User:Borz/Sandbox: Difference between revisions

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By the summer of 1995, many Dagestani peoples had left the occupied areas and returned to the remaining part of Dagestan. The Waynakh and Nogai population in the occupied territories had increased considerably, with the Kumuk population also beginning to return. Despite the Waynakh government directing a share of its state budget to the reconstruction of the parts of Dagestan it had occupied, the dramatic population decline and lack of people remaining or returning to the area meant that some funding was unused - among the main reasons for this, was the failure to reconstruct settlements and amenities where few to no residents were still living. The resulting reallocation of funding towards the main settlements in the region or the rest of Waynakhia caused outrage in some rural occupied areas of Dagestan, though the Waynakh government offered to reconstruct homes and provide land in larger settlements nearby for those whose settlements were removed from the reconstruction plan.
By the summer of 1995, many Dagestani peoples had left the occupied areas and returned to the remaining part of Dagestan. The Waynakh and Nogai population in the occupied territories had increased considerably, with the Kumuk population also beginning to return. Despite the Waynakh government directing a share of its state budget to the reconstruction of the parts of Dagestan it had occupied, the dramatic population decline and lack of people remaining or returning to the area meant that some funding was unused - among the main reasons for this, was the failure to reconstruct settlements and amenities where few to no residents were still living. The resulting reallocation of funding towards the main settlements in the region or the rest of Waynakhia caused outrage in some rural occupied areas of Dagestan, though the Waynakh government offered to reconstruct homes and provide land in larger settlements nearby for those whose settlements were removed from the reconstruction plan.


The referendum on the issue of the territory's future was held in September 1995, with results largely appearing along ethnic lines - Nogai and Waynakh settlements largely voted in favour of joining Waynakhia, while Kumuk and Avar settlements had mainly voted to return to Dagestan. However, with the majority of votes in both provinces written in favour of Waynakhia, the Waynakh government agreed to grant dual citizenship to all residents of the occupied territories, by providing Waynakh citizenship and allowing maintained Dagestani citizenship. With contention, both countries agreed to the offer, under German pressure, to restore peace and to allow a German and British peacekeeping presence. Protests occurred in cities across both countries, including in Khasavyurt. By December 1995, the Waynakh government had incorporated Khasavyurt Province and Babayurt Province into the country as Khasi-Gala District (including the occupied part of Kizilyurt District), and Babayurt District (including the Agrakhan Peninsula and Noxchi-Gaire Island), in an event now known as the Waynakh annexation of Aukh. Long-term protests in Avar-majority settlements, especially in the south of Khasi-Gala District, led to the Waynakh government agreeing in 1996, again under German pressure, to allow the settlements a future referendum on their status and possibility of re-joining Dagestan.
The referendum on the issue of the territory's future was held in September 1995, again with strict international observation, with results largely appearing along ethnic lines - Nogai and Waynakh settlements largely voted in favour of joining Waynakhia, while Kumuk and Avar settlements had mainly voted to return to Dagestan. However, with the majority of votes in both provinces written in favour of Waynakhia, the Waynakh government agreed to grant dual citizenship to all residents of the occupied territories, by providing Waynakh citizenship and allowing maintained Dagestani citizenship. With contention, both countries agreed to the offer, under German pressure, to restore peace and to allow a German and British peacekeeping presence. Protests occurred in cities across both countries, including in Khasavyurt. Once the results of the referendum were officially verified and accepted by both Dagestan and Waynakhia, the conflict was declared officially over. By December 1995, the Waynakh government had incorporated Khasavyurt Province and Babayurt Province into the country as Khasi-Gala District (including the occupied part of Kizilyurt District), and Babayurt District (including the Agrakhan Peninsula and Noxchi-Gaire Island), in an event now known as the Waynakh annexation of Aukh. Long-term protests in Avar-majority settlements, especially in the south of Khasi-Gala District, led to the Waynakh government agreeing in 1996, again under German pressure, to allow the settlements a future referendum on their status and possibility of re-joining Dagestan.


