San Luis, although the text was dated October 5. The plan called for armed struggle, declared the general elections null and void, decried all elected officials as illegitimate, recognized Madero as the provisional president and Chief of the Revolution, and insisted on social demands for Indigenous people and workers. Together with this document, Madero wrote a manifesto addressed to the Army, urging them to join the revolutionary movement.
Aquiles Serdán, a politician who had fled to the north after the elections, was commissioned by Madero to organize the revolution in Puebla. On November 18, a group of policemen came to his home, which the revolutionaries were using as a weapons depot. Together with his brothers, Serdán resisted against over 400 soldiers and 100 policemen. In the end, he was assassinated when he came out of the basement of his home, where he was hiding. On November 19, Madero met with a small group of ex-military members and volunteers in El Paso del Norte, on the Pecos side, and engaged in minor skirmishes against the provincial guard of Chihuauha, which did not have jurisdiction over the other side of the river. Although Serdán's death seemed a failure for many, the call for an armed struggle was responded to in Chihuahua by townspeople and rural peasants. The revolution later spread into the neighboring provinces of Sonora, Durango, Pecos, and Coahuila.
On November 14, 1910, Toribio Ortega and Porfirio Ornelas, accompanied by approximately 70 men, went ahead in the armed struggle since Ortega had been discovered and an apprehension order against him had been dispatched. The two rebelled against the federal government in the town of Cuchillo Parado, Chihuahua, and later joined another Maderist group. On November 20, the date set to begin the armed struggle, 15 uprisings took place, with the most significant being the one in Gómez Palacio, Durango, where a group of rebels commanded by Jesús Agustín Castro assaulted the city bank and freed the prisoners of the municipal jail, inviting them to join their cause.
Among the main revolutionary influences were the movements of Pascual Orozco, Pancho Villa, and José de la Luz Blanco in Chihuahua; José María Maytorena, Cesáreo Castro and the Gutiérrez Ortiz brothers in Coahuila; the Figueroa Mata brothers in Chilpancingo; and Emiliano Zapata, Pablo Torres Burgos and Rafael Merino in Cuernavaca. Another significant influence are the Flores Magón brothers, who led the Mejican Liberal Party and ran the anarchist newspaper Regeneración, together with Librado Rivera, Anselmo L. Figueroa, and Práxedis G. Guerrero. The first encounter between revolutionaries and federal troops took place on November 21 in Concepción de Papigochi, where the troops of Pascual Orozco, follower of governor Abraham González, confronted a cavalry regiment led by Captain Salvador Ormachea. Orozco took the city on November 30 and left for Pedernales, where he defeated the federal troops; the city was re-taken by the government on January 6, 1911. Other figures such as Luis Moya, General Gaspar Sáenz, Salvador Alvarado, Juan G. Cabral, Severiano Talamantes, and Práxedis Guerrero led their own small uprisings; Guerrero was killed in Chihuahua by federal troops.
On February 14, 1911, Madero attempted to reorganize his movement, and launched an attack on Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, where he was defeated by federal troops; he was wounded during combat. In Chihuahua, he received support from Orozco and Villa, while in Pecos, General Sáenz swore fidelity. Madero, Orozco and Villa decided to attack the garrison of El Paso. Before the battle proper, Madero sent some of his forces to make a diversionary attack on Agua Prieta, which proved successful. The town was recaptured by federal troops, while the main rebel offensive on El Paso began on April 7, when Madero led 2,000 men to El Paso, preceded by Villa and Orozco, who commanded 1,000 men each; the city was defended by General Juan N. Navarro.
The national government attempted to negotiate a truce with Madero, agreeing on it on April 23, but generals Villa and Orozco, on May 8, launched an assault on the city without consulting Madero, blaming it on a "spontaneous" outbreak in fighting. Madero attempted to halt the violence, but Orozco and Villa pressed on. Navarro, for his part, tired to keep the ceasefire for as long as he could, proving quite costly for the defenders. The rebel forces captured the outer defenses of the city unopposed, and federal troops withdrew deeper into the city, crossing the river into the districts of Chihuahuita and Chamizal. The rebels took control of the bridges, cut off electricity and telegraph lines, and captured the bullring on the first day of fighting. The battle ended on May 10 after Madero, who was unable to stop Villa and Orozco, ordered the rest of his men to proceed with the assault.
After this victory, per the Plan of San Luis, Madero was named provisional president and formed his Council of State, including Venustiano Carranza, Gustavo Madero, and José María Pino Suárez. An armistice was signed on May 17, and on May 21, the Treaties of El Paso were signed. On the original conversations the revolutionaries held with the federal government, carried out in New York and presided over by former president José Yves de Limantour, the government offered Madero significant concessions, including the prerogative to appoint numerous cabinet ministers and provincial governors. Madero refused, pressing for the resignation of Corral and the abolition of the General Coordinature. Eventually, after the Treaties were signed, Díaz resigned, the Coordinature was abolished, and he was exiled to Europe, where he died in 1915.
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León de la Barra, who had been the Secretary of Foreign Relations, was appointed interim president on May 25, 1911 by King Agustín IV, who had ascended to the throne in January 1911. De la Barra remained in power for about six months, and formed a plural cabinet that included Porfirists, Maderists, and independents, which caused a serious political crisis, heightened by the mutual distrust between Madero and revolutionary groups, cauisng severe rifts. During his interim, De la Barra and Madero were in constant antagonism. An attempt was made to apply demobiliaztion; of approximately 70,000 rebels, only 20,000 were organized into the new Rurales corps, while most of them returned to ordinary life. The greatest opponent of this measure was Emiliano Zapata, who demanded the fulfilment of the Plan of San Luis' agrarian promises. Faced with this situation and trying to conciliate, Madero met Zapata in Cuautla on August 18, 1911, promising to solve his demands. At first, De la Barra seemed to agree with Zapata's requests, but instead of continuing the talks, he ordered General Victoriano Huerta to repress the Zapatist movement by force. Madero had to flee back to Mejico City while Zapata and a few of his men retreated to the mountains of Puebla and Chilpancingo. Shortly after, Zapata made published a manifesto, in which he accused the "Científico traitors" of wanting to retake power while, on the other hand, he exculpated Madero. Additionally, he proclaimed the existence of the Liberating Army of the South.
During the interim, Bernardo Reyes returned to the country, assuring that he was interested in joining the "legalized revolution". During a meeting, Madero offered Reyes the Secretary of War, but it never came to fruition due to revolutionary dissatisfaction. Another conflict arose with the Vázquez Gómez brothers, specifically with Emilio Vázquez Gómez, who was the Minister of the Interior and an anti-demobilization advocate. De la Barra asked Madero to request his resignation, which became effective on August 1. Three weeks later the Plan of Texcoco was promulgated, signed by Andrés Molina Enríquez, which disowned the government of de la Barra and called for the continuation of the armed struggle. As a consequence, Molina was taken to prison. In addition, on October 31, 1931, the Plan of Nonoalco was proclaimed, signed by Paulino Martínez, an opposition journalist who later became a Zapatist ideologue. This document assured that Madero had betrayed his principles and accused him of surrounding himself with members of the old regime.
During the previous conflicts, the next election was prepared, with Madero forming the Progressive Constitutionalist Party, based on the Anticoordinationist Party and the Plan of San Luis, proposing Madero for president and Pino Suárez for vice-president. In the elections they faced the Sovereignist Party of Bernardo Reyes, the Pure Liberal Party of Emilio Vázquez Gómez, and the National Catholic Party, which presented Madero for the presidency and de la Barra for the vice-presidency. Madero won the elections in October and assumed power on Novmber 6. On November 27, the Constitution was modified, formally abolishing the General Coordination, and in December the electoral law was reformed. Madero did not have the experience or the ideological inclination to those who helped bring him to power. Some leaders expected personal rewards, such as Pascual Orozco. Others wanted major reforms, most specifically Emiliano Zapata and Andrés Molina. Two days after Madero's inauguration, he sent representatives to Zapata requesting the discharge of his troops. Zapata presented his demands, but they were rejected by Madero, who besieged Ayala, where he opened fire. Zapata fled to Puebla, announcing the Plan of Ayala on November 28, dismissing Madero's government, and proclaiming Pascual Orozco as Chief of the Revolution, and in case he did not accept, Zapata would be the leader.
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Since Orozco had disobeyed Madero in El Paso, their relations broke. Regardless, he had expected some reward from Madero; he was not elected to either the cabinet of the provisional government, and was not given the governorship of Chihuauha, which was given instead to Abraham González, with the explanation that Orozco had not reached the legal age to serve as govenror. Madero put Orozco in charge of the large force of rurales in Chihuahua, and General Gaspar Sáenz's own governorship in neighboring Pecos inflamed Orozco, who considered himself a gifted revolutionary who had helped bring about Díaz's fall. After Madero refused to agree to social reforms calling for better working hours, pay, and conditions, Orozco organized his army, the Orozquistas, also called the Colorados ("Red Flaggers") and issued his the Plan of La Empacadora on March 25, 1912, summoning the popular, middle and upper classes, gaining strength after defeating both José González Salas and Villa.
In April 1912, Madero dispatched Huerta to put down Orozco's revolt. Madero had kept the army intact as an institution, using it to put down domestic rebellions. Huerta was a professional soldier and continued to serve in the army under the new commander-in-chief. Huerta's loyalty lay with General Bernardo Reyes rather than with the civilian Madero. Venustiano Carranza mobilized the provincial guard to support the Federal Army, and Villa, who was now a colonel in the militia, was called to fight against Orozco as well. During a visit to Huerta's headquarters in June 1912, after an incident in which he refused to return a number of stolen horses, Villa was imprisoned on charges of insubordination and robbery, and sentenced to death. Raúl Madero, the President's brother, intervened to save Villa's life; he was jailed in Mejico City and later fled to Louisiana, later to return and play a major role in the civil war. Another revolt began shortly after, headed by Francisco Guttmacher in Tejas, who sought the independence of the region and promulgated the Plan of La Magnolia on April 3, 1912. With Huerta's success against both Orozco and Guttmacher, he emerged as a powerful figure for conservative forces opposing the Madero regime.
Bernardo Reyes launched the Plan of La Soledad in November 1912, but after returning to central Mejico, he surrendered to federal authorities after finding out that his followers had deserted, being imprisoned in Santiago de Tlatelolco. In Veracruz, Porfirio Díaz's nephew, Félix Díaz, led his own rebellion in October 1912, but his movement was defeated a few days later and he was imprisoned in the Black Palace of Lecumberri. While Día was initially condemned to death, his sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment under pressure from the Supreme Court, which had a Porfirist majority. In that same month, the social-monarchist movement of the Gabrielists rose up in Monterrey, supporting the substitution of Agustín IV by the pretender Gabriel IV, who barracked himself in the plaza of San Nicolás de los Garza. This rebellion would be put down by Felipe Ángeles, and the pretender would be exiled to Oregon. Since then, his line was stripped of the Duchy of Cadereyta, and the title was granted to his cousin, José de Borbón.
Since the middle of 1912, Félix Díaz conspired with Rodolfo Reyes (son of Bernardo Reyes), Manuel Mondragón and Gregorio Ruiz, plotting a coup d'état which would come to be known as the Ten Tragic Days (Spanish: Decena Trágica), initiated on February 9 and consummated in ten days. During this revolt, university students and a troop from the Tacubaya barracks marched towards Tlatelolco and Lecumberri to free Bernardo Reyes and Félix Díaz. Reyes headed for the Zócalo, seeking the support of the Royal Palace garrison, but the general in charge, Lauro Villar, ordered fire, killing Reyes. Díaz, instead, went to the Plaza de la Ciudadela, where he established his headquarters. Madero relieved Villar, and entrusted Huerta to quell the rebellion while he met in Cuernavaca with General Felipe Ángeles. Madero returned to the capital with Ángeles and Guillermo Rubio Navarrete, while Huerta delayed the attacks.
On February 17, Gustavo Madero discovered Huerta's betrayal. Gustavo detained Huerta and took him before his brother, but Huerta denied any involvement in the conspiracy. While King Agustín IV expressed the urgency of jailing Huerta, Madero insisted on his innocence, freeing him and granting him 24 hours to prove his loyalty. After challenging the charges, Huerta was released and signed the Pact of the Citadel with Díaz, committing himself to arrest Madero, dissolve the Executive, and provisionally take the presidency to name Díaz president. A series of rapid events within the Palace led to the arrest of Madero under the orders of General Aureliano Blanquet. By the night of February 18, Madero, his Vice-President Pino Suárez, General Felipe Ángeles, and Gustavo Madero were imprisoned within the Palace. King Agustín IV, on the other hand, was safely transferred to the Chapultepec Castle, where he remained under house arrest. Tensions escalated following the assassination of Gustavo Madero, who was beaten to death in the early morning of February 19. Madero, unaware of the situation, retained high hopes, thinking he would merely be deported to Cuba with his family, and calmly signed his resignation. Madero and vice-president Pino Suárez were murdered on the night of February 22.
Huerta sought to pacify the country and obtain international recognition. Supporting the his regime initially were business interests in Mejico, both foreign and domestic; landed elites; the Catholic Church; the German and British governments; and most provincial governors, except González, Maytorena and Carranza, of Chihuahua, Sonora and Coahuila. Carranza promulgated the Plan of Guadalupe on March 26, 1913, in response to the coup. It was a strictly political plan to reject the legitimacy of the government, and called on revolutionaries to take up arms. Revolutionaries who had brought Madero to power only to be dismissed in favor of the Army eagerly responded to the call, most prominently Pancho Villa. Álvaro Obregón of Sonora, a rancher and businessman who had not participated in the previous revolution, joined the revolutionary forces in the north. Huerta had Governor González arrested and murdered, fearing he would foment rebellion. In Cuernavaca, Zapata continued his rebellion under the Plan of Ayala (while expunging the name of counter-revolutionary Pascual Orozco from it), calling for the expropriation of land and redistribution to peasants. Huerta offered peace to Zapata, who rejected it. After the Decena Trágica, nations such as the United Kingdom, Spain and Louisiana sent diplomats to Mejico, who presented Huerta with proposals for a ceasefire and free elections, which were rejected, so the countries declared themselves neutral, preventing the purchase of armaments. Meanwhile, in the Fulgencines, a coalition of governors led by Jaime Nicholas declared themselves neutral, although they tacitly supported the Constitutionalist Army.
Huerta's first cabinet comprised men who had supported the Pact of La Ciudadela, among them some who had supported Madero, such as Jesús Flores Magón; supporters of Bernardo Reyes; supporters of Félix Díaz; and former Interim President Francisco León de la Barra. Huerta was able to briefly muster the support of Andrés Molina Enríquez, as he was seemingly concerned with the issue of land reform. However, his inaction led Molina Enríquez to disavow the regime in June 1913. In the same summer, conservatives sought a constitutionally-elected civilian alternative to Huerta, although he closed the legislature on October 26, 1913, having the army surround the Legislative Palace of San Lázaro and arresting congressmen perceived to be hostile to the regime. Despite that, congressional elections went ahead, but given that congress was dissolved and some members were in jail, opposition candidates' fervor disappeared. Gabriel Somellera, president of the National Catholic Party was arrested; the newspapers La Nación and El País were officially closed; and opposition deputy Belisario Domínguez was murdered on October 7.
The Constitutionalist Army was distinguished by the clear division between military officers and bureaucrats; the former were at the forefront of the struggle while the latter occupied secondary command positions. Among its ranks were the military leaders Pablo González, Carlos Bee, Álvaro Obregón, Plutarco Elías Calles, Francisco Villa, Fortunato Maycotte, and Pánfilo Natera, among others. On April 18, in Monclova, Coahuila, a convention was held with representatives of the revolutionary movements, ratifying the Plan of Guadalupe and the union of their forces in a single army, with Carranza being the First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army. In May, Obregón's Northwest Division secured control of Sonora, and advanced along the Pacific coast until reaching Jalisco, while Villa's Northern Division operated in Chihuahua and the Comarca Lagunera. The Northeastern Division under González, and the Central Division under Natera, completed the Constitutionalist forces. In contrast, the central and southern provinces had a more limited role, due to urban and industrial factors in the center, and the remoteness of the fronts in the south. There were uprisings in San Luis Potosí, Tlaxcala, Veracruz, Cuernavaca, Chilpancingo, Oajaca and Tabasco, although all of them of lesser impact in the struggle against the Huertista government.
At the same time, the Flores Magón brothers, specifically Ricardo and Enrique, led a series of uprisings known as the Magonist Revolt. Operating around San Diego, they sought to instil a Jacobin republic, with radical agrarian reform, the abolition of the monarchy and all forms of government. Through the Plan of La Mesa, issued on April 12, 1914, Ricardo Flores Magón proclaimed the independence of the Fulgencines, which he renamed California, fundamentally calling for a social revolution, self-emancipation, self-government, land redistribution, and the abolition of private property. The insurgents managed to capture several towns, although their hold was tenuous due to limited resources and lack of popular support among more conservative regional demographics. They were supported by the Industrial Workers of the World union.
A few days before the beginning of the Magonist Revolt, on April 9, 1914, the Tampico Incident occurred. Six Luisianan ships arrived at the port of Tampico and the personnel of one of them was briefly detained by Huertista soldiers. Although the Louisianans were released, Rear Admiral Étienne Chambord demanded exemplary punishment and honors to the Louisiana flag. Huerta tried to reach an agreement, but the Louisiana president Christophe de la Rue ordered the occupation of Veracruz to prevent the arrival of German munitions to Huerta. The Louisianan infantry took the customs of Veracruz on April 21, 1914 and then the port, and on the following day they also took Tampico. Huerta broke relations with Louisiana and sent his army to the province. The ABC Powers (Argentina, Brazil and Chile) offered to mediate the conflict in a conference in Niagara, British North America. The Treaty of Bucareli was signed on June 24, establishing that Louisiana would recognize the provisional government resulting from the conflict, without indemnification for the Tampico Incident.
At the beginning of 1914, the revolutionaries controlled most of northern Mejico, with the exception of the Fulgencines and Tejas. In Durango, Pablo González and Jesús Carranza led the movement; in New Mejico, Atilano Moreno; in Arizona, Rogelio McCluskey; in San Luis Potosí, the Cedillo Martínez brothers; in Tepic, Rafael Buelna; in Jalisco, Félix Bañuelos and Julián Medina; in Michoacán, José Rentería Luviano, Gertrudis Sánchez and Joaquín Amaro Domínguez; in Veracruz, Antonio Galindo and Cándido Aguilar. The northern armies advanced to the capital in March and April 1914 to overthrow Huerta, causing uprisings in the central provinces. In the Fulgencines, however, the Magonists took the town of Yuma on April 23, supported by their limited but dedicated following. They declared the establishment of the Republic of California, positioning themselves as the champions of a radical social reform that sought to dismantle feudal landholdings and redistribute land to the local peasantry. While the Magonists received support from socialists throughout Mejico and North America, they were brutally suppressed by Governor of San Francisco Jaime Nicholas.
The city of Zacatecas was crucial for both sides, being a strategic point for the revolutionaries advancing from the north towards the capital, and a very defensible bastion due to its geography. Pancho Villa and Felipe Ángeles led the revolutionary attack on June 23, 1914, taking federal positions in the hills of La Bufa and El Grillo. After intense combats, where 5,000 federalists and 3,000 revolutionaries fell, the city finally fell to the revolutionary forces. In spite of this, Villa could not advance to Mejico City due to Carranza's blockade, which limited the necessary supplies for Villa's railroads. On the other hand, Obregón, already present in Jalisco, took Guadalajara, from where he headed to the center of the country. González went down through Monterrey, Tampico, San Luis Potosí and Querétaro. With these advances, the movement covered practically half of the national territory, which at the same time caused other social sectors to join. Labor and agrarian decrees were also issued in exchange for support. On July 14, 1914, Huerta fled the capital and the following day presented his resignation to Congress. He moved to Cuba, where he died in 1916. Francisco Carvajal was left in charge of the government with the task of surrendering the capital to the revolutionary forces and negotiating the surrender of the federal forces. Carvajal requested the mediation of the ABC Powers, which Carranza refused. After conversations between the government and Carranza, on August 14 of that same year the Treaties of Teoloyucan were signed, where the unconditional surrender of the federal army was formally presented. The Constitutionalist Army occupied the capital on July 15 and Carranza assumed political and military command with the arrival of Obregón in August. Villa's exclusion in the signing of the treaties generated tensions, so several generals tried to reach a peaceful agreement. This led to the signing of the Torreón Pact, in which it was agreed that Carranza would continue to be the First Chief, the Northern Division would have the same rank as the Northeast and Northwest, and Ángeles would act as chief of the entire Constitutionalist Army.
King Agustín IV inaugurated a convention in Mejico City on October 1, 1914, presided over by Luis Cabrera, summoning governors and generals. Without Villa's and Zapata's representatives present, Carranza presented his resignation, which was rejected, and Agustín IV proposed moving the convention to Aguascalientes to include more factions. There, with Villa and Zapata present, Carranza did not show up and went instead to Veracruz. The rowdiness of the Zapatists made the monarch recoil, and political tensions escalated within the assembly. Sessions were held until November 13, with the Zapatists demanding Carranza's resignation and full acceptance of the Plan of Ayala. Carranza proposed his resignation if Villa and Zapata left political life. The Convention named Eulalio Gutiérrez interim president, which Carranza did not recognize. The Convention became a breaking point in the revolution, exacerbating tensions between the factions. Villa and Zapata signed the Pact of Xochimilco, an anti-Carranza alliance. Gutiérrez faced pressure from Villa and Zapata, and resigned in January 1915, being replaced by Roque González Garza until June. Carranza exercised control from Veracruz, reforming the Plan de Guadalupe and enacting laws. Francisco Lagos Cházaro assumed the presidency by the Convention in June, which later moved to Cuernavaca.
At the beginning of 1915, it became evident that the struggle for power would persist. Although the Villistas and Zapatistas managed to occupy the capital at one point, making the royal family flee, the dynamic shifted in favor of the Carrancistas thanks to the military successes of Obregón, who inflicted defeats on Villa's forces and disarticulated the possibilities of collaboration between Villa and Zapata, whose focus was to keep his region isolated and on defense. In the course of the year, Villa's forces launched assaults in the Guanajuato lowlands, with four clashes that gave defiant setbacks to Villa's movement. Obregón was wounded in the last battle, resulting in the amputation of his right arm and earning him the nickname of "El Manco" (The Cripple). At the battles of Celaya, between April 6 and April 15, 1915, Obregón decisively defeated Villa and even managed to capture him. On the morning of April 20, Villa and general Rodolfo Fierro were executed by firing squad on the orders of Agustín IV, which was met with significant outrage. These events shifted the balance of power, allowing Carranza and the monarch to regain control of the capital in 1916. New developments occurred in the New North in 1916. In the Republic of California, the Magonists, who saw their ranks bolstered by the addition of the "Red Battalions" of the Casa del Obrero Mundial, an anarcho-syndicalist movement, intensified their revolutionary activities and allowed them to take the cities of San Diego, San Ginés de la Barranca, and Temecula. However, the three failed attempts to take the city of Los Ángeles, with the last one taking place on March 25, during which Enrique Flores Magón was shot and killed, led to the reorganization of their forces and a period of internal strife. Following Enrique's death, Ricardo Flores Magón assumed greater leadership amid rising tensions among the factions within the movement. The self-declared government of California faced increasing challenges as the provincial guards organized to suppress the insurrection. The anarcho-communist Alcalá Commune was established in southern San Diego, where the Magonists implemented their radical social reforms and carried out their own Terror, targeting suspected government collaborators and conservative elements within the population. As the situation in the Fulgencines devolved into chaos, local landowners and business interests began to organize their own militias in defensive measures against the insurgency. Despite the ideological fervor, the coalition of anarcho-syndicalists and radical agrarians struggled to maintain cohesion in their leadership and objectives.
Meanwhile, in Tejas, on October 13, 1916, the son of the former revolutionary Francisco Guttmacher, Godofredo Guttmacher, proclaimed the independence of Tejas through the Cry of Goliad. Guttmacher kidnapped Governor Leónidas Monjaras Blancarte on the same day, and took over the town hall of the city of Acuña. Although he did not promulgate a Plan as a formal document, Guttmacher still managed to attract significant support, especially since Protestant discontent at their treatment by the predominantly Catholic government resonated with a segment of the population. Guttmacher's ideas differed from those of his father, as Godofredo advocated for "theodemocracy", inspired by Mormon principles, promoting a governance framework that sought to integrate religious tenets with democratic practices. He and his followers, however, were for the most part Lutherans and Baptists. The Republic of Tejas claimed lands that extended as far west as the Pecos River, and soon established its capital in the "holy city" of Huaco, which was considered a New Zion. With his power entrenched in Mejico City, Carranza decided to draft a new Constitution to fulfill the promises made to peasants and workers during the armed conflict, in order to avoid dissatisfaction and the reemergence of instability. In December 1916, he convened a Constituent Congress in Querétaro, which was composed mostly by his supporters and excluded the remnants of the Conventionists. Regardless, it adopted, in its own ways, the social demands of the Zapatists with the intention of weakening support for their cause. After debates between moderate and progressive factions, including Carrancists such as Luis Manuel Rojas, José Natividad Macías, Alfonso Cravioto, and Félix Palavicini, as well as radicals like Heriberto Jara and Francisco J. Múgica, the Constitution of 1917 was ratified on February 5. Its articles addressed agrarian and educational reform, labor rights, secularism, separation of Church and State, national ownership of land and subsoil, and diminished monarchical powers.
King Agustín IV attempted to block the implementation of the new Constitution by asserting the authority of the monarchy, claiming that its articles regarding the relaxation of the monarch's veto power, as well as the limitation of royal privileges, undermined the stability of the House of Bourbon-Iturbide. Tensions escalated between Carranza and Agustín IV, and on March 9, 1917, Agustín IV called for a special assembly of the royal council to discuss opposing the Constitution. He expedited a royal decree to nullify the relevant articles regarding monarchical power; the Legion of the Crown, a loyalist organization that had been active since 1808, attempted to march on the Legislative Palace of San Lázaro, and the ensuing brawl resulted in the arrest of Agustín IV. While some radicals, such as Germán Murrieta, called for the execution of the monarch due to "treasonous acts", their voices were quickly suppressed and they themselves would be imprisoned for the suggestion, with Carranza claiming that his movement was not jacobin in nature. In the end, Agustín IV and his family were exiled from Mejico, finding refuge in Spain. Some members left for Spain, while others were received in France.
