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Super Africa Rally: Difference between revisions
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==Controversy and criticism== | ==Controversy and criticism== | ||
[[File:Service de l'éthique de l'ursa.png|thumb|Caricatures such as this one by {{W|Lefred Thouron}} featured in the {{W|Le Canard enchaîné}} have lampooned controversial aspects of the rally since its inception, especially in France.]] | |||
The race has garnered much controversy and faced criticism concerning multiple different issues surrounding the race. Since the fall of colonial powers and the subsequent relinquishing of power, several African countries have faced political and societal instabilities as a result from wars, famine, droughts, and corruption. Criticism has dated back to the foundation of the rally, and Granius' links to the neocolonialist ''African Interest Bureau''. However, the personal stance of Granius as a racist has also been questioned, as he openly supported the inclusion of Africans into the rally. The LNMO has according to several journalists, maintained a sense of "ruthless pragmatism", conducting friendly ties with all governments of the 21 participating countries, in spite of perceived widespread internal knowledge of several governments' human rights abuses. Such was the case with {{W|Mobutu Sese Seko|Mobutu's}} {{W|Zaire}} and {{W|South_Africa#Apartheid_era|Apartheid South Africa}}, which were both internationally ostracized. Preceding that, the LNMO closely collaborated with {{W|Estado Novo (Portugal)|colonial Portugal}} during its {{W|Portuguese Colonial War|Colonial War}}. This disposition, largely attributed to founder Harold Granius, was continued by his successor Sertor Margai. It was viewed as surprising by many, as Margai was himself a black African. The creation and expansion of the Internal Security Force (ISF), a paramilitary security wing, under Margai, led to criticism from {{W|Malcolm X}}, who referred to Margai as a "{{W|House slave|house negro}}" seeking to oppress Africans in favor of maintaining a trouble-free rally. | The race has garnered much controversy and faced criticism concerning multiple different issues surrounding the race. Since the fall of colonial powers and the subsequent relinquishing of power, several African countries have faced political and societal instabilities as a result from wars, famine, droughts, and corruption. Criticism has dated back to the foundation of the rally, and Granius' links to the neocolonialist ''African Interest Bureau''. However, the personal stance of Granius as a racist has also been questioned, as he openly supported the inclusion of Africans into the rally. The LNMO has according to several journalists, maintained a sense of "ruthless pragmatism", conducting friendly ties with all governments of the 21 participating countries, in spite of perceived widespread internal knowledge of several governments' human rights abuses. Such was the case with {{W|Mobutu Sese Seko|Mobutu's}} {{W|Zaire}} and {{W|South_Africa#Apartheid_era|Apartheid South Africa}}, which were both internationally ostracized. Preceding that, the LNMO closely collaborated with {{W|Estado Novo (Portugal)|colonial Portugal}} during its {{W|Portuguese Colonial War|Colonial War}}. This disposition, largely attributed to founder Harold Granius, was continued by his successor Sertor Margai. It was viewed as surprising by many, as Margai was himself a black African. The creation and expansion of the Internal Security Force (ISF), a paramilitary security wing, under Margai, led to criticism from {{W|Malcolm X}}, who referred to Margai as a "{{W|House slave|house negro}}" seeking to oppress Africans in favor of maintaining a trouble-free rally. | ||
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=== Exploitation === | === Exploitation === | ||
Due to the financial structuring of the competition, local communities receive virtually no monetary positives from the rally. The SARSRA framework, established by the RMUA, ensures that sizable portions of the profits are directed to the various host nations and their governments. However, an internal investigation conducted in 2011 revealed that most of those profits were either entered into the national treasuries of the countries, or presumed lost to corruption; little to no return was brought to the sub-national regions hosting the rally. Whilst larger cities and those awarded "Key city"-status have generally seen a significant influx of tourists and spending, smaller rural communities tend to be overlooked and they subsequently reap less benefits of the rally. | {{Quotebox|...and this spectacle, the "Super Africa Rally", is the axiom of colonial exploitation. The white man drives his cars whilst the black man tramples in poverty. The white man must create a competition of problems, the black man lives through those problems. For the white man it is merely a game, a challenge. For the black man it is his life. Once the black man reaches for his freedom, he is trampled by the white man, who must keep Africa poor and weak as it is. For there is no challenge to the white man if Africa is not hellish.|width=35%|align=right|author=—{{w|Malcolm X}}|source=human rights activist}}Due to the financial structuring of the competition, local communities receive virtually no monetary positives from the rally. The SARSRA framework, established by the RMUA, ensures that sizable portions of the profits are directed to the various host nations and their governments. However, an internal investigation conducted in 2011 revealed that most of those profits were either entered into the national treasuries of the countries, or presumed lost to corruption; little to no return was brought to the sub-national regions hosting the rally. Whilst larger cities and those awarded "Key city"-status have generally seen a significant influx of tourists and spending, smaller rural communities tend to be overlooked and they subsequently reap less benefits of the rally. | ||
Additionally, a large portion of teams (64% in 2022) are based outside of Africa, and 7 out of 10 teams in the A-class are non-African. According to some economists, this creates a system wherein sponsorship funding invested into the race benefits European teams, who frequently win the rally, and therefore cause a large portion of funding never ends up actually benefiting African countries or their economies. Several analysts have also posited that there is a widespread {{W|leakage effect}} during the rally, due the way the rally is structured. | Additionally, a large portion of teams (64% in 2022) are based outside of Africa, and 7 out of 10 teams in the A-class are non-African. According to some economists, this creates a system wherein sponsorship funding invested into the race benefits European teams, who frequently win the rally, and therefore cause a large portion of funding never ends up actually benefiting African countries or their economies. Several analysts have also posited that there is a widespread {{W|leakage effect}} during the rally, due the way the rally is structured. | ||