=== Contemporary history ===
=== Contemporary history ===

Revision as of 06:32, 27 October 2024

Personal sandbox for all topics

Waynakhia

Works for completion.

General tasks:

  • align page contents with AV2 lore
  • more images, more W links, more Main links
  • change major relations to Europe

History section:

  • Mongol Empire section needs to be cleared up, more concise, dates of events, if possible to get
  • review neutrality of writing style
  • Russian Empire section first paragraph needs to be reworded for better flow

GW history:

  • removal of GW1 and GW2 references
  • addition of plain GW references and adjust dates

20th Century:

  • update history around GW period including dates of events
  • update independence era
  • independence directly, rather than British mandate
  • key people in 20th century period, especially in post-war period
  • economic info needs to be improved
  • more specific information on modernisation programme like a name of the project
  • Cold War needs more detailed info on goals and objectives, what they achieve for the country
  • pivot content more towards European allies, especially UK, Germany and Anatolia, rather than N American

Annexation of the Aukh:

  • needs modified lore, is not realistic to assume magical peaceful extension of the borders even in this universe
  • one idea - initial Dagestani invasion of eastern Waynakhia is repelled, then successfully pushed into Aukh. Perhaps extended and slow conflict across 5-6 years.

Contemporary 21st century history:

  • economic development, especially oil and kerosene industry, need more attention as a topic area
  • European integration and relations, possibly through support of UK, Germany, and pacifist post-war Russia
  • more images, in general

Province pages:

  • need to add more info and images in these

Waynakhia Sandbox

OLD

Waynakhia (Waynakh: Waynexaçö, IPA: /waɪ'na.xɪ.ə/), officially the Republic of Waynakhia (Waynakh: Waynexaçönan Paçẋalq), is a sovereign state in the North Caucasus, Europe. Waynakhia consists of 24 provinces and 2 city regions with an equal status to the provinces. Waynakhia is bordered with Russia to the north and west, Georgia to the south, Dagestan to the south-east, and has a coast on the Caspian Sea to the east. The country has a total land area of 24,250 sq km, and a population of 2,239,954 at the 2020 census. The capital and largest city by population in Waynakhia is Sölƶa-Ġala, with a population of 245,911 at the 2020 census. Other large cities of the country include Gümsa, Näsare, Şela, Şolƶa-Pẋa, Xasi-Ġala, and Ẋalxa-Marta.

The earliest widespread human activity known in Waynakhia is from 12,500 BCE from ancient cave settlements with evidence of fire and tools. The earliest trace of human activity was around the area of Q̇özana 'Am dated to 40,000 BCE. In the first few centuries CE, the Nakh regions were almost constantly invaded, and the historical Nakh states formed close alliances with Georgia to the south. The state of Durdzuketia was formed, and grew in power and influence through the first millennium BCE and into the first few centuries CE. In the Middle Ages, the Nakh societies were often under foreign rule, but this was eventually overthrown, with Durdzuketia continuing to exist along with Simsir, another ancient Nakh state. The Mongol invasions destabilized the Nakh states, which eventually regained their independence and power. Later, arrival of Cossacks on the west bank of the Terka River led to increased conflicts.

The Caucasus Imamate, which included many Caucasian ethnicities, was annexed to the Russian Empire in 1858. It was re-established in 1918 as the Mountain Republic, but it was annexed back to Russia in 1923 after the Russian monarchy was abolished. The Mountain Republic was split apart, and the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Oblast was created in 1926 under the military dictatorship. This region continued to exist up to 1948, when it became the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic within the Russian Federation. For the next three years, the republic enjoyed higher autonomy within the Federation with the right to its own constitution. This was suddenly ended in 1951 when the Russian Derzhavist Party came to power, with the Controlling Act giving all rights to power to the dictator of the state. The regions of the North Caucasus were completely reorganized, and the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Republic was divided into the Chechen region and Ingush region (Chechnya and Ingushetia), and all rights to autonomy were taken away and the regional constitution was abolished.