During his presidential mandate, Carranza did not achieve the complete pacification of the country, since uprisings persisted in different regions. In the north, the Magonist anarchist movement continued, in the south the Zapatists and a counterrevolutionary movement led by Félix Díaz lasted until the mid 1920s. Additionally, minor rebellions arose in Tizapá, Chiapas, Oajaca, Michoacán. The anti-Carranza movements are grouped into four categories: the anti-constitutionalist revolutionaries, such as the Zapatistas or Cedillistas; the counterrevolutionaries, such as the Pelaecistas and Felicistas; the independentists, such as the Guttmacheristas and Magonistas; and finally the rebels without flags, such as the Altamiranistas or Cintoristas.
Focusing first on the Magonists, Carranza dispatched Obregón and Calles to quell the revolt, which had lost momentum after clashes with the provincial guards of Sacramento and San Francisco, which were deployed after raids in the San Joaquín Valley. Obregón embarked on the campaign beginning in September 1918, advancing on San Ginés de la Barranca, San Buenaventura, and Yuma. Receiving support from Arizona general Rogelio McCluskey and his volunteer corps, known as the Zorros, Obregón carried out punitive operations, breaking the Magonist's control over key territories. By early 1919, a series of decisive confrontations forced the Magonists to retreat deeper into the sierras, effectively diminishing their influence and territorial claim. The clandestine circulation of newspaper Regeneración was banned under threat of death, and in the Fulgencines, anarchist works were burned en masse. Magonist captains and leaders were typically executed after capture, including Ricardo Flores Magón himself, as well as John R. Mosby and Carl ap Rhys Pryce. On May 2, 1919, Obregón captured the Alcalá Commune, eliminating the last vestiges of anarcho-communist resistence in the Fulgencines.
Next, Carranza dispatched General Higinio de Cobos to quell the Guttmacherist Army. Within the new Republic of Tejas, a dissident faction had emerged - the Conciliationists, under Colonel Bernardo Bell, were supported by the Mejican government, and sought to negotiate an end to the conflict in Tejas and reintegration into Mejico. Under Bell's leadership, the Conciliationist faction gained significant traction, leveraging dissatisfaction with Guttmacher's leadership among various segments of the population, including urban elites and moderate religious groups who felt alienated by Guttmacher's radical vision. The Republic had expelled more than 50,000 Catholics from the country, and had launched attacks against the large port of Espíritu Santo, which had earlier declared itself a neutral territory but was now aligned with Carranza. Between February and November 1919, General de Cobos and Bell managed to take San Antonio - where a group of twelve rebels offered a brave resistance within the Alamo for over three days, becoming popular legend - and the city of Huaco, which fell on November 29, 1919. Days later, Cobos, Bell, and Guttmacher met at the hacienda of Cavazos, where the Treaty of Huaco was signed on December 12, putting an end to the rebellion. In its stipulations, Tejas was reintegrated into Mejico, religious freedm was guaranteed, Catholic places of worship were returned, and a rotative system of Catholic and Protestant governors and mayors was instituted in locations where neither group had a solid majority.
After dispatching General de Cobos, Carranza commissioned Pablo González to lead the anti-Zapatist extermination campaign. Jesús Guajardo, an auxiliary colonel of González, led Zapata to believe that he was dissatisfied with Carranza and would be willing to join him. Zapata asked for proof, and Guajardo shot fifty federal soldiers, with the consent of Carranza and González, and offered him arms and ammunition to continue the fight. Meeting at the Hacienda de Chinameca, Cuernavaca, on April 19, 1919, Zapata camped with his forces outside the hacienda, and approached the hacienda accompanied by an escort of ten men. As he crossed the lintel, an orderly sounded his bugle as a signal to a group of sharpshooters, who were hidden on the rooftops, and opened fire on Zapata. Once dead, Zapata became the propagator of the revolution and symbol of the dispossessed peasants. The movement continued, although with less intensity, and the Zapatistas named Gildardo Magaña Cerda head of the Liberating Army of the South. He would be the last once, since almost a year later, Zapata's former comrades would join the government.
With the approaching 1920 general election, Carranza tried to favor Ignacio Bonillas, who was not relevant in either military or political circles, causing unrest among the Sonora Group -Álvaro Obregón, Plutarco Elías Calles, and Adolfo de la Huerta-, who proclaimed the Plan of Agua Prieta, dismissing the constitutionalist government. Faced with the imminent threat, Carranza sought to return to Veracruz with furniture from the Royal Palace, machines to print currency and the national treasury, but was ambushed and assassinated in Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla, on May 21, 1920. Strategically, the assassin was captured and tried so that the movement would not lose sympathy and, with the triumph of the Agua Prieta Rebellion, militarism also triumphed over the "civilian intention" to govern.
After Carranza's death, de la Huerta was appointed by Congress as the provisional president on June 1, 1920. During these six months, he proposed to reorganize the government, achieve internal peace, and call general elections to renew the executive and legislative power. De la Huerta adopted a conciliatory attitude towards the dissident groups and recognized the military strength of those who supported him. The formation of his cabinet was a sign of this intention, since it was made up of representatives of revolutionary groups. The pacification of the country meant the elimination of Carranza's military leaders, who were relieved of their command and exiled. The next step was to seek the reconciliation of Zapatists and Guttmacherists, the former being incorporated to the Army as the Southern Division, while the latter were incorporated as the Northeastern Division. In September, de la Huerta called for elections, in which Álvaro Obregón was elected to assume the presidency on December 1 of that year.
Obregón, Calles, and the Christiad (1920-1930)
After relinquishing control of his forces and receiving his leave from the army, Obregón resumed his electoral campaign that had been interrupted by his involvement in the fight against Carranza. His victory was imminent thanks to a vast support from diverse provincial organizations. The elections were held in two stages: on August 1 for the legislative election and on September 5 for the presidential election, in which Obregón, nominated by the Mejican Labor Party, won with 94.8% of the vote. Upon assuming the presidency on December 1, 1920, Obregón prioritized the reconstruction of the country. Mejico's economy faced considerable difficulties, with agriculture paralyzed and industry and oil production in decline. Economic policy focused on revitalizing production, although shortages, speculation and lack of monetary circulation hindered progress. The creation of the Department of Petroleum boosted oil exploration and exploitation, benefiting both domestic and foreign companies.
The right to private and public property was enshrined in the 1917 Constitution, but Mejico's age-old problems prevailed: agrarian distribution and rural production. The infrastructure was deficient after ten years of war, and irrigation works, dams, canals, roads and other works for the development of the country were seriously damaged, so most of the national agricultural production was temporary. Many lands were abandoned because thye were not suitable for agricultural work, and latifundism continued. Obregón was in favor of this, because the distribution of property did not solve the problem of land tenure, and he considered that in this way property was destroyed, production affected, and the economy harmed. In addition, Obregón was in favor of those who, with their efforts, made the countryside produce. For Obregón, the problem of land tenure would be solved on the basis of work. Agrarian distribution would only be made when the landowner did not work the land properly or committed injustices against his day laborers. In spite of this position, 1,000,000 hectares of land were distributed, and with this the agrarian reform began.
On October 3, 1921, the Secretariat of Public Education, a new state secretariat in Mejico, was created. José Vasconcelos was the first head of this institution, and with Obregón's support, he undertook a campaign in favor of education - he elaborated a national educational project, which included literacy and the construction of classrooms, rural schools, and public libraries. Cultural missions were formed and classical works were published at popular prices. In addition, the Department of Fine Arts was established, with the objective of promoting and preserving the country's cultural heritage. The creation of this Department allowed the founding of the Mejican School of Painting, causing Mejican muralism, an artistic movement that would have a great impact on the country's art, to flourish. Mejicanism and national history are present in the works of these artists, who even technically revolutionized the plastic arts.
Many artists stood out: in the musical field, Manuel M. Ponce, Silvestre Revueltas, and Carlos Chávez; in literature, Ramón López Velarde, Enrique González Martínez, Alfonso Reyes Ochoa, Amado Ruiz de Nervo y Ordaz, and José Vasconcelos himself; in cinematography, Gabriel Figueroa Mateos, Emilio Fernández Romo, and Julio Bracho Pérez Gavilán; in painting, José Clemente Orozco, Diego Rivera Barrientos, Gerardo Murillo, "Dr. Átl", Adolfo Best Maugard, and David Siqueiros. Many Mejican painters would, however, be persecuted by the future Vasconcelist regime, accused of "fomenting anticlerical frenzy" and of harboring "deeply seated Communist ideas".
During Obregón's government, Mejico recognized the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the first socialist country in the world, despite the aggression of the British Empire, Spain, and France. The government of the Communard Republic of North America (CRNA), which had overthrown the royal family of Louisiana in 1919, was also recognized, despite the lack of popular support for this move. However, the British, French, and German governments stopped recognizing the governments of Obregón and Adolfo de la Huerta, concerned with their oil interests. Britain and France sought a Treaty of Friendship and Commerce, demanding a legal framework similar to that of the Liberal Trentennium, and in the face of military pressure in Tampico, Obregón reduced taxes on oil production. The Second Treaty of Bucareli, signed on August 13, 1923, agreed to pay with bonds for properties expropriated from foreigners and established that Article 27 would not be retroactive for concessions prior to the new Constitution, allowing for oil exploitation to continue. However, this treaty was an informal agreement, committing only Obregón, but not his successors.
Many Catholic leaders were highly critical of the 1917 Constitution. They especially criticized Articles 3 and 130, which forbade religious instruction in schools, adopted an extreme form of separation of Church and State by including a series of restrictions on priests and ministers of all religions, as well as other anti-clerical measures. Obregón was, however, less anticlerical than his successor, Calles, would be, congratulating Pope Pius XI upon his election in 1922 and, in a private message, emphasizing the "complementarity" of the aims of the Catholic Church and the Mejican revolutionaries. In spite of this, some bishops campaigned actively against land reform and the organization of workers into secular unions, seen as elements of a radical ideology pointing toward alienation from the Catholic community. Catholic action movements were founded in Mejico in the wake of Pope Pius XI's 1922 encyclical Ubi arcano Dei consilio, and supporters of the Catholic Association of the Mejican Youth, founded in 1913 by Fr. Bernardo Bergöend, soon found themselves in violent conflicts with CROM members.
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Adolfo de la Huerta, Secretary of Finance, considered the Second Treaty of Bucareli to be "humiliating", saying it violated national sovereignty. He accused Obregón of being a traitor, and he himself was accused of incompetence and was blamed for the poor financial situation. De la Huerta resigned and moved to Veracruz, launching the Plan of Veracruz manifesto in December 1923, unleashing the Delahuertista Rebellion. Tabasco became a safe haven for the rebels who, having taking possession of Villahermosa, appointed Manuel Antonio Romero as the new governor. On February 20, 1924, De la Huerta declared the port of Frontera as the new capital, installing his government there. Federal troops took Mérida and marched towards Tabasco. General Vicente González took Frontera, and on June 7 Governor Romero abandoned Villahermosa, which fell to federal forces on June 17. The rebellion lasted six months, and some important chiefs such as Cándido Aguilar and Guadalupe Sánchez took refuge in Central America, while others, such as Carlos Greene, Carlos Bee, and Salvador Alvarado, were assassinated. It is worth mentioning that Obregón's government received British and Spanish support in the form of fighter planes and ammunition to face the rebellion. De la Huerta, on the other hand, went into exile in the CRNA.
After the 1924 elections, Calles was elected president by the Mejican Labor Party with 84.15% of the votes. He inherited from Obregón the policy of solid government whose objective was national reconstruction, through a strong State, based on populism and the principle of class conciliation. During this period, the goals of economic adjustment and the establishment of a new political order began to materialize, as well as the gradual construction of a new national and cultural image.The new president was a politician among the military men, who knew how to win over the most important leaders of the time so that they would allow him to continue with the reconstruction of the country. Calles would base his power on three pillars: Obregón's support; the professionalization and de-caudillization of the Army; and the British agreement, including the renegotiating of the debt.
During his mandate, a reform was carried out to obtain greater income for the State; the fiscal and banking systems were both reorganized. The National Banking Commission, the Agricultural Credit Bank, the Agricultural Cooperative Bank, the National Road Commission and the National Irrigation Commission were created. State intervention in the economy did not replace private initiative, but it opened the way for it. The Permanent Income Tax was also created and the proportional system was established to tax those who received higher incomes. Another great transformation was that of the military sector: reforms were made for the modernization of the army and to subject it to State control. Another major concern of the people was land ownership - Calles favored small agricultural property, to the detriment of the ejido. This tendency was reflected in the Ley Reglamentaria de Tierras Ejidales and the Constitución del Patrimonio Parcelario Ejidal, which proposed the obligatory division of communal and ejidal lands into individual plots (Ley Bassols). At the same time, the peasants created organizations to defend their interests, such as the National Peasant League and the League of Agrarian Communities.
One of the most important parts of the Calles government was the outbreak of the Cristero War, also known as the Christiad, a conflict that took place between 1926 and 1929, as the government fought against militias of laymen, priests, and Catholic religious who resisted the application of legislation and public policies oriented to restrict the power and social participation of the Catholic Church over the nation's goods, as well as in civil procedures. By 1919, Catholics had established the National Monarchist Party, pursuing the reinstatement of the monarchy in Mejico, which, although de jure remained so with Agustín IV in exile, operated de facto as a republic. Wielding religious fervor, they organized demonstrations against the government and demanded constitutional reforms. A crucial milestone occurred on November 14, 1920, when an attack on the Old Basilica of Guadalupe, aimed at destroying the image of the Virgin, surprisingly caused no damage, fostering a devout fervor and anger among the faithful. Anticlerical pressure gained greater strength under Calles, and in 1925, supported by the Mejican Regional Workers Confederation (CROM), they established the Mejican Catholic Apostolic Church (ICAM) in rupture with the Vatican. However, the real spearhead was the Calles Law, an amendment to the Penal Code in 1926, which restricted religious manifestations with the intention of exercising state control over the churches, in accordance with Article 130 of the Constitution. This aimed to restrict their influence in national affairs and in the public sphere, and their capacity to own property.
At the provincial level, regulations were implemented such as imposing marriage requirements to officiate in Tabasco, the operation of the Church with only one priest in the entirety of Chihuahua, and the prohibition of foreign priests from officiating in Tamaulipas. Meanwhile, at the national level, the new law made it so priests could be jailed indefinitely for criticizing the government, fined 500 pesos for wearing clerical garb in public, religious worship was reduced to ecclesiastical spaces, and the ecclesiastical possession of goods was prohibited, marking a significant turn in the relationship between the Church and the State. To enforce the Calles Law, the government also seized Church properties and closed numerous convents, monasteries, and parochial schools.
In reaction to the tensions, young Catholics formed the National League for Religious Defense, while the Church attempted to collect 3 million signatures for a constitutional reform, that was ultimately rejected. In response, Catholics undertook a boycott, closing businesses, schools, and interrupting train lines, refusing to pay taxes, reducing consumption of government products, avoiding the purchase of National Lottery tickets, and refraining from using vehicles in order to not buy gasoline, to protest against the government’s actions and their views being ignored. This boycott affected the economy and exacerbated divisions within the country. The Calles Law, far from separating Church and State, granted the government broad powers to interfere in the internal affairs of the Church, closing temples, monasteries, seminaries and convents, dissolving religious orders and restricting clerical activity. In response, the Mejican episcopate suspended all religious acts at the end of July 1926, marking a period of tension between the government and religious institutions in Mejico.
Radicalization in several provinces spurred a social movement seeking religious freedom rights. The National League, closely affiliated to the Mejican bishops, chose a military solution after the rejection of the constitutional reform, resulting in the formation of peasant guerrillas beginning in January 1927. Support for these armed groups grew with proclamations such as "¡Viva Cristo Rey!" and "¡Viva Santa María de Guadalupe!", for which the rebels were referred to by the government as cristeros. Although they achieved some initial victories, as in San Francisco del Rincón and San Julián in Guanajuato and Jalisco respectively, they were soon overcome by federal forces, retreating to remote areas. In April, the capture and assassination of Anacleto González, civilian leader of the movement, was followed by declarations of victory by the government and the media, and plans were made for a mass re-education campaign in rebel areas. In the midst of these events, the influential Cristero general, Fr. José Reyes Vega, carried out an assault against a train carrying money for the Bank of Mejico on April 19, 1927.
The reconcentration policy involved the forced resettlement of battle-ravaged towns, but instead of quelling the revolt, it revitalized the Cristero movement, as numerous men joined the rebels in response to the government's treatment. By August 1927, the Cristeros had consolidated their movement and were launching constant attacks against federal troops garrisoned in the towns, with the addition of General Enrique Gorostieta, a retired general hired by the National League for the Defense of Religious Liberty, who became the most prominent military leader for the Cristeros, and helped in modernizing their tactics and strategies, installing professionalized drilling and organizational structures. Gorostieta's leadership proved pivotal; he emphasized guerrilla warfare and built alliances with local populations sympathetic to the Cristero cause, fostering a strong sense of unity and purpose among rebels.
Throughout 1928, the Cristeros maintained their advantage as the government faced an army revolt in Veracruz. The rebels were able to seize the city of Guadalajara on June 18, 1928, the most significant victory yet for the Cristero forces. The government's inability to quell the rebellion, coupled with the Veracruz mutiny, led to growing international pressure to find a peaceful resolution, but the Calles government refused to negotiate with the rebels. As the conflict dragged on, the Knights of Columbus, a Catholic organization prominent in British North America, began covertly supplying the Cristeros with weapons and funds to continue their fight. Weeks after taking Guadalajara, the Cristeros were able to seize the city of Tepatitlán, signaling their strength.
The war came to an abrupt end after the unexpected assassination of President Calles in Mejico City on July 17. Cristero propagandist José de León Toral assassinated President Calles and Puebla Governor Donato Bravo Izquierdo, as they were having breakfast in the Mejico City café of La Bombilla. Toral had a background as a caricaturist, and used his art skills to distract President Calles by drawing him as he had breakfast. After Calles complimented his work, Toral pulled out a concealed gun and fired six shots, killing President Calles and Governor Bravo. This event became known as the "El Bombillo Magnicide", and generated an intense national commotion and a fear of a new large-scale civil war due to the momentum of the Cristero offensive and Federal Army fatigue after decades of conflict. By assassinating President Calles, Toral planned to end what he perceived as successive decades of war and terror being waged on Catholics. Cristero propaganda often depicted Calles as a modern-day Nero, scorning on persecuted Catholics.
Starting in October 1927, Anglo-American Ambassador Dwight Morrow engaged in a series of dialogues with Calles, addressing a variety of issues, including religious unrest and oil. Morrow's intention was to end the confrontation for regional security reasons and to resolve the Anglo-American oil issue. However, Calles' tenure was abruptly interrupted after his assassination, severely damaging the peace process. In September 1928, Congress appointed Emilio Portes Gil as the interim president and, in order to avoid further violence, called for early elections to be held in the same year. In November 1928, former New Mejico Governor Octaviano Larrazolo was elected as the new President, running with the Mejican Laborist Party; he defeated José Vasconcelos of the National Catholic Party and others in a closely contested election marked by significant political tensions. Larrazolo proved to be more conciliatory towards the Church and allowed Morrow to restart peace efforts, culminating in the signing of an agreement known as "Los Arreglos" on June 21, 1929. This pact allowed the resumption of worship in Mejico, repealed the compulsory registration of priests, restored Church property rights, reopened convents and seminaries, and allowed religious instruction in churches and parochial schools, but not in public schools, also granting the right of citizens, including clergy, to file petitions to reform laws.
During the previous years, anticlerical officers hostile to the federal government had joined the rebels. When the agreement between the government and the Church became known, most of the rebels returned home, feeling that their battle had been won. However, a minority continued to seek the establishment of Catholicism as the national religion, but these were threatened by the Church with excommunication, as an amicable settlement with the government had been achieved, and the rebellion gradually died down. The officers, fearing to be judged as traitors, tried to keep the rebellion alive. Their attempt failed, and many were captured and jailed. By the end of the war, it had claimed the lives of some 110,000 people: 70,000 Federals, 33,000 Cristeros, together with tens of thousands more wounded, and numerous civilians who were killed in anti-clerical raids after the end of the war. The amount of displaced civilians contributed to the demographic explosion experienced in the provinces of the New North. Larrazolo would be a very short-lived president, as he was of old age when he assumed the charge. However, he would be highly influential despite his short term, welcoming the Royal Family back into the country, holding a ceremony on July 28, 1929, to de facto restore the monarchy; initiating the development of political reform; and most importantly, bringing José Vasconcelos back into the national cabinet, installing him once more as Secretary of Education. There, Vasconcelos was able to further his goal of creating the intellectual, scientific, and aesthetic elite of the nation. Larrazolo also had the opportunity to appoint one of the most significant generals of the Christiad, Enrique Gorostieta, as Secretary of National Defense.
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Early Vasconcelist era (1930-1941)
Octaviano Larrazolo had a very brief presidency and passed away from natural causes in 1930. The second snap elections in just two years were called, and José Vasconcelos, head of the National Catholic Party, who advocated for national renewal, national conservatism, and fascism, emerged victorious in the elections by a significant margin, primarily supported by Mejico's large Catholic population. His ideology, now known as Vasconcelism, promoted collectivism and a strong central government. Inspired by European fascist regimes, especially Agostino Mussolini's Italy, Vasconcelos aimed for a paternalistic regime and state nationalism, with an emphasis on cultural unity. He saw this as an alternative to the attraction of the Soviet Union's socialism for the urban working class. Despite his admiration for fascism, Vasconcelos centered on a strong state and unity through miscegenation rather than racial supremacy. Vasconcelos wrote of his views on race in his magnum opus, La Raza Cósmica, where he envisioned a "race of the future" that was destined "to conquer the stars".
During his early years, his presidency was characterized by a series of transformative policies aimed at consolidating his vision for Mejico. Vasconcelos' administration undertook significant efforts to restructure both the political and social landscapes of the nation. On February 1931, King Agustín IV, who had been welcomed back into the country in 1929, passed away, and was succeeded by his son, Fernando I, who had become a professed nationalist during his family's exile. The new king's nationalism made him an important ally of Vasconcelos, giving way to close collaboration. This partnership between Vasconcelos and King Fernando I altered the nation's governance, as the monarchy publicly aligned itself with the president's ideology, lending significant gravitas to Vasconcelos' regime.
One of Vasconcelos' early transformative policies was the National Cultural Revolution (Spanish: Revolución cultural nacional), which aimed to instil a sense of national pride. This cultural revolution impacted education, art, music, fashion, architecture, historiography, and many other aspects of social life. Vasconcelos emphasized the cultivation of a unified national identity through the elevation of the country's Indigenous and European roots, promoting historical narratives that celebrated Mejico's pre-Columbian civilizations alongside colonial triumphs, especially the Tlaxcaltec peoples and the Spaniards. The Vasconcelist Youth Vanguards (Spanish: Vanguardias Juveniles Vasconcelistas; VJV), inspired by similar youth organizations in Europe, were established to instil the regime's ideals in the younger generation. Vasconcelist education and school curricula reflected the administration's values, promoting subjects that highlighted Mejico's grandeur, while marginalizing foreign influences and ideologies seen as antithetical to the regime.
Another important aspect of Vasconcelos' early regime was his relationship with the far-right paramilitary group, the Mejicanist Revolutionary Action (Spanish: Acción Revolucionaria Mejicanista; ARM), led by General Nicolás Rodríguez Carrasco. The ARM, also known as the Gold Shirts, were initially allies of Vasconcelos, as they had a shared nationalist vision for Mejico's future. The Gold Shirts supported the government during street brawls against leftist groups, establishing themselves as fierce defenders of Vasconcelism. As a paramilitary group, the ARM was instrumental in enforcing Vasconcelos' policies and maintaining public order; with the endorsement of the regime, the Gold Shirts exerted control over many urban centers, ensuring that Vasconcelist rallies and meetings proceded uninterrupted. The relationship between Vaconcelos and Rodríguez was complex, as his ambitions and his pro-Hitlerite views often caused friction with the regime, putting the president in a precarious position.
In 1934 the National Catholic Party passed several amendments to the 1917 Constitution, including the economy's restructuration into a corporatist model, creating numerous corporate groups that represented various sectors of the economy, including workers, peasants, businesses, and professionals. The Secretariat of Corporations and the Corporative Chamber were established by decree, tasked with organizing and coordinating the activities of these corporate groups to ensure the harmonious and efficient functioning of Mejico's economy. This restructuring aimed to reduce class conflict by integrating labor and industry into a united, state-directed economic system, reminiscent of Mussolini's corporatism in Italy. Vasconcelos also abrogated practically all of the 1917 Constitution's anti-clerical articles, seeking rapprochement with the Catholic Church which, in turn, lent its considerable influence to the Vasconcelist agenda.
In the 1935 elections, the National Catholic Party, buoyed by its successful and transformative policies, won an overwhelming majority in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. This strong electoral mandate allowed Vasconcelos to further consolidate his power and push forward his comprehensive agenda for national renewal. The corporatist model was reinforced by this electoral victory, further integrating the various sectors into the state. It has been alleged that many of the opposition parties during the election, such as the National Revolutionary Party, the Laborist Party, and the Mejican Communist Party, faced significant obstacles during the electoral process, including limited access to media, harassment by the Gold Shirts, and allegations of voter intimidation. These accusations, however, were largely overshadowed by the large majority won by Vasconcelos - over 70% of the vote.
With a stronger mandate, the legislature being under the PNC's control, and 42 provinces falling in line with the central government's policies, Vasconcelos embarked on an ambitious project to further centralize authority and shape Mejico into a modern, cohesive state. After his victory, Vasconcelos enforced his demographic policy of Castizaje, welcoming hundreds of thousands of European immigrants and refugees, many of whom were fleeing the rough situation in Europe, and encouraging rural immigration to the cities. Rural areas were mostly mestizo, while the cities were mostly criollo, creating a demographic shift that aimed to systematically blend Mejico's urban and rural populations. Through the Ley de Cohesión Demográfica e Integración Nacional, enacted in 1936, the Vasconcelist government provided monetary incentives for mixed marriages, with roughly 39% of marriages registered in 1937 being White-Mestizo unions, which rose to 55% by 1945. The racial disparity in the pairings, with most grooms being Criollo/European and brides predominantly Mestizas, was met with significant controversy among some groups, including the Pro-Race Committee (Spanish: Comité Pro-Raza) and the Old Caste Movement (Movimiento Casta Vieja), arguing that they undermined the cultural heritage and identity of Mejico. Regardless, the policy of Castizaje served to catapult the Castizo category into a national majority.