The period from 1951 onwards marked severe decrease in living standards in the regions. The Derzhavist government focused discrimination on Ukrainian, Polish and Baltic peoples, and while ethnic cleansing was narrowly avoided in the Caucasus, the region was still severely affected by the 1953-56 Highland Expulsions, where non-Russian ethnicities in the Caucasus Mountains were expelled from mountain and highland settlements to the lowlands, which led to massive cultural destruction, poverty, unemployment, overcrowding and outbreaks of disease among the general population. Moreover, many Chechens and Ingush as well as other ethnic groups from the Caucasus Mountains were forced to work in factories during the Great War II to replace ethnic Russians, producing various weapons, ammunition and vehicles for the war effort, with very poor and unclean working conditions and little to no pay.

In 1957, Derzhavist Russia fell to the Allies. Following the Great War II, the allies wanted to curb the extent and influence of Russia, leading to the 1960-71 Partition of Russia, with zones of occupation being formed between Sierra, Germany and the United Kingdom. North Caucasus regions became a part of the British Mandate from 1960. The original plan was for an All-Russian state to remain after the Joint Mandate, but in the 1968 Moscow Summit, the idea was entertained by the Allies to create permanent and independent states out of Russia. The Highland Expulsions made the creation of new states difficult, as ethnic lines which had been clear before the expulsions had been blurred or disappeared completely. The new state of Vaynakhia was created from the Chechen region, the Ingush region and parts of the Avar region and Stavropol region. Under the British Mandate, Vaynakhia and the other new Caucasus states existed in relative peace, but severe ethnic conflicts rose up in the late 1970s and 1980s due to disagreements over new borders and ethnic groups being divided by borders of different states, leading to the Caucasus Wars. The conflict caused mass migration to Europe and the Middle East of many people from Caucasian ethnic groups, and it reached a peak in 1989, leading to a European- and Anatolian-led peace restoration and reconstruction mission for 10 years with the goal of resolving border conflicts and creating economic recovery. Ethnic reconciliation was achieved in the 1990s, and each state had redefined borders mainly to reflect historical homelands and secondly to allow ease of trade, in order to recover the shattered economies of the Caucasus states. As a result, the borders of Vaynakhia were extended east to the Caspian Sea.

Since 1999, Waynakhia has enjoyed relatively stable economic growth, consistently among the highest of the SECA union. It is considered as a developing capitalist economy, ranked as "very high" on the Human Development Index since 2018. Political and economic relations are close with major trade partners such as other SECA member states, and like much of the Caucasus, the country retains close ties with the United Kingdom. Apart from SECA, Waynakhia is a part of the League of Nations, OPEC, and several more international organizations.


NEW

Waynakhia (Waynakh: Waynexaçö, IPA: /'wəɪ.na.xɪ.ə/), officially the Republic of Waynakhia (Waynakh: Waynexaçönan Paçẋalq), is a sovereign state in the North Caucasus, Europe. Waynakhia consists of 24 provinces and 2 city regions with an equal status to the provinces. Waynakhia is bordered with Russia to the north and west, Georgia to the south, Dagestan to the south-east, and has a coast on the Caspian Sea to the east. The country has a total land area of 24,250 sq km, and a population of 2,239,954 at the 2020 census. The capital and largest city by population in Waynakhia is Sölƶa-Ġala, with a population of 245,911 at the 2020 census. Other large cities of the country include Gümsa, Näsare, Şela, Şolƶa-Pẋa, Xasi-Ġala, and Ẋalxa-Marta.

The earliest widespread human activity known in Waynakhia is from 12,500 BCE from ancient cave settlements with evidence of fire and tools. The earliest trace of human activity was around the area of Q̇özana 'Am dated to 40,000 BCE. In the first few centuries CE, the Nakh regions were almost constantly invaded, and the historical Nakh states formed close alliances with Georgia to the south. The state of Durdzuketia was formed, and grew in power and influence through the first millennium BCE and into the first few centuries CE. In the Middle Ages, the Nakh societies were often under foreign rule, but this was eventually overthrown, with Durdzuketia continuing to exist along with Simsir, another ancient Nakh state. The Mongol invasions destabilized the Nakh states, which eventually regained their independence and power. Later, arrival of Cossacks on the west bank of the Terka River led to increased conflicts.

The Caucasus Imamate, which included the Waynakh people, was annexed to the Russian Empire in 1858. Independence was re-established in 1918 with the Mountain Republic, but it was annexed back to Russia in 1923, after the establishment of Derzhavist Russia, which quickly invaded and absorbed numerous smaller states. The Mountain Republic was split up, and the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Oblast was created from part of it, with the Controlling Act of 1923 providing supreme power to the Russian leader. The region continued to exist in similar borders up to 1929, when the Russian Derzhavist Party reorganised the North Caucasus region politically, and all rights to autonomy were removed, resulting the Chechen-Ingush Region being created. While the Derzhavist government initially promoted conservative North Caucasian cultures and societies as an ideal model for the rest of the state, this began to change as the state radicalised, beginning to despise all ethnic minorities and considering Russian Slavs to be superior.

The period from 1932 onwards marked a significant decrease in living standards in the region. The Derzhavist government primarily discriminated against Ukrainian, Polish and Baltic peoples, and the Chechen-Ingush population were initially spared from the worst discrimination. However, the continued promotion of Slavic culture as 'superior' eventually led to the Caucasus being targeted - aggressive militarisation of the state and society, along with ethnic-religious segregation within the army, led to Caucasian peoples being increasingly attacked by the Derzhavist state. While ethnic cleansing was narrowly avoided in most of the Caucasus, it was still severely impacted by the Highland Expulsions of 1932-34, where non-Russian ethnicities in the Caucasus Mountains were expelled from mountain and highland settlements to the lowlands. Ethnic identities of regions across the Caucasus were largely erased. The Chechen-Ingush Region was renamed in February 1932 to the Grozny Region, with major territorial changes designed to heavily dilute the ethnic makeup of the population, encouraging Slavic settlers to move to the area, and to divide Caucasian peoples between regions while destroying any cultural identity.

With the outbreak of the Great War, the region's oil production became essential to the Russian war effort. While many Russian Slavs were prioritised as soldiers, Chechen-Ingush people were soon forced massively to replace the mobilised ethnic Russians, working in the oil production industry or in factories producing weapons, ammunition and vehicles for the Russian war effort, widely in very poor and unclean conditions for little to no pay. This led to mass poverty and outbreaks of disease in the region, causing a dramatic decline of up to 50% of the native population throughout the next two years. By late 1935, anti-Derzhavist sentiment was spreading across the Caucasus, with underground resistance beginning region-wide. The Chechen-Ingush population took part in the resistance, and in 1936, limited funding from the Allied states towards revolutionaries in the Caucasus began. The region became loudly outspoken in its anti-war sentiment, and with Russia heavily occupied on the Eastern Front, limited attention was paid by the Derzhava to rebellions in the Caucasus.

Following the fall of Derzhavist Russia in 1938, the Allies wanted to curb Russia's extent and influence, and entertained the idea of creating new, permanently independent states out of it. The intention was to turn them into economically and militarily strong, European-aligned allies, which would become independent after a period of Allied occupation and supervision. The Highland Expulsions made the creation of new states in the Caucasus difficult, as ethnic lines which had been clear before the expulsions had been blurred or disappeared completely. It led to the restoration of pre-1932 regional borders, including for the Chechen-Ingush region, in addition to extra Russian territory as a buffer against any future Russian invasion. By 1941, the region had become known as Checheno-Ingushetia, and upon independence in (TBD year), Vainakhia.

While the region existed in relative peace under Allied supervision, severe ethnic conflicts rose up in the 1960s-80s, largely due to disagreements over populations, borders and resources, ultimately leading to the Caucasus Wars. They caused mass migration to Europe and the Middle East of many people from Caucasian ethnic groups, including from Waynakhia and neighbouring Dagestan due to the (TBD conflict). Reaching a peak in (TBD year), a European and Anatolian-led intervention launched, aiming to restore peace, rebuild the shattered Caucasus economies, and further integrate the region with Europe. As a result of (TBD WY-DA conflict), the Waynakh annexation of Aukh occurred, extending the country's borders eastwards to the Caspian Sea.