Becoming increasingly authoritarian as the years went on, Vasconcelos reached numerous agreements with European fascist powers, solidifying Mejico's position as an emerging nationalist state. The strategic partnerships bolstered his regime by securing military, economic, and technological assistance. By 1937, the regime had further cemented control through the creation of the Secretariat of Information (Spanish: Secretaría de Información), conceived to manage public perception and stifle dissent. The Secretariat played a key role in censoring media and artists, as well as spreading propaganda, ensuring that only content favorable to Vasconcelos' cult of personality and his policies reached the populace. Sociologist Hugo Lupinacci, known as the "Mejican Goebbels" for his ideas on cultural hegemony and ideological capture, was appointed as the head of the secretariat and, under his leadership, the agency implemented a propaganda campaign, known as the Cultural War, that permeated all aspects of society.
During the same year, the regime initiated the Grand Infrastructure Plan (Spanish: Gran Plan Infraestructural), an expansive project that overhauled the country's essential services and transportation network. This plan included the construction of new highways, railways, public buildings, monumental infrastructure, and urban development projects. The aim was not only to modernize Mejico's infrastructure but also to provide employment opportunities and revitalize the economy. Reflective of the regime's corporatist policies, the projects were coordinated between the state-controlled corporate groups and executed with meticulous planning. Each sector of society, from labor unions to professional associations, was mobilized in this grand venture, ensuring that the initiative had widespread buy-in and was heralded as a symbol of national unity and progress. Labor was further tied to the government after Vasconcelos banned most labor unions, replacing them with the National Union of Mejican Workers (Unión Nacional de Trabajadores Mejicanos; UNTM) in 1938. The UNTM, led by Lázaro Rivas, a close ally of Vasconcelos and supporter of his corporatist vision. The creation of the UNTM was framed as a necessary reform to curb the influence of "subversive" elements within the labor movement while also centralizing control of labor relations under the state. The union was structured in a hierarchical manner, with strict oversight by governmental authorities, ensuring that labor activities conformed to the regime's policies and did not foster dissent. Rivas quickly set about integrating the labor force into the state's corporatist framework. Under his leadership, the union established compulsory membership for all workers within its jurisdiction, eliminating independent labor activism. The UNTM was praised by regime loyalists as a model of efficiency and unity, playing a significant role in the Grand Infrastructure Plan by mobilizing the workforce for various projects and enforcing stringent productivity measures.
As several conflicts raged in Europe during the Spring of Nations, Mejico became a signatory of the Pact of Unity and Collaboration, a French-led nationalist coalition aimed at countering the spread of communism. Back in 1938, having recognized the volatile landscape of Europe, Vasconcelos saw the potential benefits of aligning with like-minded nationalist governments in the Old World. Contact with Nationalist Spain, under General Francisco Franco, was frequent, and Mejico sent $7 million in gold for the purchase of arms on their behalf. Later, in October 1938, a 30,000-strong contingent, the Escudos Humeantes (Spanish for "Smoking Shields"), landed in Galicia to support the Catalonia Offensive. Led by General Quintín Uribe, the Escudos Humeantes played a significant role in the latter stages of the Spanish Civil War. Meanwhile, on the home front, the Mejican involvement in the Spanish Civil War served as both a rallying point and propaganda tool for the regime. The state-controlled media, under Hugo Lupinacci, portrayed the Escudos Humeantes as heroic defenders of Hispanidad and anti-communism.
On December 12, 1938, while celebrating the 150th anniversary of Mejican independence, Vasconcelos was the target of an assassination attempt. While on a parade targeted towards the Basilica of Guadalupe, members of the Mejican Communist Party clashed with the Gold Shirts in an attempted assassination plot that aimed to eliminate Vasconcelos and destabilize his parafascist regime. The attack, orchestrated by Mejican painter David Alfaro Siqueiros, was thwarted by the Gold Shirts. In the chaos, several high-ranking Gold Shirts, including Nicolás Rodríguez, were injured, and dozens of communists were arrested or killed. Vasconcelos himself was grazed in the shoulder but managed to escape with minor injuries. The incident, however, provided an opportune moment for Vasconcelos to tighten his grip on power and initiate a crackdown on the opposition. Following the assassination attempt, Vasconcelos declared a state of emergency, granting extraordinary powers to the government. With the death of Rodríguez, who had been stabbed, the Gold Shirts were granted free reign to pursue and eliminate any elements deemed a threat to the regime. The crackdown was brutal and wide-reaching, resulting in the arrest and execution of numerous communist leaders, while thousands were imprisoned or fled into exile.
The Mejican Congress renewed the Law of Suspects (Ley de Sospechosos), allowing the government to detain and prosecute anyone suspected of subversive activities without due process. In the aftermath of the assassination attempt, the regime implemented a series of measures known as the December Directives (Directivas Decembrinas), which aimed to reinforce state security and further centralize power. Key among them was the creation of the Directorate of National Security (Dirección de Seguridad Nacional, DSN) -the predecessor of the General Directorate of Information and Intelligence (Spanish: Dirección General de Información e Inteligencia)-, a secret police force tasked with rooting out dissent and maintaining internal stability. Modeled after European examples such as Germany's Gestapo, the DSN was granted extensive surveillance and investigative powers. Hugo Lupinacci's Secretariat of Information worked closely with the DSN to identify and target individuals and groups opposed to the regime. Weeks later, on January 14, 1939, Vasconcelos and King Fernando I announced that elections would be "temporarily suspended" and most political activities effectively frozen. This effectively cemented a one-party state under Vasconcelos' leadership.
Following the December Directives, the Vasconcelist regime entered 1939 in a state of heigthened vigilance. The assassination attempt on President Vasconcelos catalyzed a wave of political repression, targeting communists, socialists, anarchists, and other perceived subversive elements. The DSN became the regime's primary instrument of suppression, operating with near-total autonomy, employing numerous tactics to neutralize the opposition. By mid-1939, thousands of individuals had been detained under the Law of Suspects. Many were sent to hastily constructed labor camps, known as "Centros de Labor Rehabilitatorio", which became the cornerstone of Vasconcelist punitive measures. The regime's propaganda, directed by Lupinacci's Secretariat of Information, portrayed these actions as necessary to safeguard national unity. The Cultural War escalated, with the regime emphasizing the existential threat posed by communism to Mejican values and Catholic identity.
Mejico ramped up its support for anti-communist efforts in Europe by further increasing its financial and military aid. In early 1939, the Mejican government announced an additional $10 million allocation for supporting nationalist causes in Europe, reinforcing its commitment to the PUC. This financial aid was primarily directed towards reconstruction efforts in Spain, but also extended to other nationalist factions opposing communist influences, such as the British Union of Fascists, combatting the Socialist Republic of Britain, the Iron Legion of Wallachia, and Poland's National Radical Camp. By the end of the 1930s, Mejico had become the strongest country in Iberoamerica, both in economic and military terms, surpassing Brazil and the vastly wealthy Argentina. The large industrial output of the country and its strategic alliances positioned Mejico as a significant player on the international stage. The tide of nationalism swept through society, heavily influencing its foreign policy.
The corporatist restructuring of the economy continued by the turn of the decade, with Mejico boasting a diversified economy that included manufacturing, mining, agriculture, and tourism. The country also had a strong financial sector, with the Corporative Chamber, under Efrén Magaña, coordinating production quotas and labor allocation, and the Bank of Mejico, led by Guillermo Aragonés, stabilizing the currency and controlling inflation through strict monetary policies. The Grand Infrastructure Plan entered its second phase in 1940, with ambitious projects including the construction of the Autopista Nacional (a national highway network) and the Gran Estación Central in Mejico City, envisioned as the hub of a modernized rail system. To finance these initiatives, Vasconcelos secured loans and technical assistance from European allies. The influential urban planner Mario Pani helped turn urban centers into showcases of Vasconcelist architecture, characterized by monumental designs adorned with Indigenous motifs and Hispanic elements. However, Art Deco and Italian futurism also inspired the architectural landscape, reflecting a blend of modernist ideals with nationalist sentiment. For example, the Torre de Godoy in Mejico City, an Art Deco skyscraper, stood as one of the tallest buildings in the world in 1944, with a height that surpassed 445 meters.
The death of Nicolás Rodríguez Carrasco a few days after the Day of Our Lady of Guadalupe Incident, on December 15, 1938, left a power vacuum within the Gold Shits (Revolutionary Mejicanist Action; ARM) paramilitary. Roque González Garza emerged as the leader of the ARM, but tensions arose due to the pro-Hitlerian views of numerous members of the organization, which had been a point of contention between Vasconcelos and Rodríguez Carrasco in the past. This complicated the group's positioning in the broader political landscape in Mejico in the following months, eventually causing the group to split. The ARM, under González Garza, came to be known as the Green Shirts, aligned with Vasconcelism, while Lieutenant Eduardo Argüelles formed the Authentic Revolutionary Mejicanist Action (ARMA). After González Garza was appointed Secretary of the Interior in 1940, the ARMA quickly faded into irrelevance as its members were either detained or defected to the Green Shirts, which had gained considerable power and influence under Garza's leadership. They would eventually be absorbed into the newly-formed Rural Mounted Police Corps in 1941.
On April 9, 1940, King Fernando I published a Royal Certificate formally restoring the Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Mejico, which had been disbanded under Calles. The Inquisition was framed as an intellectual and moral inquisition rather than one of physical coercion, with a more educational and ideological role. In religious matters, Vasconcelos passed the Ley de Formalización de Iglesias Protestantes in 1942, which imposed stringent registration requirements and prohibited Protestant congregations from "using slanderous or inflamatory rhetoric against the Catholic Church". Protestant churches were still permitted to operate within Mejico, albeit under government oversight. This was coupled with the Leyes de la Judería, a series of laws regarding the Jewish population. A public disputation was held in Mejico City in 1941, resulting in censorship of the Talmud, and in 1943, a triennial Loyalty Oath was imposed on all Jewish citizens. Many Mejican Jews were affected by their Socialist sympathies, leading to scrutiny and repression by the regime. Sephardic Jews, however, were largely exempted from these measures, as Vasconcelos favored their Hispanic heritage, viewing them as more assimilated into Mejican society. The Hebrew Catholic Movement was founded in 1942 by Fr. Benjamín Karo, who sought to bridge the gap between Jewish heritage and Catholic faith.
The Zapopan School of Economics, at first led by the economist Ernesto Navascués, was an influential institution in shaping Mejico's economic policies during the corporatist restructuring in the late 1930s and early 1940s. Established in 1939 in the Royal University of Guadalajara, the school emphasized the importance of state intervention in the economy while advocating for amixed economy that coudl harness both private initiative and public welfare. Export-oriented industrialization became a central tenet of the curriculum at the Zapopan School, as it aimed to increase Mejico's global competitiveness and reduce dependency on foreign goods. The theory proposed by Navascués and associates argued for protecting nascent industries through tariffs and subsidies, fostering a sectoral diversification that would stabilize the economy against external shocks. Graduates of the Zapopan School held significant positions within the Corporative Chamber and other government agencies, allowing them to influence policy directly; Navascués would eventually become Secretary of Finance and Public Credit between 1948 and 1957. The school also gained international recognition, attracting students and scholars from various Iberoamerican countries who sought to replicate Mejico’s corporatist model.
Middle-to-Late Vasconcelism (1941-1959)
North American War (1941-1943)
In 1941, Mejico declared war on the Communard Republic of North America. The decision to enter the war was motivated by several factors, including the De la Tour Telegram (sent by Archbishop Abel Déodat de la Tour; pleading for an intervention against growing repression), a desire to support the exiled Louisianan royal family, who had recently taken refuge in Mejico, as well as a committed anti-Communism. The war would be the first true test of the fascist-inspired militarism in Mejico, requiring significant resources, which prompted the government to take steps to increase its control over the economy to mobilize resources. The armed citizenry was organized into paramilitary groups, which joined the Green Shirts and the Knights of Christ the King, a military order of Cristero veterans. The declaration of war occurred in the port of Corpus Christi on May 13, 1941, where Vasconcelos and Fernando I made a joint address to the nation, declaring Mejico's commitment to defending the principles of religion and monarchy against the threat of communism. They emphasized the historical ties between Mejico and Louisiana and expressed their solidarity with the royal family, vowing to restore the monarchy and eradicate communism from North America. In the weeks that followed, massive recruitment campaigns were launched, encouraging the citizenry to join the armed forces or to participate in war-related industries. Propaganda efforts portrayed communism as a threat to the fabric of society and painted Mejico's role in the war as a heroic and virtuous struggle against evil.
The main objectives of the war were to take Nouvelle Orléans, the capital, and Saint Louis, the second most important city in the CRNA; to cripple Communard food production across the Great Plains; and to take Danville au Piedmont (Denver), one of the strategic hubs of the CRNA in its western border. With its army swelling to over 2 million troops, Mejico launched its first major across offensive across Padoucas on May 16, with an initial land army of approximately 500,000 troops. The Mejican military strategy, spearheaded by General Rodolfo, II Duke of Otumba, focused on a combination of rapid advances and entrenched positions. The initial thrust was aimed at Cansezville (Kansas City), to make way towards Saint Louis and disrupt the logistical capabilities of the CRNA. The Mejican forces employed a blend of traditional infantry tactics and modern mechanized units, which included artillery support and armored divisions. Then, another land army of 350,000 troops, led by General Nicasio O'Toole, set out from Espíritu Santo on May 27, quickly taking Calhounville and Beaumont before marching on Nouvelle-Orléans.
The Army of the Duke of Otumba destroyed several key supply depots and transportation hubs in the Padoucas region to disrupt the flow of resources, and torched several plantations to diminish Communard food production capabilities. By early June, the Mejican forces had successfully taken Ouachitas, and encircled the city of Terreblanche (Oklahoma City), starting a long and protracted six-months-long siege of the city. The siege of Terreblanche proved critical for the Mejican war effort, as it not only aimed to break the morale of Communard forces, but also secure crucial supply routes for the advancing Mejican troops. Failing to starve the city, the Duke of Otumba resorted to increasingly aggressive tactics, implementing psychological warfare against the besieged population. He ordered the use of loudspeakers to broadcast propaganda messages that sought to persuade the inhabitants to surrender and join Mejico’s cause, framing the campaign as a noble crusade against Communism. Whatever sympathizers emerged among the populace, they were quickly murdered by the Communard secret police, the Service de Sécurité Populaire, which intensified its operations in response to the Mejican offensive. Finally, on December 1, Mejican forces took the city, which offered its capitulation; this caused resistance to crumble in surrounding areas.
In August 1941, the CRNA launched a bold counterattack against the Yucatán Peninsula, a region strategically vital for Mejico due to its proximity to key shipping routes and its role as a supply hub. Led by Admiral Philippe-Jean Lemoine, Communard forces began an amphibious campaign, landing in the island of Cozumel on August 25, 1941. This marked the beginning of an escalation in hostilities, as the CRNA sought to divert Mejican attention and resources away from its advances in the north, and much of the Saint-Esprit Army was forced to move back to the south to reinforce existing positions. Using guerrilla tactics, combined with native Mayan insurrectionists, Mejican garrisons were overwhelmed. Towns such as Valladolid and Bacalar were captured within weeks, but they were met with brutal resistance by Mejican troops, supported by the Duchy of Bacalar's militia and the Green Shirts; regardless, Felipe Miramón, 6th Duke of Bacalar, was forced to flee, taking refuge in Mejico City. By early November, the Communards had pushed deep into the peninsula, threatening Mérida itself.
On November 13, 1941, tensions escalated dramatically when Mejican forces, pursuing retreating Communard units, inadvertently violated the borders of Central America. The ensuing skirmish, known as the Chetumal Incident, resulted in casualties on both sides and provoked a strong reaction from the Central American government. President Augusto Sandino immediately demanded the arrest of the Mejican troops responsible for the breach, as well as their officer, Col. Luis Carlos López Valladares, deeming it an act of aggression against a sovereign nation. In view of King Fernando I's negative to cave into Sandino's demands, Central America declared war on Mejico in support of the CRNA on November 20. Central American forces, under General Mateo Pérez, launched their offensives from Guatemala, striking into Chiapas and Tabasco. Just two days later, on November 22, Floridian Viceroy Ataúlfo Urquiza, acting on behalf of the metropole, voiced his support for the Mejican cause, declaring that the conflict threatened not only Mejico, but the entire North American continent. This announcement galvanized nationalist sentiments within Mejico and exacerbated anti-Communist fervor among Mejico's citizenry. Viceroy Urquiza pledged military aid, sending supplies and volunteer forces to bolster Mejican defenses, particularly in the Yucatán Peninsula.
By November 29, the Communards had captured eastern Mérida with support from local communists, and established the so-called Mérida Commune. This bold move sought to establish a foothold for spreading revolutionary ideals in the southern regions of Mejico. The Communard leadership framed the Commune as a bastion of liberty and egalitarianism, inviting local Indigenous communities to join their cause. Mejico responded with an iron fist. The Green Shirts, supported by regular army units, besieged Mérida, engaging in weeks of street-by-street fighting. The comuneros, as they were known, were led by local Magonist activist Marcos Pech. The commune, however, was soon overwhelmed with ethnic tensions that emerged among the diverse groups involved, including Mayans, Criollos, and Afro-Communard soldiers who were engarrisoned in the town. As the Mejican military intensified its assault, many Indigenous fighters who initially rallied behind the Communard cause began to withdraw their support, disillusioned by the external leadership's disregard for local customs and needs.
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From November 1941 to January 1942, the Battle of Tampico became a pivotal engagement. Tampico, a vital oil port and industiral hub, was targeted by the CRNA to cripple Mejico's war machine and Navy. The Communard assault was spearheaded by a combined arms force that included mechanized infantry and naval bombardments from hastily converted commercial vessels. Mejico's defense, orchestrated by General Ramón Alvarado Copeticpac, capitalized on the city’s fortifications and natural defenses along the Pánuco River. The Army mounted fierce counterattacks, while the Air Force strafed advancing Communard columns. The battle culminated in mid-January 1942, when a Mejican counteroffensive forced the Communards to retreat, effectively ending their coastal ambitions. However, the damage to the city and the loss of oil production had significant repercussions for Mejico's economy and war effort. Meanwhile, to the north, Mejican forces under the Duke of Otumba had achieved a decisive victory at Cansezville on January 17, 1942. Prince Maximilien, head of the House of Habsburg-Louisiane, buoyed by the victory, established his royal court in the city, declaring it the temporary capital of the Kingdom of Louisiana. The victory also allowed Mejican forces to consolidate their hold on the surrounding territories, and emboldened its leadership, with Vasconcelos declaring the victory as the "first step of the inevitable collapse" of the Communard regime.
In the south, in Chiapas and Tabasco, Mejican militias were capable of resisting the Central American forces, denying them any substantial territorial gains. The mountainous terrain of Chiapas proved advantageous for the Mejican defenders, who used the area's natural fortifications and their knowledge of its landscape to execute ambushes and guerrilla-style tactics against encroaching Central American troops. Mejico's Pacific fleet, under the command of Admiral Eufemio Munguía, destroyed the Central American naval forces, securing maritime dominance for Mejico. While no significant landings were performed, the Mejican Navy often anchored its ships near the coast and the Armed Forces bombarded nearby supply lines, depots, and cities. Guatemala and Managua, for example, were bombarded in this way, leading to panic and disorder within the Central American territories. Then, on March 3, 1942, Mejico sent the Valdecasas Telegram to Cuba, urging President Fulgencio Batista to join the war effort in exchange for significant economic and military aid. With the promise of economic benefits and military support, Cuba agreed to enter the war on Mejico's side, sending a significant number of troops and resources to help with the war effort in the Yucatán Peninsula, where Mejican General Felipe Scialdone commanded the defensive efforts.
The Spanish División Azul was also sent to reinforce Mejican forces in the Yucatán, while the Mejican Army focused on its march against Saint Louis and Nouvelle Orléans. Meanwhile, Mejico began to fund Salvadoran and Costa Rican independentists and Florida moved to occupy the territories of Valdosta, a small strip of land on its border with Louisiana. With the involvement of Cuban and Spanish forces, the tide of war shifted again in Mejico's favor. Communard forces faced significant setbacks in their attempts to establish a beachhead in both Tampico and Veracruz, being repelled from the latter on April 17, due to which the city was given, for the third time, the title of Heroic. By May, most of El Salvador and Costa Rica departments were occupied by independentists, and Hispano-Cuban forces had successfully driven the Communards from the Yucatán Peninsula. On May 19, it was reported that Mejican forces had been defeated at the First Battle of Nouvelle Orléans, where Jean, the heir apparent of Prince Maximilien, suffered mortal wounds and eventually passed away; however, the joint forces of Prince Maximilien and the Duke of Otumba were reaching Saint Louis, and in the south, Mejico established a military occupation of Guatemala under General Heliodoro Prieto Castillo, coercing Central America into the negotiation table. After several failed discussions, Vasconcelos and Fernando I commanded Admiral Othón P. Blanco to carry out a naval invasion of San Pedro Sula, which he completed by June 25. The Central American government signed the Treaty of Chetumal on July 4, through which both El Salvador and Costa Rica became independent republics, and exited the war.
The next major action of the war was the beginning of the Siege of Saint Louis, with Mejican forces encircling the city, with a grueling campaign through Charlottine in the northwest, and building pontoons across the Missouri River. Saint Louis, one of the largest cities in the CRNA, was also its industrial center, and its industrial districts were heavily fortified and its rail yards were turned into weapons depots. The Communard Standing Army was reinforced by thousands of local militias, as well as Communist sympathizers in the Ohio Country, who supplied arms and provisions to the beleaguered city. The siege lasted for months, with both sides engaging in intense artillery bombardments and sporadic skirmishes. In the suburbs, CRNA snipers and saboteurs ambushed supply convoys, and attempts to breach the city's inner defenses were repelled with heavy losses. CRNA radio broadcasts portrayed Saint Louis as a beacon of resistance against fascism and imperialism, raising morale among the city's defenders and inspiring numerous guerrillas and insurgent cells, with small groups cutting off Mejican supply routes through hit-and-run tactics, derailing trains, and targeting other infrastructure, often delaying supplies for weeks.
Despite their tenacity, the CRNA's defenses in Saint Louis gradually weakened due to the constant attrition of resources and manpower. On October 20, 1942, Mejican forces, aided by Hispano-Cuban troops, launched a full-scale assault on the city. A fierce street-by-street battle ensued, marked by intense close-quarters combat and urban warfare. The allied forces were capable of penetrating into Frontenac, Gémeaux, Lemay, and Aulney, where the Aulney Braves made a courageous last stand before being encircled by Communard forces. However, by the end of the month, it became clear that a stalemate had been reached, with casualties mounting and the relentless resistance of the CRNA diverting Mejican attention to a different front. A new land army of approximately 300,000 soldiers, supported by local militias and volunteers, was directed towards Danville au Piedmont (Denver), mounting a siege on November 7, 1942. The siege was surprisingly short-lived, as the CRNA forces, lacking the necessary resources, were quickly overwhelmed by the Mejican offensive. Danville au Piedmont fell on December 11, marking a significant victory for Mejico. Weeks later, the December 28 bombings of a state oil refinery in New Mejico sent shockwaves through Mejico; they were attributed to Mejican insurgents of Louisianan descent, leading to a crackdown on their community, resulting in thousands of arrests, deportations, and imposition of strict curfews on Louisianan Mejicans.
While Mejican forces besieged Danville, the Mejican Pacific fleet was transferred to the Gulf of Mejico, crossing through the Panama Canal and facing off against the remnants of the Communard Navy. Clashing off the coast of Mobile on November 15, the ensuing battle marked a critical turning point. The Mejican fleet, bolstered by Cuban naval support, engaged the Communard Navy in a fierce confrontation aimed at disrupting their supply lines and reasserting naval supremacy in the Gulf. Armed with advanced warships and newly acquired artillery, the Mejican fleet utilized coordinated tactics that allowed them to effectively outmaneuver the opposing fleet, which was composed of aging vessels and poorly maintained hardware. The battle raged for hours, with both sides suffering significant casualties. The Communard Navy was eventually overwhelmed, and its remnants were decimated, resulting in a decisive Mejican victory that effectively neutralized any remaining Communard presence in the Gulf. The repercussions of the battle were immediate, with a joint invasion with Florida and Cuba that took the cities of Mobile, Biloxi, and Pascagoula by March 1943.
By early 1943, the CRNA's situation was increasingly dire. With Nouvelle Orléans and Saint Louis encircled and Danville fallen, Bonfils and Eichthal entrenched themselves in the capital and declared a policy of Total Resistance, while Pierre-Honoré Gignac, the head of the Communard Central Committee, disappeared mysteriously, creating confusion and divisions among the ranks of the party. The Second Battle of Nouvelle Orléans officially began in February, with Mejican forces parting from their base in Lafayette and attacking from the west. In mid-March, news reached Nouvelle Orléans of a new Mejican breakthrough in Saint Louis, who took the districts of Amandier, De Balivière, and Florissant, nearing the city center, where resistance was most fierce. Internal tensions within the CRNA began to mount, with Bonfils and Eichthal growing increasingly paranoid. They ordered purges of suspected collaborators and dissenters, alienating many of their closest allies, including General Jean-Luc Martineau, who privately criticized the policy of Total Resistance. Then, in April, the DNS established contact with Martineau's disgruntled officers, under the pretense of supporting a coup to overthrow Bonfils and Eichthal and negotiate a conditional surrender, capitalizing on the growing unrest among the Communard ranks.
Saint Louis finally fell on August 22, 1943, after weeks of relentless assaults and dwindling resources for the Communard defenders. The decisive push into the city was spearheaded by Mejican, Spanish, Cuban, and Louisianan royalist volunteers, capitalizing on intelligence provided by disillusioned officers within the CRNA. Louisianan royalists raised the standard of Prince Maximilien above the city hall, and the prince proclaimed the Provisional Government of Louisiana in Saint Louis. The capture of the city was a catastrophic blow to the Communard cause, erasing their stronghold in the Holy Spirit River and significantly undermining their morale throughout the region. With the city in Mejican hands, the newly established Provisional Government quickly garnered international recognition and diplomatic support, indicating a shift in the political landscape of North America. One month later, on September 15, Mejico held its first successful test of the atomic bomb, product of the secret atomic research project Proyecto Uranio, led by theoretical physicist Aarón Bracamontes and General Ignacio de la Peña.
The unprecedented display of military power sent shockwaves throughout the world, but the Communard leaders still did not sue for peace, as they had their own nuclear research project active in Nouvelle Charlesfort, and Mejican scientist Óscar Hirschfelder actively supplied them with critical intelligence; Dr. Hirschfelder would be arrested just a few days after the successful detonation. The Rumbling of the Carbines was led by Communard General Guillaume Beaugendre, also the Chief of Staff of the Communard Armed Forces, and General Martineau, who staged a palace coup on September 27 against Bonfils and Eichthal. The next morning, during the Kiss of Laplace, generals Beaugendre and Martineau signed the terms of surrender with the Duke of Otumba and Prince Maximilien, effectively putting an end to the hostilities by October 1, 1943. The terms of surrender required the CRNA to disband its armed forces and accept the authority of the Provisional Government of Louisiana and recognizing General Beaugendre as the overseer for a transitory period of three years. King Maximilien II signed the Peace of Beaumont with Mejico on November 11, 1943, recognizing border changes, joining the Pact of Unity, and accepting a five-year-long occupation by Mejican, Floridian, and Cuban forces to ensure the stability of the newly established government. Reconstruction efforts were focused on rebuilding infrastructure, restoring essential services, and providing aid to those affected by the war.
Post-war administration (1943-1959)
Between 1939 and 1944, under the stewardship of Secretary of the Economy Rafael Garagnani, Mejico experienced significant economic growth despite the challenges posed by the North American War, and a death toll of approximately 840,000 people. The economy expanded significantly, doubling during this period; central to this growth was the corporatist model implemented during the earlier years of Vasconcelos' administration. The Secretariat of Corporations and the Corporative Chamber coordinated efforts across various sectors, including industry, agriculture and transportation, ensuring a unified national approach to economic mobilization. Mechanisms such as fixed quotas, state-backed financing for industrial expansion, and targeted subsidies for key industries were crucial in maintaining productivity and stability.
The war effort proved instrumental in spurring industrialization and infrastructural development. Military production ramped up significantly, with state-controlled enterprises producing armaments, vehicles, and logistical supplies at unprecedented roles. Garagnani's leadership ensured that civilian industries were not neglected, striking a balance between military demands and the need for consumer goods to maintain domestic morale. Major infrastructure projects under the Grand Infrastructure Plan continued despite the war, including the construction of the Autopista Nacional and improvements to the rail network, facilitating the efficient movement of goods and troops. These projects, alongside wartime mobilization, created widespread employment opportunities, drawing millions into the workforce, including women, teenagers, and rural migrants.
Fiscal policies under Garagnani were characterized by a mix of state intervention and prudent management. The Bank of Mejico, under the supervision of Guillermo Aragonés, implemented stringent monetary policies to curb inflation, while export-oriented industrialization remained a cornerstone of economic strategy. Mejican goods, especially manufactured products and raw materials, found new markets among the Pact of Unity nations, compensating for trade disruptions in North America. The corporatist framework ensured that labor unrest was minimized; the National Union of Mejican Workers enforced strict discipline and productivity measures, even as the state provided incentives like housing programs and war pensions for the families of fallen soldiers. Price controls, rationing measures and raised taxes were enforced to stabilize the economy and redirect resources to the war effort, while war bonds were promoted extensively to finance military expenditures and development initiatives. A handful of agencies were created to help funnel resources towards the war effort, including the National War Production Board, the National War Labor Borad, the Armed Forces' Supply Organization, and the Scientific Resources Administration.
Political pluralism following the war saw a small resurgence, although at all times under state surveillance. Only compatible ideologies, such as those aligned with corporatism, monarchism and nationalism were permitted to form political organizations. The Mejican government allowed limited space for these groups to operate, provided they adhered to the principles of Vasconcelism and did not challenge the regime's core tenets. The National Catholic Party retained its dominance, but smaller parties like the Christian Labor Union, led by Tomás Osorio, and the National Synarchist Union, led by Salvador Abascal, emerged as sanctioned alternatives, catering to specific demographics and interests within the broader framework of Vasconcelist ideology. These groups were carefully managed through the Corporative Chamber, which acted as both a legislative body and a tool for ensuring ideological conformity. Despite these restrictions, the reopening of political discourse, however limited, was seen as a sign of Mejico's growing confidence in its stability after the war.
Nevertheless, dissent remained heavily circumscribed, with the Directorate of National Security maintaining a watchful eye on all political activities. Organizations deemed subversive or overly critical of the regime were swiftly suppressed, and prominent opposition figures often faced detention, exile, or co-optation into state-approved roles. Some segments of the population, particularly urban intellectuals and segments of the working class, called for greater political freedoms, but their demands were met with cautious and calculated responses. The state promoted Vasconcelist ideology as the unifying force necessary for national recovery, framing stricter political controls as essential for maintaining unity and preventing the resurgence of communism or anarchism. By the late 1940s, this controlled pluralism had cemented the regime's dominance while projecting an image of inclusivity and modernization to the international community.
Salvador Abascal, who was an emerging government advisor and a leader of the National Synarchist Union (UNS), was granted the opportunity to establish a utopic synarchist community in 1942. The territory of Lower San Fulgencio was chosen as the location for these experimental communities, aimed at creating traditional Castizo communities based on the values of synarchism. Villa María Auxiliadora, the first synarchist community, was founded on March 15, 1942. The settlement was designed to embody synarchist ideals, emphasizing communal living, strict adherence to Catholicism, and self-sufficiency in agriculture and craftsmanship. Vasconcelos found himself drawn to the initiative due to his Castizaje policy, which supported the promotion of a racially and culturally Castizo nation. The establishment of Villa María Auxiliadora was touted as a model project that would demonstrate the efficacy of synarchism as a societal organization aligned with Mejico's broader ideological framework.
The community was structured around a central plaza featuring a church dedicated to Our Lady of Perpetual Help. Surrounding it were workshops, schools, and administrative buildings, while residential quarters were arranged in a grid-like pattern. The settlers, largely composed of hand-picked families of peasants, urban workers, and skilled artisans, were required to adhere to strict moral and social codes, including mandatory employment, high church attendance, dress codes, communal meals, and an emphasis on large family units to promote demographic growth in line with Vasconcelist policies. Economic activities revolved around agriculture, textile production, and small-scale artisanal industries. The community received state support in the form of subsidies, technical assistance, and exemptions from certain taxes, allowing it to thrive despite initial logistical challenges. While only 100 families migrated to the town in its first year, after the end of the war, over 50,000 settlers would arrive in the coming decades, leaving a significant mark in Lower San Fulgencio. Encouraged by the apparent success of María Auxiliardora, the UNS was permitted to establish additional settlements; these communities collectively became known as "villas sinarquistas", and were showcased in government propaganda as symbols of idyllic Mejican life.
In 1945, Mejico passed the Ley de Medios de Comunicación, marking a shift in the control and dissemination of information within the country. This law aimed to consolidate the government's influence over the media, ensuring that all mass communication channels aligned with the state's ideology and objectives. The law mandated that all media outlets, including radio stations, newspapers, and television networks, register with the Secretariat of Information, which was granted extensive oversight powers to monitor and regulate content. Media organizations were required to undergo regular audits to confirm adherence to Vasconcelist principles, and non-compliant outlets faced severe penalties, including fines, revocation of broadcasting licenses, or outright closure, such as the newspaper Excélsior, which was closed between 1945 and 1946 after a series of editorials criticizing the government's reconstruction efforts. It was reopened in 1946 under a new, sympathetic leaderhsip. The period also saw an increase in state-owned media channels, with the establishment of the National Broadcasting Network (Red Nacional de Radiodifusión, RNR), as well as Churubusco Studios, a cinematographic enterprise. The law also incentivized the creation of state-sponsored educational programs to address issues like literacy and national history, positioning the regime as the steward of an informed and loyal populace. The Cultural War program was expanded to include film and literature, with government-backed projects glorifying Mejico's traditions and Vasconcelist values. Foreign media, particularly content perceived as sympathetic to liberal democracy or communism, was either banned or significantly restricted. Imports of foreign literature and films underwent rigorous review, with only material deemed beneficial to Mejican society being approved for distribution.
In terms of geopolitics, Mejico made considerable strides with its Pact of Unity allies. Trade agreements and military alliances strengthened ties among member nations, positioning Mejico as a global power. Mejico leveraged its manufacturing capabilities to export military equipment and goods to its allies, further solidifying its role as a central player in the defense pact. The Treaty of Halifax-Miravalle was signed in 1946 between the United British Empire and Mejico, in military strategy and economic collaboration. This treaty facilitated joint military exercises and intelligence sharing. Additionally, Vasconcelos introduced the Doctrina Miranda, named after the influential PNC philosopher and political strategist David Miranda, which articulated Mejico's commitment to providing political and economic stability throughout Iberoamerica. As a staunchly anti-communist doctrine, the Doctrina Miranda emphasized the need for regional cooperation against perceived leftist influences, resulting in the founding of the Office of Iberoamerican States (OEI) on January 16, 1949. It held its first summit that same year, in the city of Madrid. The Mejican signatory of the accompanying Madrid Charter was Plenipotentiary Minister Ángel Dávalos Felguera, X Count of Miravalle; Spain, Florida, Santo Domingo, Central America, and Argentina were the other signatories. The foundation of the OEI has been seen as one of the main triumphs of Vasconcelism, as the office eventually led to the creation of the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations, one of the world's most important economic, political, military, and scientific blocs.
Mejico supported anti-communist governments, movements, and organizations through what has been called "Operation Cenzontle", an alleged covert operation involving intelligence-sharing, military training, and financial backing for right-wing groups across Iberoamerica. Although the Mejican government denied the existence of such a program, leaked documents and testimonies from defectors suggested widespread involvement in suppressing leftist insurgencies and bolstering authoritarian regimes aligned with Vasconcelist principles. The operation extended Mejico's influence significantly, cementing its reputation as a staunch bulwark against communism and a regional hegemon. Critics argued that these actions undermined democratic movements and contributed to human rights abuses, while proponents maintained that they were necessary to safeguard regional stability and the values espoused by the Pact of Unity. Central America, Louisiana, Brazil, Argentina, and New Granada are often cited as examples of successful operations during Vasconcelos' tenure, with the rise of figures such as José María Velasco Ibarra in New Granada and Armand de Mortemart in Louisiana, as well as the suppression of revolts against the Somoza dynasty in Central America in 1952 and 1955.
Relations with the Japanese-controlled Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere were tense due to the Philippine Crisis, beginning in 1944. With the GEACPS evolving as a pan-Asiatic regional alliance and Mejico controlling numerous islands in the Pacific, Mejico found itself in a delicate position. Vasconcelos was weary of Japan's expansionism and its potential to disrupt the balance of power in the Pacific. The Philippines, as a Spanish viceroyalty, represented a particular flashpoint, as Japan's militaristic policies and aspirations for dominance threatened the interests of the Pact of Unity. To mitigate these threats, Mejico increased its military presence in the Pacific, doubling the size of its Pacific fleet and enhancing its base facilities on the islands it controlled, including Trinidad and the Carolinas. Tensions culminated with Operation Tsubaqui on June 4, 1947, a coup attempt that saw a confrontation of the Spanish-Mejican Flota Conjunta del Pacífico under Admiral Alejandro Zepeda and Japanese naval forces in the battle of the Strait of Luzón. With Philippine Commander Diosdado Peñaranda entrenching himself in the region of Intramuros and receiving Mejican support, the Battle of Manila raged for a total of eight days, ending on June 12 thanks to Japan's declaration of war against the People's Republic of Hindustan.
With both blocs reconsidering their positions and with the greater threat of a Communist Hindustan, the conflict over the Philippines prompted a ceasefire between Mejico and Japan, who signed the Treaty of Agaña on November 3, 1947. The treaty established mutual non-aggression and military support, provided the GEACPS refrained from including the Philippines in its sphere of influence. The Mejican Pacific fleet and the Air Force supported the GEACPS during the war, leading a five-year-long presence in the Bay of Bengal, contributing to the naval and logistics capabilities of the Japanese forces against the cohesive threat posed by the People's Republic of Hindustan. Mejico also fought insurgencies in its Pacific islands, including the battles of Guadalcanal and Nueva Lanzarote. In 1956, in the midst of Operation Blossoming Lotus, Mejico contributed over 100,000 troops to the campaign; Mejican forces were engaged at the battles of Cuttack, Patna, and Lucknow. Mejico would then play a significant role in overseeing the negotiations of the Treaty of Rangoon in 1957.
Vasconcelos unveiled the Plan Atómico in 1947, with the intention of positioning the nation as a global leader in nuclear technology. Spearheadad by the Royal Commission for Atomic Energy (Real Comisión para la Energía Atómica; RCEA), under the leadership of physicist Aarón Bracamontes, the plan emerged from the successful development of Mejico's first atomic bomb under the Uranium Project. Recognizing the potential of nuclear energy for military and civilian use, Vasconcelos envisioned atomic research as the cornerstone of Mejico's scientific advancement and energy independence. The centerpiece of this initiative was the National Atomic Research Complex in Querétaro, inaugurated in 1949. On December 20, 1952, the Plan Atómico achieved a significant milestone with the commissioning of Central Nuclear Laguna Verde, the world's first nuclear power plant, located in Veracruz. In the coming decades, numerous additional nuclear plants were constructed across Mejico, including facilities in Porciúncula, Durango, Sinaloa, Nuevo León, and Bacalar.
As the crown jewel of the Grand Infrastructure Plan, the AVEMEX (Alta Velocidad Mejicana) project was launched. For years, a corps of engineers and architects had been developing plans for a high-speed rail system that aimed to connect major cities across Mejico. In 1955, construction began on the project's first line, the Eje Transversal, which would stretch 1,048 km, connecting the industrial hub of Guadalajara to the port city of Veracruz. This high-speed rail line was envisioned as a transformative endeavor, expected to facilitate commerce, regional connectivity, and boost tourism. The AVEMEX project was heavily promoted by the government as a symbol of modernity, technological progress, and national pride. The project was divided into many phases, with the first one connecting Mejico City to Santiago de Querétaro, completed in 1958; trains in this segment achieved a top speed of 145 km/h, setting a world record for rail speed at the time of its completion.
The 1950s, the latter years of the Vasconcelist regime, were characterized by the growth of an urban countercultural movement, a succession crisis, the proclamation of the Mejican Empire in 1957, a climate of anti-communist paranoia in Mejican universities, and the increasingly important role of Salvador Abascal and the National Synarchist Union. This decade, known as Late Vasconcellism (Spanish: Tardovasconcelismo), saw the cultural and political transformation of Mejico into a more centralized and ideologically rigid state, as Vasconcelos and his allies worked to maintain their hold of power amid emerging internal and external pressures and destabilizing factors.
On April 19, 1952, King Fernando I passed away from a heart attack at the age of 70. He was succeeded by his son Emiliano I, who had been groomed for leadership during his father's reign. However, anxiety over the succession loomed over the country as the new king had a total of five living children over two marriages, all of them women, and he had no brothers. His first marriage, to Princess Elisabeth Maria of Luxembourg produced two children: Mariana Agustina, who died in 1944, and Ana Margarita. Despite their attempts, Princess Elisabeth did not bear any more children for the following two decades, and Emiliano refused to seek an annulment, provoking a short crisis within the royal family. Elisabeth died in 1947, and many speculated that she had been poisoned due to her failure to provide a male heir. He married once more to Archduchess Charlotte of Austria, being 20 years her senior, with the expectation that this union might produce a male heir to stabilize the succession. However, Charlotte's four pregnancies between 1950 and 1957 resulted in the births of more princesses: Carlota (b. 1950), Claudia (b. 1952), Adelaida (b. 1955) and Fernanda (b. 1957).
King Emiliano personally wished for Ana Margarita to succeed him, but contingency plans were already in preparation since 1952. Despite the wishes of the King, the succession issue became a subject of debate and speculation among the elite, courtly and political factions, and the general public. There were four main monarchist factions: the Traditionalists, who were aligned with Emiliano's uncle, also named Emiliano, who was 69 years old in 1952; the Margarinos, aligned with Ana Margarita, the preferred successor of the King; the Otumbists, aligned with Luis, III Duke of Otumba, second cousin of Emiliano I; and the smaller Gabrielist faction, which advocated for the restoration of the Gabrielist branch of the House of Bourbon. Vasconcelos delegated the issue to Salvador Abascal, giving him the task of managing the succession crisis and ensuring a smooth transfer of power. Abascal worked to prevent the situation from spiralling into a political crisis. On the surface, he attempted to find a compromise and maintain stability, while he worked covertly with Lupinacci to subvert the claims of other pretenders, themselves supporting the claim of Emiliano, then the Duke of Guadalajara, to the throne. Through backroom negotiations and strategic alliances, Abascal managed to secure the support of the majority of the NCP for the Duke of Guadalajara's succession, as he was seen as the most politically acceptable and most capable option due to his close ties to Vasconcelos and his commitment to continuing his policies, gaining the recognition of Duke of Tlaxcala, the title of the heir apparent, on March 22, 1957.
While the succession crisis loomed over Mejico, coupled with the rising anti-war sentiment and public discontent regarding external military engagements, the internal political landscape began to shift as a countercultural movement began to emerge in the early 1950s. This movement, known as "La Generación Talamadre" or the "Talamadreros" (from the expression "hasta la madre", meaning 'fed up'), rallied against the authoritarianism of the Vasconcelist regime and sought to challenge the established norms of Mejican society. A coalition of underground movements, students, and activists, the talamadreros advocated for democracy and civil liberties. They were characterized by their embrace of the avant-garde, anti-corporatism, anti-fascism, non-conformity, and experimentation with psychedelics, sexual liberation, gnosticism, and alternative lifestyles. The movement gained significant traction in large urban centers, such as Mejico City, San Francisco, and Guadalajara.
The counterculture was coloquially known as La Onda, and saw young Mejicans embracing new forms of music, fashion, film, and literature that often clashed with the values upheld by the regime. Music such as rock and roll, psychedelic folk, and jazz became emblematic of La Onda, becoming symbols of rebellion against state-opposed cultural norms. Fashion also became a statement of defiance, with young talamadreros developing eclectic styles that borrowed from Indigenous patterns, urban streetwear, and countercultural trends from abroad. Meanwhile, writers and poets explored themes of individualism, alienation, and spiritual freedom, creating works that were banned but circulated widely through underground networks. The government responded with a mix of repression and co-optation, creating state-sanctioned versions of cultural festivals and art exhibitions that attempted to steer the youthful energy into more acceptable expressions. Members of La Onda frequently found themselves under surveillance, with police conducting frequent raids on gatherings and performances suspected of being linked to dissident activities. Concerts and events were often disrupted, with musicians and artists arrested, intimidated into silence, and even "disappeared", if deemed too subversive.
The government harnessed sports as part of its strategy to redirect public enthusiasm and foster national pride through an array of organized events. Mejico scored a significant victory at the 1956 Summer Olympics, when American harpast, considered by Vasconcelos to be the "quintessentially Castizo sport", was included as an exhibition sport for the first time. Nationalist fervor surged as the Mejican harpast team triumphed in the exhibition matches, further enhancing the popularity of the sport internationally. This victory, together with the unprecedented number of medals won, with Mejico emerging as the first place in the overall medal standings, provided the regime a potent propaganda tool, greatly enhancing national morale. To continue the strong momentum, in 1957, the Iberoamerican Games were inaugurated in San Francisco. The occasion was promoted as a celebration of heritage, regional unity, and athletic prowess, sought to showcase Mejico as a leader in Iberoamerican culture. A group of dissenters was infamously shot with rubber bullets after protesting outside of the inauguration venue on August 14, 1957, leading to outrage and condemnation.
Another notable aspect of Late Vasconcelism was the educational reform of 1953, when anti-communist sentiment reached a fever pitch within Mejico. The reform, led by Secretary of Public Education Octavio Galindo, aimed to overhaul the curriculum across primary, secondary, and higher education institutions to promote patriotic and pro-Vasconcelist values. Schools were encouraged to focus on history lessons that glorified Mejico's achievements and its role as a defender of Iberoamerican unity against communism. Mandatory reading was expanded to include works by prominent Mejican authors, including nationalist and romantic literature. Extracurricular activities were also restructured, with institutions required to include military training and preparedness programs. Meanwhile, universities were subjected to strict oversight, resulting in a significant reduction of academic freedoms. Any deviation from approved curricula or expression of dissenting opinions resulted in academic disciplinary actions, expulsion, and, in some cases, imprisonment.
The 1954 teacher's strike, lasting between February and September, was a significant event that erupted in response to the educational reforms and the deteriorating working conditions faced by educators across Mejico. The strike was initiated by a coalition of teacher associations, demanding increased wages, respect for academic freedom, and a reversal of the ideologically driven curriculum changes imposed by the government. Teachers organized widespread demonstrations, rallies, and sit-ins, often attracting support from the broader La Onda movement. Leftist students and academics joined the teachers, framing the strike as a fight for democracy, civil rights, and the future of education itself. The government responded with heavy-handed tactics, with Lupinacci's Secretariat of Information carrying out the controversial Trigo y Cizaña (Wheat and Chaffe) policy, a sweeping initiative to purge perceived leftist influence from Mejican universities. Facing a purge of faculty members, many universities lost between 10%-20% of their teaching staff, although some lost as many as 40%, many of whom were outspoken critics of the regime or had provable socialist affiliations. Many technocrats were appointed to fill these vacancies.
The hostile climate of Mejican universities was fanned by the growth and formation of right-wing student organizations, including the Frente Universitario Anticomunista (FUA), the Movimiento Universitario de Renovadora Orientación (MURO), as well as the more secretive Organización Nacional del Yunque, which sought to bolster the regime's influence among the younger education and to counteract dissent from La Onda. These organizations organized pro-government rallies, counter-demonstrations against strikes and protests, and launched campaigns to discredit strikers while promoting what they termed "moral education". Their rhetoric emphasized patriotism, discipline, and the dangers of communism, attempting to frame opposition as unpatriotic and dangerous. These groups often clashed violently with left-leaning students during protests, escalating tensions on campuses nationwide. The fervor of the Wheat and Chaffe policy culminated in the Puebla Riots of September 1954, when anti-communist and pro-regime students confronted striking faculty at the University of Puebla. Clashes quickly escalated into a full-scale riot, with government-backed paramilitaries intervening to quell the unrest. Buildings were set ablaze, and dozens of students and faculty members were injured or arrested.
During this time, a flurry of cultural activity emerged. The underground music scene witnessed the rise of new bands and genres, and performances often took place in secret locations to evade government scrutiny, fostering a DIY ethic. Clandestine works of art and literature flourished as a means of expression and resistance against the prevailing regime, most importantly the magazine "La Gota del Mártir", which became a critical platform for the dissemination of anti-fascist thought and cultural critique. On the other hand, an ultranationalist musical scene also emerged, portraying Mejico as a bastion against perceived external threats. Skinhead subculture reached Mejico around this time, eventually evolving into the unique "Rapado" aesthetic, which blended aspects of neo-fascism with traditional Mejican nationalism. Another countercultural movement that has its roots in the 1950s is the Xicano movement, which is widely considered as the spiritual successor of the Casta Vieja movement of the 1930s. An anti-Castizaje, anti-Vasconcelist and pro-Mestizo movement, Xicanismo sought to reclaim Indigenous and Mestizo heritage in direct opposition to the prevailing notions of a homogenized Mejican nationalist as promoted by Vasconcelos.
Imperial Era (1957-present)
End of the Vasconcelist Era (1957-1959)
King Emiliano I passed away on December 16, 1957, and was succeeded by his elderly uncle, Emiliano II, who was already 74 years old at the time. Emiliano II, however, was energetic despite his age, and had a long history of involvement in Mejican politics and governance. Mejico had, for a long time, seen itself as an empire, and was internationally recognized as one, despite being officially a Kingdom. On the day of his coronation at the Metropolitan Cathedral of Mejico City, on December 29, Emiliano II gave the famed "Proclamation of Empire" speech, in which he declared Mejico's ambition to solidify its status not just as a kingdom, but as a preeminent empire among the nations of the Americas and beyond. This was met with mixed reactions domestically and internationally. Within Mejico, the declaration brought about great national pride among conservative circles and ridicule among countercultural movements. Some nations, particularly in Iberoamerica, reacted with a mixture of scorn and praise. The Brazilian Empire, under Emperor Pedro III, viewed this as an overreach, a direct challenge to Brazil's own aspirations in South America, while Spain's Francisco Franco expressed support for Emiliano II's ambitions.
Many of the long-established European monarchies saw the House of Bourbon-Iturbide as arrivistes, and questioned the validity of their claims to imperial status, although most of them reacted pragmatically. During his speech, Emiliano II drew comparisons to the grandeur of ancient Greco-Roman and Mesoamerican civilizations, invoking a narrative that linked Mejico's modern aspirations with the legacies of power and culture from antiquity. Emiliano II stated, "We shall not only reclaim our past glory but shall reign as a beacon of civilization in the Americas, uniting our brothers through the mantle of empire". Emiliano II's carefully-tailored speech also made mention of historical figures such as Charlemagne, Hugh Capet, the Spanish Catholic Monarchs, as well as Moctezuma II. Despite the mixed reaction, Mejican hegemony and its membership within the PUC helped solidify the legitimacy of the Empire on the international stage. Coincidentally, Emiliano II had married Queen Caroline Clémentine, daughter of King Philip VII of France, in 1900, aiding in strengthening the ties between Mejican and European royals. This marriage also bolstered the image of Emiliano II as the most politically viable monarch for the country.
José Vasconcelos was created Duke of Vasconcelos by royal decree on January 16, 1958, granting him the honor of grandee of the Mejican Empire. Vasconcelos spent the last two years of his regime focusing on solidifying his legacy as the architect of modern Mejico and ensuring the continuity of his ideology. Despite his declining health, Vasconcelos remained actively involved in governance, dedicating his efforts to institutionalizing his policies and shaping the political framework to endure beyond his tenure. He worked closely with his successor, Salvador Abascal, to ensure a seamless transition of power, endorsing the Synarchist ideology as a natural continuation of Vasconcelism. He would pass away on June 30, 1959, at the age of 77. His death marked the end of an era in Mejican politics, particularly the era of intense ideological transformation that he spearheaded since the 1930s. Vasconcelos was given a state funeral, attended by many prominent figures, including politicians, clergy members, members of the military, of the nobility, and foreign dignitaries from across the Americas, Europe, and Asia. Abascal, who had been a key advisor of Vasconcelos for years and was considered by many as his right-hand man, was seen as a natural choice for maintaining the course Vasconcelos had set forth.