Since 1999, Waynakhia has enjoyed relatively stable economic growth, consistently among the highest of the SECA union. It is considered as a developing capitalist economy, ranked as "very high" on the Human Development Index since 2018. Political and economic relations are close with major trade partners such as other SECA member states, and like much of the Caucasus, the country retains close ties with Germany and the United Kingdom. Apart from SECA, Waynakhia is a part of the European Community, League of Nations, OPEC, and several more international organizations.

Aukh War

Towards the end of the 1970s, the Dagestani government, facing increased social and ethnic discord and severe under-development of infrastructure and agriculture in the country, began to turn increasingly aggressive towards Waynakhia, demanding the return of the Aukh district, which was repeatedly rejected by Waynakhia. The government of Dagestan also became increasingly unwelcoming towards citizens of non-Dagestani ethnicity, with policies to increase the number of Dagestani peoples in the lowland regions, at the expense of other peoples including Nogais, Russians, and Waynakhs, with protests repeatedly crushed by armed forces and police. The situation exploded in 1978, when the Dagestani government claimed sovereignty over the Aukh district, and Dagestani armed forces and numerous civilians entered the area. In self-defence against the violation of its sovereign borders, with the approval of German and British allies, Waynakhia sent its own armed forces into the district, where residents and authorities attempted to drive out the Dagestani army. The situation escalated further, with Dagestan declaring war on Waynakhia, continuing the Caucasus Wars.

The conflict initially focused on the Aukh district, with Dagestan initially occupying much of the area, but boiled over further when the armed forces pushed into several other districts of Waynakhia in late 1979, with the intention of restoring its borders to those created by the Derzhavist authorities. While Waynakhia initially lost a large part of its territory, it organised its own armed forces and launched a major counter-attack in early 1980, to push Dagestani armed forces out of its territory. Calling on European allies for support, the Waynakh government connected the Dagestani government's actions to those of Derzhavist Russia, describing its leadership as the "re-manifestation of the Derzhava" and stating that its power had to "be expelled from Waynakh lands at all costs". The Waynakh counter-offensive saw successes in the spring of 1980, with the eastern part of the Gumsa district liberated, along with parts of other mountain districts. European armies refused to send manpower to the region, but supported Waynakhia with ammunition, weapons and vehicles; Waynakh successes increased further in 1980 and into 1981, with increasing recovery of highland regions, including parts of Chebarla and Shara, where Dagestani authorities had attempted to resettle Dagestani peoples to and had claimed annexation.

While most spectators believed that Waynakhia only intended to return to its original borders, concern appeared when the Waynakh armed forces launched an offensive into the Khasavyurt Province of Dagestan, though it was described as a 'buffer zone' to protect Waynakhia's borders and to restore peace in Waynakh-majority settlements in Dagestan. Despite falling supply of equipment and resources by European allies, due to the perceived success of the Waynakh counter-offensive, the country continued to advance. In 1982, following a second and more powerful Dagestani offensive into Aukh district, allied support for Waynakhia increased once more, with new supplies of equipment. Waynakhia launched a surprise offensive in the summer of 1982, with a crossing of the Terka River into the lightly defended Babayurt Province of Dagestan. Despite initial losses, the country gained a foothold on the opposite bank, especially due to presence of Waynakh-populated settlements along the Dagestani bank of the river.