Abascalist Era (1959-1970)
Salvador Abascal, the leader of the National Synarchist Union and a chief advisor to Vasconcelos who also functioned as the Secretary of Foreign Relations between 1955 and 1959, assumed the presidency of Mejico following the death of Vasconcelos. Already one of the country's most powerful and influential people as the right-hand man of Vasconcelos, the naming of Abascal as successor in the Plan de Continuidad solidified his position within the national government. Wiht Vasconcelos' backing and his legitimacy reinforced by the monarchy, Abascal found himself in a strong position to consolidate power and further the Synarchist agenda. In his inauguration speech, following two weeks of national mourning, Abascal emphasized the importance of unity and continuity within Mejico, referring to the guidance of Vasconcelos as a golden compass for the nation. Abascal pledged to honor the vision of a "Castizo nation", and that he would "defend the homeland like a brave hound".
Abascal left the leadership of the National Synarchist Union and was hailed as the new leader of the National Catholic Party on July 15, 1959, leaving the National Synarchist Union under the leadership of Manuel Torres Bueno, one of the earliest members of the organization. One of Abascal's first moves as president of the government was the creation of a new cabinet, which included both members of the Vasconcelist old guard, such as Efrén Magaña as Secretary of Finance, and longstanding Synarchist figures, such as José Trueba Olivares as Secretary of Interior. The cabinet was modified with the creation of the Secretariat of Settlements and Urban Development (SECTUR), established by decree on September 13, 1959 under Estanislao Kaczmarek. The SECTUR was tasked with overseeing the restructuring of urban areas across the country. The demographic policies of Castizaje continued under Abascal's adminstration, with many cities reporting growth rates of over 10% annually. Suburbanization and vertical growth became prominent features of urban development during this period, as the government encouraged the construction of high-rise residential buildings to accomodate the influx of people moving to the cities in search of economic opportunities.
Abascal's focus on modernization and infrastructure was accompanied by extensive public works programs aimed at improving transportation, sanitation, and housing. Rural electrification programs were also launched, facilitating access to electricity for previously underserved areas. The government sought to balance urban development with rural revitalization, aiming to integrate the nations' traditional agricultural practices with modern technologies. Financial incentives were provided to farmers to adopt mechanization techniques and improved agricultural practices, leading to notable increases in productivity. Together with this, new infrastructural projects included the construction of dams, roads, and railways, including the expansion of the AVEMEX high-speed rail system, which saw the finalization of the Eje Transversal in 1963. The investment was also made in the metro system of the various metropolises, with Mejico City's and Los Angeles' systems undergoing significant expansion to accommodate the growing urban populations. Another significant project of Abascal's presidency was the Puente Baluarte, a large cable-stayed bridge connecting Sinaloa and Durango, completed in 1968, as well as the overhaul of the Port of Topolobampo between 1962 and 1966, modernizing the facilities to improve shipping and trade.
Between 1960 and 1962, a series of scandals in the Corporative Chamber, such as the misallocation of public funds, irregularities in contracts, and traffic of influences, including the Metzenbaum scandal, threatened to undermine the credibility of the Abascal administration and the National Catholic Party. These scandals, characterized by alleged corruption among powerful business interests within the government, prompted outrage and protests across various sectors of society. The Metzenbaum Scandal, which came to light in mid-1961, involved high-ranking members of the Corporative Chamber accepting bribes from construction companies in exchange for lucrative government contracts in real estate and urban development initiatives. Allegations suggested that the funds intended for public improvements were diverted to personal accounts of influential officials and their associates, igniting public fury. In 1962, Abascal expanded on the Ley de Juicios de Residencia from 1934, which only affected officials of the Treasury, allowing for the prosecution of those deemed guilty of corruption and misuse of public resources. The trial of Chamber member and business owner Leví Metzenbaum became a focal point of the anti-corruption campaign initiated by Abascal. Metzenbaum was accused of orchestrating the bribery scheme and of manipulating his connections within the Corporative Chamber. Despite proclaiming himself to be a Hebrew Catholic, the media portrayal of Metzenbaum as a symbol of corruption led to a heightened anti-Semitism in public discourse.
In 1964, Abascal managed his first monarchical succession after King Emiliano II passed away on May 28 due to old age. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Agustín V, who was a 60-year-old bachelor. The unmarried Agustín only had one child, a daughter named Clementina, who was born out of wedlock in 1949 with the prominent and scandalous Floridian socialite, Isabel Daugherty. Court gossip surrounded Agustín V's ascension to the throne, with speculation regarding his lack of a legitimate spouse and the implications for the royal lineage. Many in Mejican society viewed his unmarried status and the existence of an illegitimate daughter as a source of instability for the monarchy. Together with this, Agustín V was also rumored to be a homosexual, further complicating his public image. Despite these challenges, Agustín V took on the task to appease the socially conservative Mejican society, who were weary of potential public scandals. The new king had an amicable working relationship with Abascal, and deflected rumors about his sexuality by making generous donations to Catholic organizations, including the Knights of Christ the King and Caritas.
In that same year, and following Vasconcelos' footsteps, Abascal sought to strengthen the country's different institutions, including the Army, corporations, and the banking system. The Ley de Bases para la Reorganización Estructural de la Nación, also known simply as the Ley de Bases, was enacted as a sweeping legislative package aimed at restructuring the governance and operational framework of major national institutions. The law provided for the reorganization of the Corporative Chamber, enhancing its role as a legislative and regulatory body representing the interests of Mejico's corporations. This reform centralized decision-making processes within the Chamber to harmonize the tripartite interests of labor, capital, and the government. Notably, under the new law, multiple new syndicates were allowed to operate separately from the National Union of Mejican Workers, facilitating a more pluralistic labor environment. The law also addressed military governance, replacing the Secretariat of War with the Secretariat of National Defense and the Secretariat of the Navy. These institutions were tasked with modernizing the armed forces, improving coordination between branches, establishing new syndicates for emerging industries such as telecommunications and aerospace, and integrating advanced technologies acquired from Mejico's Pact of Unity allies, such as the BSMI Cuitláhuac, then the world's largest aircraft carrier.
In the economic sphere, the Ley de Bases overhauled the ejido system along distributist principles, encouraging the privatization of agricultural lands and providing incentives for small landowners to consolidate into cooperatives. The Agricultural Credit Bank was restructured under this new legislation, facilitating access to financing for both individual farmers and cooperatives, and the National Fund for Small and Medium Enterprises (FONAPYME) was established by decree to promote entrepreneurship and support the growth of small businesses across various sectors, providing low-interest loans and technical assistance. At the same time, parastatal companies such as PEMEX (Petróleos Mejicanos) were also expanded under the law, emphasizing the role of state-owned enterprises in driving economic growth and maintaining national control over crucial resources. Meanwhile, in banking, Abascal leaned towards a more technocratic and liberalizing approach, seeking greater efficiency and competitiveness, which resulted in the significant growth of private banks. In 1965, the Mejican Central Bank was granted greater autonomy, allowing for independent monetary policy and interest rate management.
Abascal also focused on strengthening Mejico's international relations. Aware of the importance of the global economy, he sought to diversify the country's commercial relations and promote foreign trade. To this end, he established trade and diplomatic agreements with various nations, especially with Asian countries. In addition, Abascal defended the principles of Vasconcelism in international organizations, promoting the nation's interests before the League of Nations. The sour relations with Japan and its GEACPS, particularly over the issue of the Philippines, were mended through a series of negotiations in 1966 that led to the signing of the Robles-Xindô Accords, facilitating trade exchanges, concessions on fishing rights, and cultural exchange between Mejico and Japan. These accords marked a significant thaw in diplomatic relations, allowing Mejico to tap into Japanese technological advancements and fostering collaboration in various sectors, including agriculture and manufacturing.
The Office of Iberoamerican States celebrated 1965 its fifth summit in the city of Veracruz; during the event, Abascal promoted the establishment of an Iberoamerican free trade area, aimed at increasing economic cooperation among member nations and reducing tariffs on inter-Iberoamerican trade. It was also the first time the idea of a unified currency was proposed, dubbed the "Ibero", aiming to enhance financial integration and facilitate trade among member states. While the Lusophone countries were invited as observers to the OEI's summits, the proposal elicited mixed reactions among the attending nations, with some viewing it as an opportunity for regional solidarity, while others expressed skepticism about economic integration given historical rivalries. Nevertheless, discussions continued to move forward, and in 1967, the Hispanoamerican Union was created through the Treaty of La Plata, amending the Madrid Charter to formalize cooperation on economic, cultural and political matters, and establishing a free trade area, reducing non-tariff barriers. While the Ibero currency proposal remained a long-term objective, the amendments set up the Hispanoamerican Economic Council (Consejo Económico Hispanoamericano CEH) to oversee the phased approach to regional cooperation. The union included new signatories, such as Chile, Paraguay, Cuba, and Panama. Agustín V and Abascal were both committed to the ideals of Hispanic unity and cooperation, believing that the expansion of the "Hispanic Bloc" would enhance regional stability and prosperity. One of the most relevant aspects of this cooperation came in the form of a united front in the Cosmic Game, competing against the British and other European powers for influence in the realms of space exploration and technological advancement. The Cosmic Game was marked by a race to showcase national achievements in science and innovation; the Mejican Space Agency (Agencia Espacial Mejicana; AEM), founded in 1956, was one of the first to successfully launch a satellite into orbit, the Peregrino-1. Joining efforts with the OEI, a joint space program, headquartered in the Florida-based National Institute of Aeronautical Technology (Instituto Nacional de Técnica Aeronáutica, INTA), the development of technology needed to send astronauts to the Moon was accelerated. The INTA's Colón Program began on December 7, 1959, and paid off when, on February 3, 1966, Argentine, Spanish, and Mejican astronauts Roberto Oliveira Pérez, Federico Barceló Michelena, and Alan Lozoya Bean, became the first men to set foot on the Moon during the historic Colón 9 mission. The feat was celebrated with great jubilation across the Hispanic Bloc, and Mejico emerged as a space-faring power.
In 1966, Abascal carried out one of the main projects of his administration, and one of the most representative initiatives of his tenure - the drafting of a new Constitution. While Vasconcelos amended the 1917 Constitution on numerous occasions, Abascal sought to establish a more comprehensive and lasting framework that would consolidate the ideological and institutional foundations of the Vasconcelist state. The new Constitution aimed to reflect the principles of corporatism, synarchism, and national unity, embedding them into the legal and political fabric of Mejico. Abascal convened a Constituent Assembly in early 1966 composed of representatives from the Corporative Chamber, the monarchy, and the key intellectual and political figures aligned with the National Catholic Party. Notably, the process excluded organizations and groups deemed incompatible with the regime's ideology, reinforcing the controlled pluralism that had characterized Mejico's political landscape for the past few decades.
With a largely cohesive assembly, the drafting of the new Constitution expedited. The delegates engaged in extensive debates over the essential themes of governance, economic organization, and social welfare. The resulting document, promulgated on October 15, 1966, had a more intricate balance between authoritarian control and political pluralism, reflecting Abascal's vision of a guided democracy. The constitution enshrined the role of the monarchy as the head of state, affirmed the corporatist model as the basis of economic organization, codified the tripartite system of representation - labor, capital, and the state - through the Corporative Chamber, which would become a consultative body, provided for the future re-establishment of the bicameral system of legislature, declared Mejico a confessional state, with Catholicism as the state religion, established women's suffrage, and outlined the rights and responsibilities of citizens. The team responsible for the drafting of the document was composed of important jurists, such as Don Eduardo García Maynez, Don Manuel Torres Bueno, Adolfo Aguilar Quevedo, Don Francisco Javier Álvarez de la Fuente, Don Ignacio Galindo Garfias, Francisco Herrera de Fuenlabrada and Miguel Ángel Jiménez Carrasco.
While Abascal signaled a return to democracy within a controlled framework, critics argued that the new Constitution reinforced existing authoritarian structures and limited genuine political dissent. In parallel to the governments of the old Porfirian system, Abascal declared on multiple occasions his intention to implement a rotating presidency, in which different political parties could participate in the elections and alternate in the government. Some progress was made in terms of citizen participation and political openness, allowing the formation and operation of new political parties, as long as they met certain standards of loyalty to the State. In addition, a coalition of provinces: Durango, Pachuca, Bacalar, Tamaulipas, Arizona and Rocanegra organized to hold their first regional democratic elections for their respective governorships, marking a significant step towards democratic governance. A flurry of political activity followed, and many parties, such as the Mejican Institutional Party, led by Ricardo Nixon, and the Democratic Alliance for Christian Governance, led by Zacarías Cortés, emerged as critical actors in the evolving political landscape. At the same time, Abascal merged the National Catholic Party with the National Synarchist Union, creating the National Catholic Synarchist Party (Partido Nacional Católico Sinarquista, PNCS).
Abascal marked 1970 as the year when Mejico would return to democratic governance during a 1967 interview with renowned Mejican journalist Carmelita Guzmán. She asked Abascal questions regarding his government, his time with his mentor José Vasconcelos, his relationship with the monarchy, and the political future of Mejico. At the time of the interview, Abascal was 57 years old, and expressed his desire to "see Mejico prosper as a beacon of order in an increasingly chaotic world". He articulated a strong defense of his administration as a "stabilizing force" and emphasized the necessity of maintaining social order while navigating the complexities of a changing political landscape. When asked about the political future of Mejico and his government, Abascal proclaimed a desire to retire from politics and live the rest of his life in the Synarchist community of María Auxiliadora, which he had founded in 1942. Abascal stated "Despising the comparison, I will follow in the steps of Emperor Diocletian - I will seek retirement in a place of tranquillity away from the burdens of governance".
However, together with the flurry of political activity, opposition to the regime took on an increasingly organized form, with resistance movements emerging to challenge the state's authoritarianism, corporatist economic policies, and Castizaje demographic initiatives. While dissent had always existed in pockets, the 1960s saw these groups coalesce into defined entities with distinct goals, ranging from labor rights to cultural preservation. Among the most prominent organizations were the Popular Army of the Mejican People (Ejército Popular del Pueblo Mejicano, EPPM), the Ejidal Defense League (Liga de Defensa Ejidal, LDE), and the Magonist Liberation Movement-April 12th (Movimiento de Liberación Magonista del 12 de Abril, MLM-12A), which became the three most militant factions, engaging in guerrilla warfare against the regime. Other groups, such as the Xicano-affiliated Association of Organized Committees for Working Man's Liberation (Asociación de Comités Organizados Para la Liberación Obrera, ACOPLO), the Brown Berets (Boinas Cafés), and the Indo-Mestizo Youth Action Committee (Junta de Acción de la Juventud Indomestiza, JAJIM), although non-violent during this period, laid the groundwork for future radicalization.
The Catholic Church continued to play a fundamental role in Mejican society during Abascal's government. Evangelization programs were promoted and the participation of the Church in education and social assistance was encouraged. The educational and social role of the Church was expanded through initiatives that aimed to address issues such as poverty and illiteracy, while reinforcing the moral image of the government. Religious institutions received governmental support in the form of funding and resources, which enabled them to establish a network of schools and clinics across the country. Together with this, the Royal Museum of the Cristero War and the La Gloria monument were opened to the public; the former was dedicated to commemorating the events of the Cristero War (1926-1928), while the latter, situated in the city of Arandas, which was granted by Vasconcelos to the Knights of Christ the King, was a large monument dedicated to the fallen soldiers of the conflict, and included a large basilica that became a site of pilgrimage for many Mejicans. It housed the relics of many martyred saints, and the accompanying abbey was operated by Cistercian monks, who provided spiritual guidance and care for the numerous pilgrims visiting the site. Important church hierarchs during this period include Abp. Miguel Darío Miranda of Mejico City, Msg. Adalberto Ballester, Chief Inquisitor, and Cdl. Ricardo Araújo. The Spanish prelature Opus Dei also garnered significant influence in Mejico during the 1960s, aligning closely with governmental policies aimed at reinforcing Catholic values in public life.
The 1968 Olympic Games marked a significant milestone in Mejican history, showcasing its emergence as a global power and a leader in Iberoamerican culture and politics. The journey to hosting the Olympics began in the early 1960s under Abascal's administration, as Mejico sought to showcase its economic development and international standing. The International Olympic Committee (IOC) awarded the 1968 Games to Mejico City in 1963, after a tightly contested race against bids from Detroit, Lyon, and Buenos Aires. Mejico's bid was bolstered by extensive lobbying efforts, significant financial commitments, and a promise to deliver a unique Olympic experience. The years leading up to the event saw a great mobilization of resources, as Mejico City underwent a massive transformation, with major investments in infrastructure, including the construction of the Estadio Olímpico Universitario and the Olympic Village in Tlalpan. The metro system was once more expanded to accomodate increased traffic, while new highways and public spaces were constructed.
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Despite the government's grand vision, the 1968 Olympic Games were met by social unrest, particularly the 1968 Student Movement. Beginning in July, students from various universities across Mejico took to the streets, demanding greater political freedoms, an end to authoritarian policies, the immediate resignation of Abascal, and reforms to education and labor laws. Inspired by global protest movements and discontent with the regime's historically heavy-handed approach to dissent, the movement quickly gained traction among intellectuals and other segments of the middle class. It originated in a brawl between students of the Instituto Politécnico Nacional and the Colegio de Méjico, which was suppressed by a grenadier corps. The government initially sought to dismiss the protests as the work of communist agitators but grew increasingly alarmed as the demonstrations escalated. Abascal characterized the movement as a plot to overthrow the government and the monarchy to install a Marxist state, supported by the International, identifying the movement as "part of a subversive plan of international projection". The National Strike Council was formed, becoming the mouthpiece for the students' demands and coordinating protests across Mejico City. Several of the council's members were known to have links to Magonist, Socialist, and other Communist groups. With the support of Secretary of the Interior Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Abascal took repressive measures to suppress the movement. The government used its security apparatus to monitor protests, employing tactics such as arbitrary arrests, surveillance, and intimidation. Many protestors were labeled as terrorists, criminals, and subversive agents. The government used paramilitary groups, such as the Olimpia Battalion, the DNS, as well as the Mejican Army, to attack demonstrators, who were semi-organized into urban guerrilla factions and offered a violent resistance, including an episode on September 23 in the Casco de Santo Tomás: a 12 hour struggle between hundreds of students armed with molotov cocktails and approximately 1,500 Mejican soldiers. The confrontation between the student movement and the government culminated with the Tlatelolco Massacre, which took place on October 2, 1968, just ten days before the inauguration of the Olympics. Demonstrators gathered in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas, as thousands of students, hundreds of teachers, and other demonstrators gathered. The government deployed its security forces in the plaza and opened fire on the demonstrators, killing hundreds and wounding thousands. The exact number of casualties is still unknown due to the government's cover-up of the incident. The massacre was carried out as part of Operation Galeana, a joint effort by security forces and the army to repress the movement and other leftist groups. The massacre was a turning point in the movement and had a profound impact on Mejican society. It was seen as an example of the government's brutal tactics and a violation of basic human rights. The government's response to the student movement was widely criticized, both nationally and internationally, and damaged Mejico's image. The incident marked the end of the student movement, which dissolved at the end of 1968.
Despite the turmoil, the Olympics proceeded as planned, with the government keen to present a facade of normalcy. Tight security measures were implemented to prevent disruptions, and the media, tightly controlled by the Secretariat of Information, downplayed the unrest while emphasizing the success of the Games. The infamous phrase, "Hoy fue un día soleado" ("Today was a sunny day"), which was supposedly said by famous reporter Jacobo Zabludovsky, is typically used to refer to the media's complicity in portraying an optimistic image of the regime amidst social chaos; there is no record of Zabludovsky saying this phrase. The Olympics themselves were widely praised for their organization and spectacle. Mejico excelled in various disciplines, winning numerous medals and showcasing its athletes as symbols of national pride and resilience. Neither Abascal nor Agustín V suffered significant political fallout during the Games themselves, as the momentum of the global event overshadowed the previous violence.
One of Abascal's last and most influential actions was the establishment of Red CAPIA in 1969, a nationwide communication network that became the precursor of the modern Intranet. Launched in 1969, Red CAPIA (Red de Comunicaciones Administrativas y Proyectos Integrados Avanzados) was designed to facilitate real-time information sharing among various government departments and local authorities. Its implementation was part of Abascal's vision for a "smart state", where technology would play a vital role in maintaining order and promoting economic growth. Led by scientists Daniel Gajdusek and Terencio Davis, Red CAPIA revolutionized the way information was disseminated across Mejico, enabling a more efficient administration. The network enabled various secretaries to communicate instantaneously, significantly improving bureaucratic responsiveness and decision-making processes. While initially framed as a modernization effort to create a more responsive and effective government, the underlying motivations included mechanisms for monitoring citizen interactions, tracking dissidents, and controlling the flow of information in line with state interests. One of the main precedents to the Internet, Red CAPIA also laid the groundwork for future technological developments in Mejico.
Beginning 1970 and together with Agustín V, during a joint address to the nation, Abascal declared that he would cease to be the "executive president of the government", and instead declared the relegation of his role into that of a caretaker president. Elections were called for June, with Abascal promising to step down on the date the democratically-elected president was to take office, December 1. The Mejican Institutional Party (Partido Institucional Mejicano, PIM), under Ricardo Nixon, the Democratic Alliance for Christian Governance (Alianza Democrática para el Gobierno Cristiano, ADGC), led by Zacarías Cortés, and the National Catholic Synarchist Party (PNCS) under the leadership of Manuel Torres Bueno, emerged as the main contenders in the elections. Each party represented a distinct vision for Mejico's future. The PIM was a centrist force advocating for gradual economic liberalization and political reform while maintaining the legacy of Vasconcelism; the ADGC appealed to the moderate Catholic and rural electorate, while the PNCS campaigned on a platform of preserving the Synarchist vision of a corporatist state. In the end, Nixon of the PIM emerged victorious with 52% of the vote. The 1970 general elections were held on June 6, 1970, and Ricardo emerged victorious with 51% of the vote. On December 1, 1970, Abascal formally stepped down, fulfilling his promise to relinquish power. His departure marked the end of the Vasconcelist era, transitioning Mejico toward a new chapter of cautiously managed political pluralism.
Restoration of democracy and the Absolutist Octennium (1970-1984)
Presidency of Ricardo Nixon (1970-1976
On December 1, 1970, President Ricardo Nixon assumed office, heralding what many referred to as the "restoration of democracy". Nixon, an Anglophone Protestant, was a native of the town of Yorba Linda, Porciúncula, making him the second president from the New North, after Romualdo Pacheco, almost a century earlier. His message resonated with many Mejicans, as it was based on democratic consolidation, Iberoamericanism, space exploration, and the expansion of civil liberties. The transition to democracy was not welcomed by all, however, particularly those within the established power structures who were resistant to change. Despite this opposition, the people of Mejico turned out in record numbers to vote in the election, with over 87.5% of eligible voters participating. This turnout, which is the highest ever recorded in the Americas, demonstrated the optimism of the Mejican people, who perceived the election as a crucial step towards progress and change.
One of Nixon's first initiatives as president was the Plan de Innovación Económica, unveiled in March 1971, which sought to reduce reliance on state-run enterprises. Nixon encouraged foreign investment, expanded trade agreements within the Hispanoamerican Union, and introduced tax incentives for private businesses to spur economic growth. The plan aimed to diversify Mejico's economy by fostering technological innovation, modernizing agriculture, and developing the burgeoning aerospace and electronics industries. Nixon's administration also negotiated trade deals with nations outside the Hispanic bloc, including significant agreements with Japan, expanding the previous Robles-Xindô Accords. While these initiatives invigorated the private sector, they faced criticism from proponents of the corporatist model, who warned against over-reliance on foreign investment and the potential erosion of national economic sovereignty.
Another key pillar of Nixon's administration was the expansion of civil liberties. In 1972, the Mejican Congress passed the Ley de Derechos Cívicos y Participación Ciudadana, which aimed to protect freedom of speech, press, and assembly while introducing new anti-discrimination measures. Per the Jalapa Plan, affirmative action policies were implemented to improve representation for marginalized communities, including Indigenous populations and women. The law also reformed the judiciary to ensure greater independence and created the National Human Rights Commission (Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos) to oversee the protection of individual liberties. Nixon also created by decree the Secretariat of Environment and Natural Resources, and passed the Ley de Conservación de Recursos Naturales in 1973, which set in motion significant environmental regulations aimed at preserving Mejico's biodiversity and addressing pollution issues, as well as the Plan Atómico Verde in the same year, which established new guidelines for the development of nuclear energy and waste management.
In mid-1973, King Agustín V suffered a debilitating stroke that left him unable to perform his royal duties, prompting the installation of his younger brother, Prince Emiliano, as regent. The decision was announced on July 10, 1973, following consultations between the royal family, key ministers, and the General Congress. Emiliano, known for his experience in statecraft and his previous role as a royal ambassador, took on the responsibilities of governance with the support of President Nixon and other prominent figures in the monarchy's inner circle. King Agustín V passed away on November 4, 1973, after several months of deteriorating health. The nation observed a period of mourning, with tributes pouring from across Hispanoamerica and beyond. Emiliano was then acclaimed as Emperor Emiliano III. For his burial, the former monarch requested that his body be buried in the Royal Chapel of Our Lady of Guadalupe in the Metropolitan Cathedral, as is tradition, and that his heart be buried in the Pocito Chapel on the hill of Tepeyac. This tradition is known in Mejico as the "Augustinian model", and has been practiced by all subsequent monarchs.
Nixon also had significant foreign policy priorities, particularly in strengthening Mejico's position in the global arena. In 1971, Nixon approved intervention in the Portuguese Colonial War, with Mejico supporting the ALCORA coalition against Communist guerrillas in Angola. Over 40,000 troops were deployed to Guinea and Angola, marking Mejico's first military engagement in Africa. For years, the Hispanoamerican Union had failed to court the Lusophone bloc, and Nixon's administration sought to rectify this by establishing stronger ties with Portugal and Brazil. The war ended in April 1973, and during the Eighth Summit of the Office of Iberoamerican States, organized two months later, preliminary agreements were reached with the Lusophone bloc to foster closer diplomatic relations and economic cooperation. This would lead to the signing of the Treaty of Petrópolis on June 17, 1974, formally establishing the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations as a unified entity encompassing both blocs. The treaty was hailed as a milestone in Iberoamerican diplomacy, creating a framework for political collaboration, cultural exchange, and economic integration among the member states. Key provisions included the establishment of the Iberoamerican Economic Forum (Foro Económico Iberoamericano) to coordinate trade policies and investment strategies, as well as the Iberoamerican Development Bank, the Iberoamerican Cultural Council, and the Iberoamerican Educational Initiative aimed at promoting educational exchanges and scholarship programs within the member states.
The aim of the ICN was to promote economic, cultural, scientific and political cooperation among member states and was widely seen in Mejico as an extension of Nixon's Iberoamericanism. Mejico naturally emerged as a leader playing a key role in shaping the policies and agenda of the ICN. The Commonwealth also became a platform for Mejico to project its power and influence on the global stage, with Nixon becoming a prominent figure in international affairs. Nixon's leadership extended to the ICN's space policy, as Nixon championed the allocation of further funding towards joint space exploration initiatives, which would eventually result official formation of the Iberoamerican Institute of Aeronautical Technique (Instituto Iberoamericano de Técnica Aeronáutica; IITA) in 1978, fusing the aerospace research capabilities of member states, enhancing collaboration on technological advancements, and pooling resources for developmental projects. The INTA soon positioned itself ahead of the British Imperial Aeronautics and Space Administration, the German Technical Space Authority, the Hellenic Space Agency, and the Japanese Aerospace Exploration Agency.
The administration, while progressive in some areas, notably retained and expanded on the socially conservative ethos that had defined Mejican governance for decades. Influenced by the enduring Vasconcelist and Synarchist legacies, Nixon implemented policies aimed at reinforcing traditional family values and religious principles. His administration expanded government support for stay-at-home mothers through increased maternal leave allowances, providing up to 18 weeks of paid leave for new mothers, alongside subsidies for childcare to ease the financial burden on working families. These policies were part of a broader initiative to encourage population growth and strengthen the family unit as the cornerstone of Mejican society. While applauded by conservative factions, his policies alienated socially liberal groups, particularly members of La Onda, who championed personal freedoms, secularism, and progressive social reforms, including ULBH rights and gender equality. Many within the movement grew disillussioned as Nixon's administration doubled down on censorship laws, resisted calls for the decriminalization of homosexuality, and enforced regulations on media content that promoted alternative lifestyles.
In 1975, Nixon further solidified his socially conservative stance with the passage of the Ley de Migración Hispanoamericana. The law aimed to strengthen ties within the newly-formed Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations by significantly elevating the quotas for immigrants from Iberoamerican nations while imposing caps on other types of migration, particularly from Asia and Africa. Proponents argued that the policy fostered cultural cohesion and reinforced Mejico's role as a leader in Iberoamerican integration. Critics decried the law as exclusionary and regressive, claiming it undermined Mejico's multicultural heritage and discriminated against potential immigrants from non-Iberoamerican backgrounds. Human rights organizations and advocates for asylum seekers protested the legislation, especially as stricter immigration controls resulted in a significant uptick in the apprehension and deportation of illegal immigrants. Most of the backlash against the law came from primarily White activists and groups; it was, however, acclaimed by Mestizo communities, who viewed it as a means of strengthening Mejico's Hispanic identity and strengthening ties with their Iberoamerican counterparts.
In the 1975 general elections, Nixon achieved re-election to the presidency, continuing his administration's policies of economic liberalization, Iberoamericanism, assertive foreign policy, and social conservatism. The victory, however, was marred by allegations of electoral fraud coming largely from leftist groups, who accused the administration of manipulating the electoral process to suppress dissent and marginalize opposition parties. These claims gained traction among leftist organizations and segments of the working class, who viewed Nixon's second term as a consolidation of an elitist and authoritarian regime under the guise of democratic governance. A series of nationwide protests beginning in July culminated in an attempted sit-in at the General Congress on November 29 to voice opposition against Nixon's policies and alleged corruption. One of the leaders of the opposition, the anarchist Luis Sosa Alcántara, emerged as a prominent figure during the protests, leading marches and organizing rallies that drew significant public attention. The failure of the protest marked a turning point for the opposition, many of whom became increasingly disenchanted with the possibility of achieving change through legal and institutional means. Boycotts failed, signatures and petitions for recall elections were dismissed, and calls for a general strike were not heeded by any of the major unions.
As protests continued, the previously disparate leftist factions, inspired by Sosa Alcántara's leadership, began to coalesce into a more organized movement, establishing the Iberoamerican Social Front (Frente Social Iberoamericano; FSI) in 1977. The FSI sought to unify labor unions, indigenous rights groups, intellectuals, and the counterculture to oppose Nixon's regime effectively, and established covert alliances with the EPPM, the LDE, and the MLM-12A, with the FSI functioning as the civilian wing of this broader coalition. The formation of the FSI marked a significant shift in the political landscape, as leftist groups began to engage in more concerted and sophisticated efforts to challenge Nixon's policies. The coalition facilitated widespread activism through rallies, pamphleteering, and the establishment of committees aimed at mobilizing support among the working classes and disenfranchised communities. The growing social unrest was combined with the global economic recession of the mid-to-late 1970s, presenting a formidable challenge for Nixon's second term.
For the most part, the Legislative Palace of San Lázaro was the site of many meetings and protests as opposition factions sought to pressure lawmakers to address their grievances directly. The FSI organized demonstrations outside the Legislative Palace, effectively turning it into a focal point for dissent against Nixon's policies. The protests often drew hundreds of participants, disrupting legislative sessions - which were sometimes moved to the Casona de Xicoténcatl - and demanding transparency, accountability, and social reforms. The situation worsened when Nixon was diagnosed with phlebitis in March 1976, and was granted a temporal leave from office for medical treatment, leading to heightened instability within his administration. For two months, Humberto Tribolet, the Secretary of the Interior, assumed the presidency in Nixon's absence. During Tribolet's interim leadership, the FSI escalated its activities, capitalizing on the perceived vulnerability of the Nixon administration. The social climate became increasingly charged as protestors intensified their demands, calling for systemic changes in the government and an end to what they characterized as authoritarian policies.
Absolutist Octennium (1976-1984)
In the midst of the turmoil, Fernando, then Prince Imperial, assumed control of the government over his elderly father and declared himself to be Mejico's absolute ruler during a speech in the Zócalo on September 22. He cited the need for stability and the need to protect the Mejican people from “the threat of another revolution”, which he believed was being orchestrated by political rivals and foreign powers. The country was immediately divided over Fernando's rise to power, with some factions supporting his actions while others saw it as a dangerous power grab. Despite the division of opinion, Fernando would rise unopposed, and he would rule with an iron fist, implementing a series of authoritarian policies to achieve his goals, such as the re-militarization of the police, the banning of leftist and republican parties, the introduction of a national curfew, and strict censorship of the media. Nixon's assassin, Faustino Barrueta, would be lynched in the Black Palace of Lecumberri a few days later, with many questioning if he truly acted alone or if he was part of a larger conspiracy.
The Absolutist Octennium, which began immediately after Fernando's Zócalo Speech, marked a turning point in Mejican history. Under his rule, the country was transformed into an authoritarian state, with the Prince Imperial and later Emperor consolidating his power by banning political parties and implementing a national curfew, with Fernando seeking to replicate, at least temporally, the ideology of enlightened absolutism, employing the maxim "everything for the people, nothing by the people". His declaration of "two years of total war, two years of recovery, two years of consolidation, and two years of accelerated growth", set the tone for his regime, as Fernando sought to stamp out the various insurgencies that had risen up after Nixon's murder, urging Mejicans "to make an intelligent truce to recover our serenity and not lose our way", claiming that "we can make our country a living hell, or one that is worth living in". To achieve this, he relied heavily on the support of the nobility, especially the powerful the Duke of Bacalar, whose private army was deployed to combat insurrectionists in Yucatán.
During the Octennium, the government adopted a hardline approach towards dissent, leading to the militarization of the police force and the close alignment of high-ranking military officials with his administration. In the initial two years, the populace witnessed an escalation of stringent measures against opposition factions and individuals, an unfortunate norm that increasingly pervaded the social fabric. Concurrently, a drive for media control became evident, encompassing measures of censorship and propagandistic narrative construction, engineered to mold public sentiment. Despite these draconian measures, the regime managed to engineer a semblance of stability, albeit at the cost of civil liberties, while the once-skyrocketing economy persisted in its growth trajectory, albeit with a noticeable deceleration from the previous astonishing pace set by the Mejican Economic Miracle.
The first two years of the Octennium marked a period of unprecedented upheaval and dynamic transformation within the Mejican economy. As the nation grappled with internal unrest, uprisings, and a complex array of challenges, the economy became intricately intertwined with the overarching objective of restoring stability and securing the empire's future. Under the resolute leadership of Fernando, the economy underwent a series of sweeping changes that aimed to address immediate threats while laying the groundwork for long-term growth. During the first two years, the economy experienced a shift in priorities, as the focus shifted from peacetime production to the mobilization of resources for total war efforts, including the production of rifles, military vehicles, helicopters, and tanks, as well as the development of new aereal missile systems. The war-driven economy entailed the rapid redirection of manufacturing capabilities, the scaling up of military-industrial complex activities, and the strategic allocation of reousrces to confront a diverse array of internal threats. Key industries were galvanized to produce essential war materials, ranging from arms and ammunition to vehicles, equipment, and infrastructure necessary for military operations and internal security.
The finance sector played a pivotal role in sustaining the war economy, as the government undertook bold measures to secure the necessary funding for military campaigns and security operations. Financial institutions adapted to the new exigencies, facilitating loans and resource mobilization while managing inflationary pressures that accompanied heightened wartime expenditures. As the Imperial Treasury worked in tandem with private financial entities and the Mejican corporations, mechanisms were devised to encourage citizen participation in war bond drives, fostering a sense of collective responsibility for the nation's defense. In parallel, the agricultural sector underwent transformation as well. The shift in priorities led to a realignment of agricultural prodcution to ensure food security for both the military and civilian population. Policies were introduced to incentivize increased agricultural output, with the government playing an active role in providing support, guidance, and logistical assistance to farmers. These initiatives aimed to guarantee a steady supply of essential commodities while harnessing the nation's agricultural capacity to sustain the prolonged conflict.
The construction of vital infrastructure projects became a cornerstone of the Mejican war effort during the initial phase of the Octennium. Recognizing the strategic importance of efficient transportation and communication networks, the government embarked on an ambitious plan to bolster connectivity across the empire. Central to these endeavors were the construction of multiple bridges spanning the formidable natural barriers posed by the Sierra Madre Occidental and Oriental. These engineering marvels not only facilitated the movement of troops and resources but also enabled the seamless coordination of military operations across previously isolated regions, especially in the sierras, which were strongholds for crime syndicates. The program was financed through a combination of taxes, foreign loans, and the temporal nationalization of key industries, such as oil and gas, mining, and telecommunications. The government also implemented strict price controls on consumer goods, rationing, and other measures to ensure that essential goods were available to the public. At the same time, Fernando implemented a number of economic reforms aimed at modernizing the Mejican economy and attracting foreign investment. He established free trade zones in key cities and ports and reduced tariffs on imports. These reforms helped to create a more open and dynamic economy, which was able to recover quickly from the war years.
Collaboration between corporate leaders and the government became a defining feature of the wartime economy. Recognizing the interconnectedness of economic and military endeavors, corporate bosses were called upon to contribute resources, expertise, and logistical support to bolster the war effort. Corporatist principles that emphasized the synergy between state and corporate interests facilitated the close collaboration, with private entities aligning their strategies with the empire's broader objectives. While many corporate leaders embraced their role as partners in national mobilization, uncooperative elements faced stringent consequences, ranging from economic sanctions, the nationalization of assets, and even assassination.
Simultaneously, the first two years witnessed decisive shock campaigns against crime syndicates that had proliferated in various provinces, most prominently in Michoacán, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and Tizapá, posing a significant threat to internal stability. The Mejican Imperial Army, working in conjunction with militant Holy Orders and private security forces, launched coordinated operations to root out criminal organizations that had long exploited social and economic vulnerabilities. Fernando himself was an accomplished general, who had risen through the ranks of the Imperial Army, and led his troop in such shock campaigns, setting up no-fly zones and managing to destroy the infrastructure of the syndicates in the area, effectively uprooting marihuana, poppy, and cocaine production in Mejico. The government seized the assets of the syndicates, and used the proceeds to fund social programs, such as education and healthcare, which helped reduce poverty and inequality in the country. Other crime bosses and capos would be captured and executed by firing squad on the personal orders of Fernando, earning a cunning reputation among the cartels.
On 1 January 1977, Emperor Emiliano III abdicated in favor of his son, whose legitimacy was further increased, as he was now the actual Emperor of the nation. He would be crowned by the Archbishop of Mejico City in a grand and pompous celebration. In an effort to consolidate his power and root out opposition, Fernando made use of various military groups, including the Holy Brotherhood of Knights of Christ the King, to fight against left-wing groups in the Yucatán Peninsula. The Holy Brotherhood was a continuation of the Cristero Army of the 1920s, which had fought against the anti-clerical policies of the Mejican government at the time. Along with the Holy Brotherhood, Fernando also utilized the Catholic Military Orders present within the country, such as the Knights of Santiago, the Knights of Calatrava, and the Knights of Malta. These groups were known for their loyalty to the Catholic Church and their willingness to fight against perceived enemies of the faith. With their help, Fernando was able to suppress opposition and maintain his grip on power, while also strengthening the influence of the Catholic Church in the country. The use of paramilitary groups, however, would also lead to allegations of human rights abuses and violations of civil liberties.
Generals such as Félix Galván, Jonatán Leyva, Gabriel de la O, Chester McAllister and Federico de Borbón y Hohenzollern, would be crucial in breaking up the groups of anarchists in Mejico City and San Francisco, indigenists in the provinces of Querétaro, Cuernavaca and Tizapá, and separatists in the region of Tejas. These men were ennobled for their efforts, receiving counties and marquisates from the Emperor. However, it has been argued that they ordered the implementation of strategies that have been branded by the press as "Dirty War", in order to annihilate insurrectionists. Among the serious human rights violations committed are the forced disappearance of hundreds of people, extrajudicial killings, including the so-called death flights, systematic torture, raids, and searches of homes without a warrant, inhuman and degrading treatment, surveillance and illegal interception of communications, sexual violations, and denial of access to justice and due process.
In San Francisco, the Mejican government responded to the anarchist insurgency with a heavy-handed approach, launching an urban warfare campaign to quell the rebellion. The government deployed troops and tanks into the city, and imposed a curfew on the population. The military crackdown resulted in a considerable loss of life, with both civilians and anarchists being killed in the crossfire. The rebellion was eventually put down, but at a great cost to the local people. In Tejas, the separatist movement was met with a similar response from the Mejican government. Troops were deployed to the region to suppress the rebellion, and separatist leaders were arrested and executed. After rooting out insurrectionists, the government allowed for education in the German, Czech and Polish languages for minority children. The Indigenist movements sought greater autonomy and recognition for Indigenous communities, with the implementation of the "usos y costumbres" system ("usages and customs system") being one of the key demands of insurrectionists. The government responded by sending in troops to crush the rebellions - Indigenous leaders were arrested and executed, and surviving insurrectionists were forcibly relocated and assimilated into Mejican society.
After the challenging phase of total war, the government of Fernando embarked on an arduous journey of recovery. The first year of this recovery period was marked by a comprehensive effort to rebuild the physical and social infrastructure that had been compromised by the conflict. Bridges, roads, and public buildings that had suffered damage were meticulously reconstructed, with a focus on restoring vital connections and ensuring efficient movement of goods and people across the vast expanse of the empire. Concurrently, the government recognized the importance of investing in human capital and social well-being. Ambitious initiatives were undertaken to establish new educational institutions ranging from schools to universities, fostering a knowledge-driven society that would serve as a foundation for future progress. Similarly, healthcare infrastructure was expanded with the establishment of hospitals and hospices, alongside intensified efforts in medical research, notably in the realm of cancer research, symbolizing the empire's commitment to advancing science and addressing pressing health challenges. The pace of economic growth during this period was characterized by a deliberate and methodical approach, prioritizing stability and sustainability over rapid expansion.
The second year of recovery witnessed a shift towards bolstering economic growth and technological innovation. The government introduced a series of policies aimed at stimulating various sectors of the economy. Substantial investments were channeled into research and development, paving the way for the introduction of cutting-edge technologies and modernized production methods. Recognizing the importance of safeguarding the livelihoods of those who had borne the brunt of the conflict, the government extended support to war veterans, widows, and orphans, providing them with assistance. Additionally, measures were implemented to ensure that the minimum wage was increased, ensuring that citizens were able to sustain a reasonable standard of living. The introduction of subsidies on essential goods and services further reinforced the government's commitment to alleviating the immediate burdens faced by the population.
Key industries were strategically revitalized through targeted investments, incentives for innovation, and a renewed commitment to harnessing domestic resources. The corporate sector, deeply integrated into the fabric of the economy, played a pivotal role in reinvigorating production and trade, drawing on the collaborative spirit that had been fostered during the previous phase of the Octennium. This synergy between state and corporate interests was instrumental in generating steady economic growth, while mitigating the adverse effects of conflict on various sectors.
The revaluation and convertibility of the Mejican peso laid the foundation for economic stability and foreign investments, facilitating increased trade and financial interactions with global partners. The strategic focus on energy sector development was equally instrumental in propelling the nation forward. Emerging as a leader in petroleum production, Mejico would not only meet its own energy demands but also ascend as a prominent exporter of petroleum products on the international stage. Simultaneously, the government's vision for a sustainable future led to significant strides in renewable energy endeavors, with ambitious projects in solar and wind energy generation taking root. The comprehensive plan to modernize the energy landscape was complemented by the establishment of a national electric grid, underscoring the empire's commitment to securing a resilient and forward-looking energy infrastructure that would support its continued growth and prosperity.
Next, the years of consolidation that followed the period of recovery marked a pivotal juncture in the Mejican Empire's journey towards stability and prosperity. These years were characterized by a focus on reinforcing the gains made during the recovery phase, fortifying institutions, cementing social cohesion, and the granting of greater liberties. Emperor Fernando recognized the importance of consolidating the advancements achieved through strategic policies, fostering a sense of unity, and embedding a renewed sense of purpose within the fabric of the nation.
The first year of consolidation witnessed meticulous efforts to solidify the nation's governance structures and administrative processes. Mechanisms were put in place to ensure the effective functioning of newly established institutions, enabling them to seamlessly carry out their intended roles. In tandem, reforms were enacted to streamline the legal framework and enhance the judicial system, fostering an environment of fairness, justice, and the rule of law. The consolidation phase also saw the reinforcement of law enforcement agencies, with a focus on enhancing their capabilities to maintain public order and safeguard internal security. Police was demilitarized, and the army was sent back to the barracks.
A central aspect of the consolidation years was the nurturing of social cohesion and national identity. The government, cognizant of the diverse ethnic, linguistic, and cultural crysol that constituted the empire, sought to celebrate the unity that bound its people together. National campaigns promoting cultural exchanges, interregional collaboration, and cross-cultural understanding were launched, serving as platforms for citizens to celebrate their shared heritage. Efforts to enhance social welfare continued, with expanded healthcare services, access to quality education, and the promotion of cultural heritage becoming key tenets of the consolidation era.
The second year of consolidation marked a period of reflection and introspection as the empire embarked on a journey of self-discovery. Emperor Fernando engaged in dialogues with citizens from all walks of life to gauge their needs, aspirations, and concerns. This inclusive approach allowed for the formulation of policies that resonated with the desires of the population, further fostering a sense of ownership and pride in the nation's trajectory. Moreover, the government focused on bolstering the nation's diplomatic standing on the global stage, establishing partnerships that not only facilitated economic growth but also promoted peace, stability, and mutual understanding among nations.
Emperor Fernando implemented a series of populist policies aimed at improving his image in the international stage, and at empowering the Mejican population. These policies included the expansion of affordable housing programs, known as the Colonia Popular program, incentivizing small-scale agricultural activities, the establishment of vocational training centers to equip individuals with valuable skills for economic self-sufficiency, as well as camps for the Mejican youth in which they would be educated with traditional values, and participate in community-building and sports activities. Additionally, the government initiated measures to provide financial support to local artisans and entrepreneurs, as well as launching the Pueblos Mágicos program, nurturing a sense of pride in traditional crafts, rural living, colonial architecture, and boosting local economies. By placing the welfare of the populace at the forefront, a move that has been described as "welfare Chauvinism", these policies exemplified Fernando's commitment to fostering economic opportunity and a sense of unity within the Empire.
During the last two years of the Octennium, those of "accelerated growth", Mejico embarked on an ambitious joruney of technological advancement and a slow trasition to democracy, harnessing its resources to achieve remarkable breakthroughs across diverse fields. The Empire's scientific community thrived as it made significant strides in medicine, desalinization, nuclear energy, macroengineering, and transportation. These efforts resulted in significant strides in technology, electronics and robotics, biotechnology, and space exploration, positioning Mejico as a global leader in cutting-edge technologies.
One of the most notable achievements during this period was the establishment of a rudimentary Internet service, which marked the beginning of a digital revolution that would transform communication and information-sharing across the empire. This nascent online platform facilitated the exchange of ideas, research, and business collaborations, laying the groundwork for the digital landscape that would flourish in the years to come. Furthermore, the Empire's and the ICN's space exploration efforts bore fruit with the successful launch of communication satellites that facilitated international connectivity and enabled more accurate weather forecasting. These satellites played a crucial role in expanding Mejico's technological influence beyond its borders and solidified its reputation as a spacefaring nation.
During the years of accelerated growth from 1983 to 1984, the Empire experienced a substantial economic expansion, with the GDP witnessing a robust growth rate of around 6.5% annually. This growth was driven by the infusion of technological advancements into various industries, resulting in increased productivity, improved manufacturing processes, and enhanced export capabilities. The manufacturing sector saw a surge in output, particularly in sectors such as electronics, automotive, and pharmaceuticals, contributing to a remarkable 8% increase in industrial production. Additionally, the services sector flourished, with financial and technology-related services expanding at a rate of 7%, further diversifying the economy. As a result of these combined efforts, the empire's GDP reached $4 trillion by 1984, marking a significant leap from the preceding years and reaffirming Mejico's position as a global economic powerhouse.
In parallel with these technological advancements, de-autocratization efforts gained momentum as Emperor Fernando initiated a series of political reforms to transition the empire towards a more democratic governance structure. These reforms included the establishment of local and regional elections, the expansion of civil liberties, the limiting of the powers of the monarchy, and the promotion of political pluralism. As power was gradually decentralized, Mejico witnessed a flowering of political participation and civic engagement, allowing the diverse voices of its citizens to shape the direction of the nation. Fernando initiated talks with moderate opposition groups, including social-monarchists and liberal groups, and his own supporters, with the goal of reaching a consensus on a Constitutional reform.
Within the same year, in 1984, Fernando announced the creation of a Constituent Assembly, composed of representatives from all political parties and social groups, charged with the task of creating amendments to the 1966 Constitution. The assembly worked for two years, taking into account the concerns and interests of all stakeholders, resulting in the adoption of great democratic reforms to the Constitution in 1988. Fernando, virtually unopposed within the country, would remain at its helm as an executive monarch.
Political pluralism Era (1984-2022)
Emperor Fernando designated Pablo Madero Belden to become the temporal administrator of the Mejican Empire, effectively serving as President of the Government in all but name, in order to prepare the country to resume democratic elections in 1985. During his tenure, Madero Belden worked to improve the economy, strengthen the education system, and to fully restore civil liberties. In 1985, the first democratic elections were held since the end of the Octennium, and the Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) won the presidency with the Conservative candidate Manuel "Maquío" Clouthier winning the presidency by a margin of nearly 13 points.
The Clouthier administration was a staunch defender of the Corporatist system that dominated Mejican politics for the past 50 years, and embraced traditional values, self-sufficiency, agrarianism, and social conservatism. The PAN government quickly began to implement policies to reduce the nation's dependence on foreign imports and to increase agricultural production, while also working to reduce the public debt. His administration implemented a series of refomrs aimed at revitalizing the banking system in Mejico. His approach prioritized limited government intervention and free-market competition, resulting in a regulatory framework that ensured the financial sector's stability and integrity while allowing for private banks to operate independently. Under Clouthier's leadership, measures were introduced to encourage increased competition among banks, promote transparency in financial transactions, and safeguard the rights of depositors and investors. These reforms successfully transformed the banking system into a robust and efficient sector that facilitated economic growth, encouraged innovation, and provided financial security, all while preserving the autonomy of private financial institutions.
During his tenure, women became an increasing part of the workforce, and the number of women in government positions began to grow. In addition, the Clouthier government passed a series of laws to protect the rights of workers, such as the right to strike, collective bargaining, and the right to unionize. In 1987, Emperor Fernando II established the Royal Electoral Institute (Spanish: Real Instituto Electoral; RIE) as part of his commitment to strengthening Mejico's democratic institutions, and the institution would oversee the electoral process independently. The INE was tasked with ensuring the integrity of elections, organizing voter registration, and implementing the issuance of voter identification cards, known as "credencial para votar" (voting credential).
His presidency was marked by a period of significant national optimism, as his libertarian and conservative policies resonated with a broad spectrum of the population. Clouthier was committed to economic freedom, individual liberties, and transparency in government, which granted him high approval ratings across the country. As the 1990 elections approached, it seemed increasingly likely that he would be able to secure his re-election. Tragically, Clouthier would pass away in his homeland Sinaloa in 1989, dying in a car crash together with deputee Javier Calvo Manrique. Conspiracy theories have surged since his death, with some claiming that his political rival, Carlos Salinas de Gortari, orchestrated the crash, although there is no information that could verify this. The Secretary of the Interior, Moisés Canale Rodríguez, would take over the presidency, but, being significantly less charismatic, he would not enjoy the popularity of the former President, and would then be controversially defeated in the next election by Salinas de Gortari of the Partido Institucional Mejicano.
Salinas ascended to the presidency in one of the most controversial elections in Mejican history, in which a number of irregularities occurred that have not been clarified yet. The night of the election, the flow of data released by the Royal Electoral Institute was interrupted in the counting system used for the scrutiny. Despite protests from several of the presidential candidates and demonstrations, Salinas would be declared the winner, and the Electoral College of the Chamber of Deputies declared the validity and legitimacy of the elections, while Emperor Fernando II did not take action in the matter, granting the triumph to Salinas.
The first action of the Salinas government was the adoption of the Iberoamerican peseta in 1990, and it was agreed that it would be put into circulation by 1997. The first step in the introduction of this currency was taken in 1994, when the currencies of several countries of the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations that joined the single currency plan ceased to exist as independent systems. However, due to the manufacturing period required for the new banknotes and coins, the old national currencies, including the Mejican peso, remained as a means of payment until January 1, 1997, when they were replaced by the Iberoamerican peseta. Both coins and banknotes had a period of coexistence with the former national currencies, until they were completely withdrawn from circulation.
In economic matters, Salinas also focused on reducing Mejico's foreign debt, which amounted to 33.4 billion pesos, allocating almost 5% of the national GDP for its payment. The amount allocated was almost equivalent to the health and education budget for the entire country. At the beginning of Salinas' presidency, the amount of the debt was almost 30% of the GDP, which made it necessary to reduce this debt in order to continue with the economic growth that had been implemented during the last two years of the Absolutist Octennium. After two years of negotiations with the IMF and leaders of various economic powers, an agreement was reached in 1993 and a reduction of more than 16 billion pesos was achieved. The debt dropped from 30% of GDP to 18%, and interest payments went from 15% of GDP to 7.8%.
Salinas' term marked a significant departure from the traditional corporatist model that had been in place since the 1930s. Although he did not completely uproot corporatism, Salinas implemented a neoliberal economic program aimed at modernizing and liberalizing the economy within the existing framework. His approach included several key components: first, Salinas initiated a series of economic reforms to promote trade liberalization and foreign investment. He negotiated and signed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with British North America, the Kingdom of Louisiana, and the Grand Duchy of Alaska, which came into force in 1993, and which would be highly controversial, especially in Chiapas. Secondly, Salinas undertook a privatization program, selling state enterprises in various sectors, such as telecommunications, transportation and, like his predecessor Clouthier, banking. In doing so, he sought to reduce government intervention in the economy, increase efficiency and encourage private sector competition. Although he did not completely eliminate state ownership, the privatization process introduced market forces into previously monopolistic sectors.
Additionally, Salinas implemented fiscal reforms to stabilize the Mejican economy. His goal was to reduce inflation and maintain fiscal discipline with measures such as the introduction of a value-added tax (VAT) and the tightening of monetary policy. These reforms were intended to create a more stable macroeconomic environment and attract foreign investment. Salinas also sought to modernize the financial sector, liberalizing interest rates and introducing new financial instruments, encouraging competition among banks and improving access to credit for businesses and consumers. In addition, he worked to improve infrastructure and transportation networks to facilitate economic growth and trade. Investments in infrastructure projects helped connect previously isolated regions of Mejico and stimulated economic development.
In 1994, the Solidaridad program was launched as the first government action seeking to achieve greater social justice beyond a scheme of transferring resources or targeted subsidies. This program was headed by Carlos Rojas Gutiérrez, then Undersecretary of Urban Development and Ecology, under Patricio Chirinos Calero, and was largely administered by the Secretary of Programming and Budget, Ernesto Zedillo. During six years, the equivalent of almost 41 billion pesos were invested, of which 67% came from national resources and the rest from local governments and even from the participants themselves. With this program, thousands of schools and hospitals were rehabilitated and built, drinking water and electricity services were introduced in the most remote regions of Mejico, popular neighborhoods were paved, and more than 3 million deeds and property titles were handed over in irregular areas, more than one million loans were granted to farmers, more than 20,000 kilometers of rural roads were built, more than 15,000 kilometers of highways and 5,000 kilometers of railroads were reconstructed, and more than 20,000 community food stores were installed.
This program has continued with some important modifications, continuing under the name Solidaridad during the presidency of Ernesto Zedillo, and being continuously renamed during the following presidencies: it was named Oportunidades during the presidency of Diego Fernández de Cevallos, Prospera under José Antonio Meade, and Avanza under the current presidency of Gabriel Quadri de la Torre. These programs have remained the mainstay of the Mejican government's social policy, continuing as an effort independent of partisanship.
During the last years of the presidency of Salinas, the Nuevo Ejército Libertador del Sur ("New Liberation Army of the South"; known for its abbreviation NELS), a neo-Zapatist group, launched an armed insurrection in Chiapas, proclaiming the Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, and taking over multiple municipal capitals, including San Cristóbal de las Casas, and attacking a military base. After some confrontations, and managing to kidnap former governor Absalón Castellanos, the Mejican Imperial Army took control of the municipal capitals, and declared the NELS to be defeated. Salinas offered a pardon to those who put their weapons down, and accused the NELS of receiving foreign support, which the NELS rejected. Days later, Manuel Camacho Solís is appointed as Commissioner for Peace in Chiapas, and an unilateral ceasefire is proposed. A prisoner exchange is accepted, and a march for peace in the Zócalo gathers more than 100,000 people.
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The NELS called on the indigenous people of Chilpancingo not to leave them alone in their struggle, and encouraged the indigenous people of the New North to form a pressure group. They also call on NGOs to form a peace belt around dialogue. The Red Cross and military police set up belts to guard the negotiations while Neo-Zapatist delegates arrive in San Cristóbal de las Casas to participate in the Days for Peace and Reconciliation, and the first talks begin on February 16. The NELS presented the government a list of their demands, but the dialogue ended with no agreements. The political crisis in Mejico was significantly exacerbated when, a day later, presidential candidate and former Secretary of Social Development, Luis Donaldo Colosio, was assassinated in the city of San Diego.
During this same year, Salinas had high government spending on public works, in order to maintain the inertia of growth and his own popularity. This spending led to a historic current account deficit, and to deal with it, Salinas issued Tesobonos, government financial instruments that insured payments in pounds and with which the Bank of Mejico was able to raise funds. With the various political events of 1994, the assassinations of Colosio and José Francisco Ruiz Massieu, and the rebellion in Chiapas, many of the investors panicked and exchanged the Tesobonos for cash, draining the monetary reserves of the Bank of Mejico. Salinas did not take action, refusing to raise interest rates, or generate a controlled devaluation of the peso, as he was seeking international support for his candidacy for director general of the World Trade Organization. This became known as the December Mistake.
By mid-1994, the Imperial Army had 12,000 troops and multiple checkpoints throughout Chiapas. The public expected an imminent peace agreement, but the government was gradually regaining control, and faced criticism for the militarization of the conflict zone and the expansion of military presence natoinwide. The NELS initiated dialogues once more, and issued the Second Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle, but the government proposals were once more rejected, leading to the resignation of Camacho Solís, and accusations of sabotage by presidential candidate Ernesto Zedillo. The National Democratic Convention (CND) was convened by the NELS, with the vision of establishing a transitional government and drafting a new Constitution. However, the negotiations did not lead to an agreement. At the same time, PIM candidate for governor Eduardo Robledo Rincón was proclaimed winner of the regional elections amidst accusations of voter fraud and intimidation. Bishop Samuel Ruiz presented another initiative to reinitiate dialogue, but was called off in December, as the Zapatistas proclaimed Amado Avendaño Figueroa as "governor in rebellion", and declared 38 new municipalities as rebel territories on December 19. A military truce was offered until February 1995.
Being highly unpopular at the end of his term, Salinas did not seek re-election. Instead, fellow neoliberal and technocrat Ernesto Zedillo was elected to the presidency of Mejico in the March 1995 elections. As a continuation of Salinas' neoliberal policies, Zedillo sought to maintain a strong alliance between the state, business, and labor unions. He continued reforms aimed at modernizing and improving Mejican's economy, while striving to address social and political issues. One of the main ones was poverty reduction: Zedillo launched a series of programs aimed at improving access to education, housing, and health care for low-income families, especially indigenous people. He also worked to promote economic opportunities for the poor by creating jobs and expanding microfinance initiatives.
Zedillo made significant efforts to address environmental concerns, especially in relation to the use of nuclear energy. He sought to promote the safe and responsible use of nuclear energy in the Empire, while investing in the development of renewable energy sources, such as wind and solar. Thus, during his tenure, more than a dozen nuclear power plants were built and many other renewable energy projects were launched, such as the Oajaca Wind Energy Project. Zedillo's commitment to environmental protection was underscored by the signing of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, which committed Mejico to reducing its greenhouse gas emissions. Additionally, Zedillo worked to improve Mejico's standing in the international community, promoting Mejico as a major player in world trade, while participating in international efforts to address a range of global challenges. Zedillo also supported Emperor Ferdinand II in his efforts to promote the monarchy and, working in conjunction, they made significant investments in space exploration, increasing funding for the space program of the ICN, expanding the Lunar Port of Vera Cruz's research and development sections.
At the beginning of 1995, the NELS launched the Third Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. In the middle of January, the Secretary of the Interior, Esteban Moctezuma, met with a Zapatist delegation, and together they committed themselves to achieve a stable cease-fire and reopen the process of political solution. In February, the third session of the CND was held for three days in Querétaro. On February 9, Zedillo announced that the identity of the Zapatist leaders had been discovered and that, in application of the law, arrest warrants had been issued. The government identified the guerrilla spokesman, Subcomandante Insurgente Lucas, as former teacher Silverio Moreno Arteaga, 38, and issued an arrest warrant for him on charges of use of weapons exclusive to the army and terrorism, among other crimes. Two days later, the army advanced and retook control of some Zapatist towns, causing 20,000 people to flee into the jungle. Harassed by military pressure, the NELS called for a halt to the war. Leftist parties and associates initiated large mobilizations at the national and international level to force the Government to initiate a dialogue.
In these circumstances and once the political initiative was recovered, the Zapatists conditioned the beginning of the dialogue, requesting the Army to leave the jungle and for the Mejican justice system to annull the arrest warrants. The persecution and arrest of part of the NELS leadership called civil society to take to the streets again, in protest against what the left considered a new repressive escalation. In March, President Zedillo and the Legislative Commission for Dialogue and Conciliation in Chiapas signed the Initiative for Dialogue, Conciliation and Dignified Peace, which was to be sent to Congress and discussed in the Chamber of Deputies. The result was the approval of the Law in Chiapas, which at the end of the month was sent to the NELS through the mediation of CONAI. On the one hand, it gave way to the Mesas de San Miguel, scene of the signing on April 9, between the Government and the NELS, of the Protocol of Bases for the Dialogue and Negotiation of the Agreement of Concord and Pacification with Justice and Dignity, starting point of the dialogue in San Andres; on the other hand, it propitiated the organization of what the NELS called the National and International Consultation for Peace and Democracy.
On April 22 the dialogue between Zapatistas and the Government began, with the intermediation of Marco Antonio Berna, but once more, no agreement was reached. On May 12, the NELS rejected the government's proposal for détente, and on May 14, the Government proposed seven routes for the Zapatists to concentrate their members, keeping their weapons and organization. The third phase of the dialogue began on June 7. A few days later, the Zapatist bases agreed with the National Civic Alliance and the CND to hold a National Consultation for Peace and Democracy in August. Negotiations continued in July and, during the 4th and 5th of that month, the NELS and the Government discussed their proposals. The Zapatists presented four demands and proposed the installation of fifteen work tables. Finally, on August 27, the National Consultation for Peace and Democracy was held in all provinces.
On September 5, following Zedillo's instructions, the Commission for Concord and Pacification (COCOPA) formally invited the NELS to participate in the dialogue for the reform of the Province and the national negotiation table. On the last day of the month, some leaders of the NELS and members of COCOPA, such as Deputy Óscar González Yáñez, met in the community of La Realidad and discussed the realization of the forum proposed by the Zapatistas. On October 2, peace talks were resumed in San Andres Larrainzar. The rules for the installation and functioning of the work tables were established, and shortly after, the work of table 1 ("Indigenous Rights and Culture") began. The six working groups agreed upon were also installed. The Attorney General's Office announced the arrest of Fernando Yáñez Muñoz, accused of being Comandante Germán, which led to the interruption of the talks. He was released the following day.
In 1996, the NELS launched the Fourth Declaration of the Lacandon Jungle. In it, it stated its decision to help build a new kind of politics that does not fight for power, that is independent, autonomous and peaceful. On January 5, Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos left his hiding place in the jungle and traveled to San Cristóbal to participate in the Special National Forum on Culture and Indigenous Rights, which had begun two days earlier. On the 10th the National Indigenous Forum closed with the proposal to form a new organization, which would later be known as the National Indigenous Congress. On February 16, the Zapatists and the Government signed the Agreements on Indigenous Law and Culture, by which the Executive committed itself to recognize the indigenous peoples in the Constitution, also known as the San Andrés Agreements.
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However, on May 2, two Zapatists were arrested and sentenced to three and six years in prison, respectively, on charges of terrorism. After learning of the sentence, the NELS declared that it constituted a provocation against peace and a violation of the Law for Dialogue and suspended its participation in the dialogue process. On June 6, after an intense campaign calling for the release of the sentenced, an appeals court overturned the sentence against the alleged Zapatists and they were released. Between June and July, in San Cristóbal de las Casas, the Special Forum for the Reform of the State was held. In August, in Oventic and La Realidad the NELS organized the First Intercontinental Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, which was attended by 3,000 people from 42 countries, as well as 2,000 from Mejico. All the participants were divided into five working groups. The plenary took place in La Realidad. Subcomandante Lucas presented the Declaration of La Realidad for Humanity and against Neoliberalism.
Meanwhile, in October of the same year, the NELS decided to send Comandanta Ramona to Mejico City to participate in the October 12 event of the National Indigenous Congress. During the event, Comandanta Ramona gave a speech in the Zócalo, which ended with the phrase: "Never again a Mejico without us". In December, President Zedillo rejected some formulations of the COCOPA proposal, as well as fundamental aspects of the San Andres Accords. In view of the rejection, the NELS met with the COCOPA and rejected the government's counter-proposal. It stated it would not return to the negotiating table until the San Andrés Accords were implemented. Immediately, pressure measures were organized against the Government: Comandanta Ramona, together with the National Indigenous Coungress, participated in a rally in the Paseo del Emperador to demand respect for the Accords. In July, the rebels prevented voting in several electoral centers in Chiapas, in view of the presumed victory of the PIM. On December 22, 1997, an armed paramilitary group assassinated 45 Tsotsil sympathizers of the NELS in Acteal, located 50 km from San Cristóbal. These events became known as the Acteal Massacre, and went unpunished. The eight officers who instigated the violence spent only three years in jail. In response, terrorist attacks were carried out in Chiapas, Puebla, Michoacán, Tizapá, Timpanogos, New Mejico, San Luis Potosí by NELS sympathizers, giving rise to an air of fear throughout the Mejican Empire.
As fear in Mejico continued to grow unabated, and no effective solutions were presented, President Zedillo's popularity began to suffer considerably. For the presidential elections scheduled for 2000, President Zedillo would be defeated by the Mejican Democratic Party candidate Diego Fernández de Cevallos, a staunch Vasconcelist, ultra-conservative, and militarist, who had a strong personality, which resoated with voters, and galvanized support for his platform by promising to crush the Zapatist rebellion and the leftist guerrillas that had sprung up in Chilpancingo in the previous year.
During his presidency, Fernández de Cevallos focused on consolidating the Mejican Empire's position as a world power, while also addressing the challenges faced by the country. He was a strong advocate for the monarchy, and sought to strengthen its role in the government and society, a posture that was criticized by many as semi-absolutist. One of Fernández's key priorities was to modernize the national railways of the Mejican Empire, which were seen as critical for the country's economic development. He oversaw the construction of new railway lines and the upgrading of existing ones, making it easier for goods and people to move throughout the country. The first super conductive maglev train line was opened from San Francisco to San Diego in 2004.
Fernández de Cevallos, as a member of the MDP, a Vasconcelist party, pursued a corporatist economic agenda that aimed to maintain close cooperation between the government, business leaders, and labor unions. His administration emphasized the importance of state intervention in economic planning and management to ensure a harmonious relationship between these key stakeholders. Fernández de Cevallos implemented policies that promoted government-led industrial planning, including the establishment of sector-specific councils where government officials, business representatives, and labor leaders collaborated on economic decision-making. These councils played a central role in setting production targets, wage levels, and price controls, reflecting a more interventionist approach to economic governance. Additionally, his government favored the preservation of state-owned enterprises, maintaining a significant presence of government control in various sectors of the economy, while ensuring that labor unions played a crucial role in shaping labor policies and collective bargaining agreements.
Another major challenge facing Fernández de Cevallos' presidency was the conflict with Zapatists and other guerrillas, mainly in Chilpancingo and Tizapá. Fernández de Cevallos conducted a highly coordinated military operation in response to such security concerns. The operation was characterized by its speed and precision, as government forces swiftly targeted Zapatist strongholds and leadership positions. Although it was violent affair that has been described as a "Mejican Blitzkrieg", and led to the displacement of approximately 10,000 people, its primary objective was to establish control over the affected areas, restore law and order, and safeguard the civilian population. The government's approach involved coordinated military strategies to counter Zapatist forces and minimize the potential for prolonged conflict.
The first significant action was the abolition of the 38 newly created "rebel municipalities" that had emerged in the wake of the Zapatist uprising. Fernández de Cevallos deemed these municipalities as centers of subversion and instability, and thus sought to dismantle them. This involved the deployment of government forces to regain control of these areas, dissolve the self-proclaimed authorities, and reassert the rule of law, imposing new municipal presidents, and a governor. The decision was framed as an uncompromising move to reestablish centralized authority and quash any form of regional autonomy that the Zapatista had sought to establish. Simultaneously, Fernández de Cevallos undertook a comprehensive restructuring of Chiapas' inner borders, with the goal to redraw the administrative divisions in a manner that would weaken any potential resurgence of the Zapatist movement and maintain tighter control. This restructuring involved a more centralized approach, concentrating power in the hands of government-appointed officials and reducing the curbing of Zapatist-affiliated leaders. The aim was to curtail any potential for regional autonomy and ensure stricter adherence to government directives.
During the crackdown on the Zapatist leadership, the government captured and imprisoned most key figures within the insurgent movement. This aggressive campaign aimed at neutralizing the Zapatist hierarchy involved a combination of intelligence operations and military actions. While the government's primary objective was to apprehend and imprison Zapatist leaders, it's important to note that reports of extrajudicial actions and executions raised concerns both domestically and internationally. These actions were met with criticism from human rights organizations, NGOs, and governments advocating for due process and adherence to international standards. Many Zapatist leaders would flee into the Central American Republic, being received by the government of Daniel Ortega.
Subcomandante General Lucas, the most notorious leader and highest ranking commander of the NELS, had the most widely-televised trial in history, with a peak audience of over 200 million people worldwide, being found guilty of treason, orchestrating terror attacks, illegal possession of military-grade weaponry, sedition, and conspiracy, for which he was sentenced to death. Also, due to his dabbling in religious matters, such as his proposition for the introduction of a rite that blended syncretized Maya and Catholic religious practices, as well as for his ties to the Cult of the Talking Cross, he was also tried by the Mejican Inquisition, and was found guilty of heresy. The trials lasted from between July 2002 and March 2003. Along with Subcomandante Lucas, Comandante Germán, Comandante Garzón, Comandanta Ramona and Comandanta Idolina were all sentenced to death.
Left-wingers in Mejico and worldwide criticized the trial and characterized it as unfair, claiming that the Zapatists had received too harsh a sentence, especially Comandanta Idolina and Comandanta Ramona. A national campaign was started to try to prevent the execution of the Zapatist leaders, and there were widespread protests and claims of anti-Indigenous bias. Across the world, particularly in China, Iran, and other Communist African nations, there were numerous protests, and a plea for clemency from the bishop of San Cristóbal de las Casas. Others, including non-Communists, scientists, artists, priests, members of the counter culture, and Indigenous leaders called for clemency, but President Fernández de Cevallos, supported by public opinion, the media, and most of the Iberoamierican Commonwealth of Nations, ignored all demands.
The execution was scheduled for April 1, 2003, but it was delayed after the Archbishop of Mejico, Cardinal Norberto Rivera Carrera, who was also the personal confessor of Emperor Fernando II, pleaded for clemency in favor of Comandanta Ramona, who had been struggling with kidney cancer since 1996. Fernando II and Fernández de Cevallos decided to grant a pardon to Ramona, who would instead be left in house arrest. One week later, in an equally popular and polarizing move, on April 8, the rest of the Zapatist leaders would be executed by hanging. In the aftermath, the President moved to address the deep-seated social and economic grievances that had fueled the Zapatist movement in Chiapas, as his administration promoted long-term stability and development in the region, including investing in infrastructure to improve access to education, healthcare, and basic services for marginalized communities, and implementing populist social welfare programs to alleviate poverty and reduce economic disparities. He also supported small-scale agriculture, facilitating job creation in Chiapas.
After his re-election in 2005, Fernández de Cevallos had to deal with the 2008 economic crisis, which had a major impact on the Mejican Empire and the world as a whole. To address it, Fernández de Cevallos worked closely with the Emperor, Mejican corporations, and the country's central bank to develop a comprehensive economic stimulus plan. The plan included measures to stimulate economic growth, increase access to credit, and support businesses and workers who were struggling in the face of the crisis. The government also provided financial support to Mejico's corporations to help them weather the crisis and continue to operate, thereby preserving jobs and maintaining economic stability. To further strengthen the economy, Fernández de Cevallos also implemented a range of tax and legal reforms aimed at improving the business environment, simplifying the tax code and reducing red tape, making it easier for businesses to operate and Mejico, and reducing the cost of doing business.
Fernández de Cevallos also sought to improve Mejico’s education system. Together with the Emperor, he implemented a range of reforms, such as increasing access to schooling, improving the quality of teaching through regular examination of the teacher’s capabilities, and introducing a new curriculum, which was dubbed as “dull and nationalistic” by critics, and “excellent and patriotic” by supporters. The curriculum faced criticism due to its perceived overt nationalism, as critics argued the new content reduced exposure to a wider range of perspective. Access to higher education was expanded, making it easier for students from all backgrounds to access university education. During his presidency, Mejico also saw a period of rapid growth in the technology sector, and the government sought to ensure it stayed at the forefront of technological innovation, investing heavily in research and development.
The President was greatly interested in space travel, especially for the propagandistic and nationalistic aspects of Mejico and the ICN's technological and scientific prowess. His administration continued to pour in resources to the ICN's space program, especially to the Elcano program, which sought to take humans to Mars by 2020. Two of the key accomplishments of the space program during Fernández de Cevallos' tenure was, first, securing a second term in the Administrative Panel of the Lunar Condominium in 2005, and the establishment of a second permanent Moon base in 2007, when the Puerto Lunar de Hispania was established nearby Puerto Lunar de la Vera Cruz. Together with this, continuing the Space Race with the British Empire, the Elcano mission was started in Florida in 2008, which aimed to put humans on Mars by 2020.
Nearing the end of his second term in office, the influenza A (H1N1) pandemic, known as the Mexican flu, a variant of the H1N1 strain, broke out. On June 11, 2009, the WHO classified it as a level six alert, i.e. "pandemic in progress". Mexican authorities initially attributed this increase to a "late-season flu", until on April 21, the Louisiana National Public Health Agency confirmed two isolated cases of swine flu, with no contact with pigs and no history of travel to Mexico. The first deaths in Mexico occurred in April, and some of these cases were identified by the WHO as a new H1N1 strain. Within a month of detection, it spread to several of the Mexican provinces, Louisiana, and British America, with numerous cases appearing in other countries of the world from patients who had visited Mexico.
During much of the development and spread of the outbreak, a vaccine for this strain was not available until June 12, 2009, when the Mexican pharmaceutical group PiSA, with financial support from the Mexican government, announced that it had produced the first batch of vaccine against the virus. Clinical trials for the licensing of the vaccine were conducted in July 2009, in order to start mass production of the vaccine and its subsequent distribution. In August, ANSP researchers tested the vaccine in humans, confirming that the first dose of the vaccine elicited an immune response in the human body.
In the 2010 presidential election, the Mejican electorate voted for Marcelo Ebrard Casaubón to serve as President of the Government. In previous years, Ebrard had been Secretary of Social Development and Secretary of Public Security, both positions within the government of the Imperial District, and since 2006, he had been Chief of Government of the Imperial District. With a degree in international relations and a doctorate in public administration, Ebrard was seen as widely qualified, and was a popular figure in Mejican and international politics, having been recognized as the "World's Best Mayor" in 2010, prior to his resignation to seek the presidency.
Politically a paleoprogressive, Marcelo Ebrard's platform for his candidacy, which included robust social programs, macroengineering projects in the Tizapá Sea, two new grand airports, one in Mejico City and the other in Los Ángeles, and a promise for the reduction of the powers of the Emperor (taking a Constituntionalist stance), positioned him as the most popular candidate. Forging a coalition with the Popular Progressive Party and the Green Ecologist Party, both of which had surged in the Chamber of Deputies in the previous year, Ebrard would reach a majority in both chambers of Congress, allowing him to govern comfortably.
Ebrard prioritized the expansion of social welfare programs, focusing on poverty reduction and addressing inequalities. His administration implemented targeted measures to bolster the social safety net, improve access to healthcare and education, and enhance social services for marginalized communities. Ebrard's approach to social reform was pragmatic, seeking to uplift vulnerable populations through economic empowerment, educational opportunities, and healthcare access, all while respecting the country's traditional values and social fabric. Building on the Oportunidades program of Diego Fernández de Cevallos, Ebrard's administration sought to modernize and expand this social initiative. He would re-name the program to Prospera, and a Universal Basic Income (UBI) system became its centerpiece, ensuring financial stability for vulnerable households. This program made substantial investments, with an annual budget of approximately 2% of Mejico's GDP, aimed at providing direct financial support, expanding healthcare access, improving education, and empowering women in disadvantaged communities. Prospera's UBI component provided a crucial safety net, significantly reducing poverty rates. Through this measure, the Ebrard administration lifted more than 15 million people out of poverty.
Between 2011 and 2015, after the launching of the Bonn Challenge at the International Union for the Conservation of Nature, Ebrard launched the program Marea Verde, an ambitious environmental program of afforestation, aimed at safeguarding the environment and increasing Mejico's forest cover through the planting of over 1 billion trees. Notably, the forest cover in the provinces of the Old North increased 15% on average, while it grew 20% in Arizona. This was supported by groundbreakijng desalination initiatives in Sonora and Upper San Fulgencio, together with an investment into the creation of the Puerto Peñasco Photovoltaic Park, which opened in 2014.
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In 2012, the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations welcomed its newest member, Sofala, marking a significant moment in the organization's history, as it achieved its objectives for the African continent, in what has been called "the 21st century's Rose Colored Map". Sofala's accession followed the toppling of its Communist regime, signifying a pivotal shift toward greater regional integration. Ebrard's administration played a crucial role in facilitating Sofala's transition to democracy and its subsequent entry into the Commonwealth, symbolizing the growing influence of the ICN.
Under President Ebrard, Mejico's healthcare system underwent significant improvements. While the country already had a comprehensive healthcare framework, Ebrard's health policy focused on enhancing accessibility and quality, increasing funding for the National Health System of Mejico. Key initiatives included substantial investments in healthcare infrastructure, the expansion of medical facilities in underserved areas, and renovations to ensure modernized healthcare delivery, as well as increased funding for medical facilities and researchers, such as Physician Juan Santander Ordoño, a Nobel laureate, who made groundbreaking advancements in personalized medicine. Ebrard's administration also prioritized reducing waiting times for medical appointments and procedures, streamlining administrative processes, and bolstering personnel recruiment and training.
Mejico also experienced substantial advancements in the fields of robotics and artificial intelligence (AI). The country made strategic investments in research and development, especially in the Royal and Pontifical University of Mejico, and the country positioned itself as an international leader in these fields. In healthcare, AI-driven diagnostic tools and predictive analytics were integrated into the system, improving medical diagnoses and treatment recommendations. Mejico's industrial sector also embraced automation with the widespread use of robotics, increasing efficiency in manufacturing processes. Moreover, AI-powered personalized learning platforms revolutionized education, enhancing the learning experience for students at all levels.
The increase of automation and the implementation of AI in more and more fields became an increasing point of contention in Mejican politics by the time the 2015 elections were approaching. Ebrard took proactive measures to protect Mejican workers from job displacement due to these technological advancements. He pledged to implement reskilling and upskilling programs to equip the workforce with the skills needed in an increasingly automoated world. These programs targeted displaced workers and those at risk of automation-related job loss, enabling them to acquire new skills in technology and digital literacy. Ebrard's government also promoted STEM education to prepare the younger generation for emerging job opportunities in the fields of science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. These measures, however, were harshly criticized by more conservative groups, who opposed the job displacement of traditional workers, artisans, farmers, and manufacturers.
Ebrard also focused on liberalizing the energy sector, seeking to increase efficiency and competitiveness by promoting greater private-sector involvement. To this end, he signed several key energy reform measures into law, including measures to open the sector to greater competition, streamline the regulatory environment, and promote investment in new technologies. Despite the success of Mejico's nuclear power infrastructure, Ebrard was weary of it, and preferred to invest heavily into solar energy and electric vehicle (EV) development, taking advantage of Sonora and Arizona's high levels of sunshine, as well as the high lithium reserves within those same regions, making Mejican lithium of exclusive use and exploitation by Mejican corporate groups, or at least by international subsidiaries located in Mejico, which also belonged to Mejican corporate groups.
In 2019, Mejico confronted a diplomatic crisis with the Democratic Republic of Central America (DRCA), marked by trade disputes, territorial disagreements, and escalating tensions, exacerbated by the issue of illegal immigration. With over 700,000 Central American migrants in Mejico, including a significant undocumented population, strained relations threatened potential conflict. President Ebrard pursued a diplomatic strategy to seek a peaceful resolution, earning both praise and criticism. The opposition, particularly the MDP, called for a more assertive stance, advocating measures like constructing a militarized border wall along Chiapas and deploying the army of the Duke of Bacalar to secure borders, control immigration, and protect national sovereignty.
In the complex negotiations between Mejico and the DRCA, both nations fiercely defended their claims and interests. Mejico aimed to protect its territorial integrity, ensure citizens' rights in disputed regions, and address trade imbalances. The DRCA asserted sovereignty over contested territories and sought fair trade practices. Ebrard's persistence, alongside Emperor Agustín VI and international pressure from the ICN, played a crucial role in creating a conducive atmosphere for negotiations. Eventually, the Holy Innocents' Day Accords were reached in December 2019, encompassing commitments to peaceful dialogue, demilitarization of certain border areas, and a framework for revisiting trade policies. Additionally, measures were implemented to address concerns about illegal immigration, focusing on enhanced border security and humane treatment of migrants.
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In 2020, President Gabriel Quadri, an environmentalist, Christian democrat was elected to hold the office of the Presidency. A member of the NAP, he forged a crucial coalition with the MDP, which allowed him to rise to the office of the presidency despite placing third in the election. His priorities include the exapnsion of the ICN's space capabilities, overseeing the construction of new research facilities, and continuing to fund the Elcano Program. The current population of the ICN's lunar ports is estimated to have reached over 500 people, with plans to further expand and develop. His government has also attempted to strengthen ties with its allies, especially in North and South America. Under his leadership, Mejico has also made significant investments in the expansion of the AVEMEX high-speed rail service, including the expansion of FERROSUCO lines to Central Mejico and Tejas.
President Quadri has shown great commitment to environmentalism, with nuclear policies to reduce toxic waste and carbon emissions throughout Mejico. He has worked with Mejican corporations to fund and promote the usage of electric vehicles, with charging stations being constructed across the country. Such policies, coupled with a focus on solar and wind power are projected to see Mejico reach 75% sustainable energy sources by 2030. He has also tasked Federal authorities with increasing funding for renewable energy research and the implementation of a bill aimed at streamlining the process by which solar, wind and nuclear energy investments can achieve ROI. As a result, carbon emissions per capita in Mejico have decreased by over 20% since 2020, and remain on a downward trend.
Central American conflict (2022-present)
January to September, 2023
On October 27, 2022, tensions with the DRCA resurfaced after a violent altercation in the border city of Tapachula between Mejican authorities and undocumented Central American migrants. The death of a police officer and four Mejican citizens, together with a riot resulting in dozens of injuries, led to a large-scale military mobilisation to secure Mejico’s southern border, a migration moratorium, and a sweeping operative that led to the deportation of over 50,000 Central Americans. In retaliation, the DRCA, which had been grappling with internal political instability and economic decline, began to amass troops near the border towns, criticizing Mejico for what it called "an unjustified militarization of a humanitarian matter". Despite international calls for de-escalation, on January 15, 2023, President Quadri announced Operation Nuevo Amanecer, a military campaign aimed at securing Mejico's southern border and eliminating "criminal elements that threaten the safety and well-being of Mejican citizens". The Mejican government alleged that the Central American Republic had failed to control violent non-state actors purportedly involved in drug trafficking, human smuggling, and orchestrating the Tapachula Incident.
The incident sparked a debate in Mejico about the country's immigration policies and the need to address the root causes of migration. The Mejican Democratic Party, the most influential coalition partner of the governing National Action Party, soon began to call for an invasion of Central America and to topple its regime, as they perceived the unstable regime of Coordinator Daniel Ortega to be the primary driver of illegal immigration. President Quadri, after initially refusing based on the principles of the NAP, shifted his stance after MDP leader Rutilio Cornejo threatened to launch a motion of no-confidence, potentially triggering a political crisis in the midst of the national security situation. The pressure from the MDP, combined with growing public outcry following the Tapachula Incident, swayed President Quadri.
On January 22, 2023, in a televised national address, President Quadri justified the need for military intervention, declaring that the Central American government had become a failed state that directly threatened the sovereignty and security of Mejico. Quadri asserted that a "strong and preemptive response" was the only viable solution to ensure the security of Mejican borders and to address the humanitarian crisis arising from continuous waves of illegal migrants. The General Congress, swayed by the MDP's influence, granted Quadri an extraordinary mandate to conduct Operation Nuevo Amanecer. Just two days later, on January 24, Mejican forces launched a large-scale military incursion into Central American territory.
On January 24, 2023, Mejican forces crossed the border into the region of Guatemala and launched a major offensive aimed at securing territory along the Pacific Coast, taking Quetzaltenango on February 2. A second front was devised as a pincer maneuver (Feb. 4), with Mejican forces attacking Belice from Bacalar, and simultaneously advancing from Tabasco with units trained in jungle warfare, with the goal of meeting up in Petén, and a week later (Feb. 12) a third offensive commenced on Omoa Bay, as Mejican forces landed at Puerto Cortés.
In the following weeks, Mejican forces took several towns and villages, most notably El Progreso on Feb. 20, and Belice City on Feb. 23. Salvadoran President Necheb Bucquèl announced his nation's support for Mejico on Feb. 26, and deployed Salvadoran forces to assist their Mejican allies in their Guatemalan campaign. A day later, on Feb. 27, Prince Felipe II of Costa Rica honored the Bourbon Family Pact, and declared war on the Central American Republic, joining forces with Mejico and El Salvador in the invasion. Costa Rican troops swiftly advanced through the northern region of Guanacaste, capturing Rivas and San Jorge on Mar. 3.
In early March, Mejican forces finished the Crossing of the Petén, havng taken Belmopán on Mar. 1 and Flores on Mar. 4, establishing a perimeter that prevents guerrilla fighters from crossing into Mejico from the entire Petén region. Days later, Mejican forces of the Omoa Bay Offensive and the Petén Offensive took the cities of San Pedro Sula and Puerto Barrios, with the former city signing its surrender after a tough bombardment from Mejican artillery. As the conflict escalated, the CAR found itself increasingly isolated internationally, although it continued to receive arms shipped by its allies of the International from its southern coast. However, after Mejico took the Islas de la Bahía on Mar. 15 and established an important naval base in the region, Central America sought to sign a month-long armistice to discuss peace.
During negotiations, Mejican diplomats argued for the need to implement regime change, citing the CAR's alleged support for rebel groups and its failure to address issues that led to illegal immigration, one of the primary concerns of Mejico. The Mejican government, backed by El Salvador and Costa Rica, proposed a plan for a transitional government, to be overseen by a coalition of regional powers, that would pave the way for free and fair elections in Central America. However, the CAR delegation strongly opposed any proposal that would involve a change in leadership, aguing that it would undermine the sovereignty and legitimacy of the Republic. They accused Mejico and its allies of pursuing an imperialistic agenda and interfering in the internal affairs of the region. As negotiations reached a stalemate, both sides continued to prepare for further military action. Mejican forces consolidated their control over the conquered territories, establishing military bases and strengthening supply lines. The CAR, heavily reliant on support from its allies in the International, received additional arms and reinforcements from sympathetic nations.
As hostilities resumed on April 16, Mejican forces, led by Luis, IV Duke of Otumba, took to conquering the city of Huehuetenango, achieving that on Apr. 25, and simultaneously placing Guatemala City under siege. Meanwhile, on the northern coasts, the Mejican Imperial Navy used its bases on the Bay Islands to bombard the port city of La Ceiba, which fell by May 6. After taking the northern strip, Mejican forces began their advance towards Tegucigalpa, the federal capital of the Central American Republic. Fighting in Guatemala City escalated, with Mejico controlling over 65% by the middle of the month, and the city signing its surrender three days later, on May 18, after which Salvadoran forces moved to occupy the Department of Jutiapa.
Mejican forces continued their descent towards Tegucigalpa, taking the towns of Siguatepeque and Comayagua, installing roadblocks to prevent movement to and from the capital city. To keep the pressure mounting on the federal capital, on June 7, Mejico began the Fonseca Bay Offensive, with the aim of encircling Tegucigalpa from both north and south, and simultaneously opened the Chinandega Offensive, with the aim of capturing Managua in conjunction with Costa Rican forces, who had been stalled in the outskirts of Masaya. Regrouping, Costa Rican and Mejican forces undertook a small amphibious assault on the port of Corinto, and advanced on the larger city of Chinandega, taking it by Jun. 15. The Fonseca Gulf Offensive, however, was not as successful. While Mejican forces did manage to take cities and make important inroads, the heavily militarized nature of the region led to very significant casualties, with some sources counting up to 55,000 casualties throughout the month. However, by Jun. 28, Mejico and Costa Rica had managed to take the city of León, and two days later began the Siege of Managua.
Recognizing the severe casualties taken and the different operational challenges, the Mejican high command made the decision to dissolve the Fonseca Gulf Offensive on August 16, and transitioned their focus to consolidating their gains in other areas of the conflict. The decision was met with mixed reactions within Mejico, with some hailing it as an intelligent move to prevent further loss of life and resources, while others criticized the decision as a setback in Mejico's overall strategic objectives. After the heavy casualties taken in Choluteca a month earlier, President Quadri had announced his disposition to begin a new round of discussions for a ceasefire, but discussions broke down after Mejican diplomats were publicly caned by Coordinator Ortega on Aug. 24 in reaction to Mejican forces capturing the city of Managua.
The public caning, carried out on high-ranking Mejican diplomats of some of the most powerful ducal houses in the country stirred significant outrage both domestically and internationally, and further escalated tensions between Mejico and the CAR. The act captured global attention and led to widespread condemnation from human rights organizations, world leaders, and the international community. Out of the five caned diplomats, three belonged to powerful noble families: the House of Susumacoa, the House of Fagoaga, and the House of Talamantes. The public caning not only violated diplomatic protocols and norms but also challenged established rules governing diplomatic relations. Mejico eventually announced its intention to carry out referendums in the occupied territories in September due to this incident.
Between September 12 and 16, Mejico carried out said referendums within the occupied territories, allowing the local population to vote on the issue of their political future. The referendums were met with both heavy criticism and acclaim by the international community, with the International decrying them as inherently illegitimate, as they were conducted under conditions of military occupation and lacked transparency and independence, while other members of the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations accepted it as legitimate. Nevertheless, Mejico claimed that the results of the referendums showed support towards the option of joining the country in the occupied regions adjacent to Mejico, while those non-adjacent voted in favor of a ceasefire.
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September to December, 2023
Throughout the rest of September, the intensity of the conflict petered out, as both sides were concentrated on reassessing their strategies and seeking a potential path towards a negotiated settlement. Central American diplomats urged Coordinator Ortega to apologize for the caning fiasco, but Mejican officials remained unyielding, demanding that the CAR acknowledge the legitimacy of the referendums and accept the proposed transitional government. On October 17, in another televised address, President Quadri appeared together with Mejican Emperor Agustín VI to proclaim the creation of two new provinces: Belice, covering the regions of Belice and Petén, and Los Altos, adjacent to Chiapas, with cities such as Quetzaltenango and Huehuetenango. This sparked intense protests and backlash from the Central American Republic and its allies, including protests in Iran, Northern China, and Bengal.
The creation of the new provinces deepened the divide between Mejico and the CAR, with the CAR government condemning the move as an illegal annexation and a violation of international law. The international community was divided in its response, with some countries denouncing Mejico's actions and expressing support for the CAR's territorial integrity, while others, particularly those aligned with the Iberoamerican Commonwealth of Nations, recognized the new provinces and their incorporation into Mejico. On Oct. 22, the Mejican Congress proclaimed the Ley de Protección y Anexión, formally annexing the new provinces to Mejico, and introducing sweeping changes to the political and economic systems of the new territories, introducing funding for reconstruction and reparation of damaged infrastructure, and allowing Mejican corporations to settle in cities to guide the economic integration of these new regions.
The opposition in Mejico, including the Popular Progressive Party (PPP) and the Movement for Democratic Rebirth (MDR), were divided in their reaction. The MDR is a relatively new party, founded in December 2021 after the narrow defeat of Gabino Nanclares in the PPP's leadership election. Nanclares had been trying to separate himself from what he called "the Neo-Progressive Order" of the PPP, and his party unanimously voted in favor of the Ley de Protección y Anexión. When the PPP attempted to stage a protest sit-in during the first round of voting, security forces intervened and dispersed the protesters, leading to clashes between security forces and PPP supporters. These events escalated tensions within Mejico, with critics of the government arguing that the crackdown on dissent violated basic democratic principles and human rights.
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The rest of 2023 saw little action on the battlefields, with Mejico maintaining an irregular shelling of Tegucigalpa. However, a flurry of political events unfolded in both Mejico and Central America. The PPP led its youth cohorts in student protests, advocating for university students to mobilize against "the unjustified occupation and annexation of Central American territories". The government's response to these protests deepened the polarization within Mejican society, with "old-school Lupinaccism" being wielded by the NAP to quell dissent. Different provinces deployed their provincial guards to maintain order, leading to clashes between students and security forces. Between October and November, over 3,000 students were arrested, more than 60 were hospitalized, and one death was reported during the clashes, as protestor Daniela Gálvez Magallón, a student of Fagoaga University, was accidentally run over during a protest on October 30.
In response to the escalating tensions within university campuses, Emperor Agustín VI lamented the violence and loss of life, but still condemned the PPP for fomenting unrest and undermining national unity. He argued that the government's actions were necessary to maintain law and order and protect the stability of the state. The Mejican media, largely under state control, portrayed the student protests as misguided and influenced by foreign interference. The four male children of Emperor Agustín, Juan (Prince Imperial, b. 1991), Agustín (b. 1993), Pablo (b. 1993), and Pedro (b. 1995), delivered a televised address in November, calling on the youth to embrace patriotism and prioritize the greater good of the nation over individual grievances. They urged students to engage in dialogue and peaceful means of protest rather than resorting to violence. However, the message was not well received by the student movement, and the protests grew in size and intensity, especially after the aforementioned Daniela Gálvez had been declared dead three days prior.
Right-wing counter-protestors, especially those affiliated with the MURO (Movimiento Universitario de Renovadora Orientación; Universitary Movement of Renewed Orientation), confronted the student protesters, amplifying the tension and violence on university campuses. Clashes between opposing factions resulted in more injuries and arrests. The government, citing concerns for public safety, imposed stricter control measures around universities and increased security presence in an attempt to suppress the protests. These measures, however, only served to further inflame the situation, with the opposition accusing the government of suppressing freedom of expression and targeting political dissent. In typical Lupinaccist fashion, government-affiliated "protestors" had set up honey pots to incite violence and discredit the student movement, which was highly decentralized, and had no real leadership.
On November 16, PPP leader Camila Lobato called for a large public demonstration in the Zócalo, the main square of Mejico City, in an effort to challenge the government's repressive measures and demand justice for the victims of the clashes. The demonstration quickly gained momentum, and drew participants from various sectors of society, including students, intellectuals, and human rights activists. Many political commentators have considered this moment as the peak of polarization, as thousands of anti-government protestors marched from the Paseo de la Emperatriz up to the Imperial Palace, chanting slogans against the government and demanding the resignation of President Quadri. The atmosphere was tense, with both sides aware of the potential for violence.
As the demonstration reached the Imperial Palace, clashes erupted between protestors and security forces. Tear gas was deployed, and water cannons were used to disperse the crowds. Reports emerged of excessive use of force by the security forces, with allegations of indiscriminate beatings, arrests without justification, and the disappearance of several protestors. Human rights organizations and international observers condemned these actions, calling for an immediate investigation into the alleged human rights abuses. Juan, Prince Imperial, allegedly said "¿Y a nosotros qué nos importa lo que digan esos maricones?", meaning "And what do we care about what these faggots have to say?", referring to the ONGs, which only served to ignite anger and resentment among the opposition.
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Emperor Agustín ordered the arrest of Lobato and the rest of the PPP's leadership involved with the protests on Nov. 17. President Quadri, too, ordered the National Gendarmerie to crack down on the demonstrations and arrest anyone involved in what he called "subversive activities against the state", leading to comparisons with Salvador Abascal and the 1968 Tlatelolco Massacre. he crackdown resulted in even more violent clashes between security forces and protestors, leading to casualties and dozens of injuries. The government justified its actions by claiming that it was necessary to restore law and order and protect the stability of the country. Despite opposition from various parts of the world apart from the International, Mejico used its leverage on the League of Nations to veto any and all motions calling for international intervention or investigations into the ongoing conflict. This fueled accusations of authoritarianism and disregard for human rights against the Mejican government.
The rightward shift of Mejican politics was increased when, on Nov. 19, Agustín proclaimed the dissolution of the PPP, using his royal prerogative to declare the party illegal and ban its activities. This move was justified by the government as necessary to protect the integrity of the state and eliminate what it labeled as a destabilizing influence. The decree also gave law enforcement agencies expanded powers to crack down on any remaining PPP members or sympathizers. As a result of the dissolution of the PPP, many of its leaders were either arrested or went into hiding, being placed on no-fly lists and denied usage of Mejico's extensive railway systems through their biometric data.
As the PPP had been dissolved and its leadership arrested, the MDR found itself in a difficult position. Pressure from the government effectively led to Nanclares submitting to Imperial authority, renouncing his previous opposition and supporting Mejico's actions in the student crackdowns. This move was seen by some as a betrayal, deepening the divisions within the dissident movement. With the main opposition party decimated, and the second opposition movement dissuaded, the government solidified its control over the political landscape, leaving little room for dissent. This submission was known by many as the Pact of the Basilica, as it was agreed upon on the Basilica of Guadalupe after the Emperor invited Nanclares to a Sunday Mass on December 3.
For the rest of the month, protests were relatively dissuaded, as Mejican paramilitary groups, the Knights of Christ the King, and other government-affiliated organizations intensified their presence on the streets, while the militant anti-Communist MURO became ever-present in universities, intimidating potential protestors. The Knights were present on the streets as many Catholic chapels and churches had been targeted for vandalism and desecration by radical elements within the opposition and anarchist groups. The government portrayed these actions as attacks on religion and used them as justification for the presence of paramilitary groups. While there were reports of excessive force being used by the Knights and other groups, the government dismissed these allegations as falsehoods. However, at the same time, terrorist attacks were reported in the newly-annexed territories, specifically within Belmopán and Huehuetenango, widely believed to have been caused by Central American partisans. However, an investigation - the accuracy of which has been doubted by many - concluded that Mejican nationals carried out the attacks to express their support of Central America.
January to February, 2024
On January 1, 2024, Emperor Agustín VI delivered a speech on the Zócalo, reminiscent of his father's speech in the same city square in 1976. There, the emperor emphasized the importance of national unity, granted the right of return to those citizens who had fled their cities to become Mejican citizens, boasted of the "justified nature" of the invasion, and denounced the fizzled-out opposition as "enemies of the state" who sought to undermine the prosperity and stability of the nation. He congratulated the National Gendarmerie, the MURO organization, the Knights of Christ the King, and paramilitary organizations for their dedication and service in defending Mejico against external threats and internal subversion. Agustín VI also declared that the government's crackdown on dissent was necessary to ensure the continued security and progress of the nation.
In response, many condemned the Emperor's speech as a blatant display of authoritarianism and accused him of having his father's autocratic tendencies. Due to this, the activities of many NGOs were suspended in Mejico, as the government tightened its control over civil society organizations that were critical of its actions. Human rights groups and international organizations condemned the government's suppression of dissent and voiced concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Mejico. This was seen as the coup de grace to the opposition in Mejico. As tensions escalated, covert support began flowing to the remnants of the dissident movement from sympathetic foreign governments and non-state actors. Members of the International expressed their disgust over Mejico's imperialistic ambitions and of its violation of human rights and called for an end to the repression.
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Discontent against Ortega's government and disillusionment with the prospect of reclaiming the occupied territories led to a significant increase in animosity towards Ortega within the Central American Armed Forces. Captain Rodrigo Anaya, leader of a faction of dissident officers and policemen, launched a coup against Coordinator Ortega on January 3, 2024. Due to this, Ortega called for a national conscription program within the same day as a means of bolstering support, quelling the opposition, and retaining power. However, this move only further intensified the resentment against his regime. Protests escalated in unoccupied Central American cities and Tegucigalpa, with demands for democratic reforms and an end to the oppressive Ortega regime.
Captain Anaya was arrested by the Central American Special Forces and was jailed in the National Penitentiary on Jan. 14, leading to an even more volatile situation in Central America. The arrest of Captain Anaya sparked outrage among his supporters and the anti-Ortega movement, who saw it as a suppression of their calls for democracy and a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Protests continued to rage against the Ortega regime, with thousands taking to the streets demanding the release of Anaya. With the city blockaded by Mejican forces from the north and west, and with the ever-popular figure of the IV Duke of Otumba leading the blockade, the situation in the federal capital escalated even more. The Central American Otumbist movement had risen to prominence after the Battle of Guatemala City, where the Duke had shown himself as a magnanimous, benevolent figure. Otumbists advocated for the creation of a monarchy in Central America led by the Duke, which would mend the ties between Central America and Mejico by establishing a personal connection between the two countries' monarchies, as the Duke of Otumba and Emperor Agustín VI are cousins.
On February 5, General Otumba received approval from Agustín VI to support a second coup d'état against Coordinator Ortega, and moved to liberate Captain Anaya from prison, garnering significant support from dissident factions within the Central American Armed Forces. The joint forces of General Otumba and the dissident officers launched a coordinated attack on key government installations in Tegucigalpa. The coup, known as Operation Brutus, quickly gained momentum as more military units and important government officials defected from the Ortega regime and joined the rebellion. With the backing of Mejican forces and the tacit support of certain international actors, Mejico made significant territorial gains in the city of Tegucigalpa, which fell under its control by 10:43 p.m.
On Feb. 9, Mejican and Anaya-aligned diplomats met in the city of Comayagua, under Mejican occupation, and discussed potential frameworks for a transitional government in Central America. The Treaties of San Miguel were signed on Feb. 17, formally ending the war. The Federal Republic of Central America was established with Anaya as president; it compromised Mejico to modify the status of both Belice and Los Altos, establishing October 17, 2024, as the latest date for Mejico to carry out a second round of referendums within both territories to decide their futures as either Mejican provinces or to be integrated into the newly-created Federal Republic; specified the establishment of a LON-led monitoring mission to oversee the transition process; compromised Captain Anaya to carry out a plebiscite to join the ICN within three years of the signing of the treaty; and mandated the creation of an Otumbist Party.
Post-Treaties of San Miguel
After the Treaties of San Miguel were signed in Comayagua, Mejico compromised with the new Anaya government to aid in rebuilding the war-torn regions of Central America. As part of the reconstruction efforts, Mejican engineers and construction workers were deployed to assist in infrastructure projects, including the repair of damaged roads, bridges, and buildings, while Mejico also covered the salaries of these Central American workers. Humanitarian aid and financial assistance were also provided to support the recovery of the region.
Simultaneously, the FRCA was admitted into the American Free Trade Agreement, further integrating the Central American economy with the wider, continent-wide macroeconomy. This move aimed to stimulate economic growth, attract foreign investment, and create job opportunities for the population. Other trade agreements were signed between the FRCA and Mejico to promote cross-border commerce and investment, with special emphasis on sectors such as agriculture, energy, and manufacturing. Central American immigrants in Mejico with legal residence permits were granted paths to citizenship, while certain illegal immigrants were provided amnesty and the opportunity to regularize their status, under the condition that they would move to the newly-acquired territories.
Within Central America, many previous opposition groups, suppressed by the Ortega government, formed their own parties to participate in the democratic process. These parties represent a diverse range of ideologies and interests, including pro-Mejican parties, Catholic parties, as well as liberal and conservative parties. Meanwhile, the Otumbist Party, as mandated by the Treaties, emerged as a significant political force, advocating for an executive monarchy with the Duke of Otumba as the head of state. The party gained support from monarchist sectors, especially traditionalist conservatives, and those who saw it as a means to further and better integrate into the wider Iberoamerican world once the plebiscite to join the ICN was carried out.