Dagestan began to relocate forces from the Aukh front to the Waynakh incursions in Khasavyurt and Babayurt provinces, with the conflict largely stalling over the winter, before resuming again in the spring of 1983. Despite initial Waynakh losses of around half of its held territory at the Babayurt front, renewed success appeared at the Khasavyurt front, largely driven by Waynakh successes in the region's Waynakh-populated settlements. Dagestan continued to push into southern Aukh and attempt to push Waynakh forces out of Babayurt and Khasavyurt provinces, though a renewed Waynakh counter-offensive, across the barely populated north of Babayurt Province, cutting off much of the area from the Kizlyar Province, and in northern Aukh, led to a partial collapse in Dagestani front lines, partially due to disorganisation in its armed forces, as well as co-ordinated 'feigned retreat' tactics by Waynakh forces. The resulting major Dagestani loss at the Battle of Bammatyurt in May 1983 was seen as catastrophic, due to limited presence of forces beyond the area, enabling a rapid Waynakh advance into the east and south-east of the Khasavyurt province, along with resulting close proximity of Waynakh forces to Khasavyurt City. The Waynakh government soon announced that the policy of guaranteed rights to all citizens would extend from the Aukh district to all of the occupied territories in Dagestan, as well as calling for international organisations, including the Red Cross, to supervise the territories.

By June 1983, the feigned retreat tactic had led to collapses of the frontline further north, most significantly at Lyuksemburg and Germenchik in the Babayurt province with Waynakhia cutting the Khasavyurt-Babayurt Highway, and the Khasavyurt front had shifted as far east as the village of Kostek and administrative boundary of the Khasavyurt province, where the situation began to stabilise. After its advances further to the east, Waynakh forces began to uncover signs of Dagestani 'scorched earth' tactics, with forced evacuations and wholesale destruction of settlements, as well as apparent ethnic cleansing of non-Dagestani peoples. Despite international outrage and calls from Waynakhia for an advance into the Kizlyar Province, the Terka River was used mainly as a defence line by both countries, apart from small-scale raids across the river. As the summer of 1983 progressed, the Battle of Babayurt began, where Waynakh forces arrived from the north. A provincial capital, Babayurt was a key target, leading to a major Dagestani counter-offensive gradually succeeding with the city's defence.

As an attempt to distract and redirect Waynakh forces, Dagestani forces launched small-scale offensives against the Shara, Chebarla and Aukh districts, with successes in retaking Waynakh settlements in some areas. While Waynakhia did respond in the region, mainly by stabilising the front, it continued its main efforts in Babayurt Province, pushing towards the mouth of the Terka River towards the end of the 1983 year. With the Khasavyurt front stable and no major advances ongoing, some Dagestani forces were withdrawn from the area to defend Babayurt.

On 1 January 1984, a surprise offensive was launched against Khasavyurt City, with the rapid occupation of several northern Waynakh-majority city districts within hours of the start of the year, as well as a Waynakh advance to the Aktash River, on the eastern outskirts of the city. Dagestani forces in the city had engaged Waynakh forces by the end of the day, preventing further advances. With Dagestan's forces already stretched, and initial support from Azerbaijan fading as Waynakh success mounted, the defence of the Terka River estuary began to falter, leading to a partial Dagestani withdrawal from the barren steppe in the area. The intention was to defend Kizlyar Province and use the Terka River as a defensive line, due to the strong fortifications on both banks, as well as credible signs and threats of an upcoming Waynakh offensive. However, no Waynakh advance occurred across the river, with Waynakh troops cutting off the Kizlyar Province from Dagestan, following the withdrawal. With few populated settlements remaining in the east of the province, the Waynakh armed forces in the Babayurt Province began to focus towards the south-west, targeting Babaw-Yurt once again. Dagestani forces in Kizlyar Province attempted to cross the river multiple times in the east, with limited breakthroughs against Waynakh defense, but lack of presence of infrastructure prevented large-scale establishment of positions or large battles in the territory.

By the start of February, Waynakhia had established positions further south between Kokrek and Khasavyurt, though multiple attempts to cross the Aktash River into the city had failed. With the only remaining Dagestani supply route to the city passing through Endirei and the nearby Dylym Highway, to the south, a large-scale campaign began in the southern Aukh district, attempting to dislodge the southern Dagestani line, with the northern line south-west from Khasavyurt held stable. The battle at Babayurt also continued, with slow Waynakh advances in settlements to the south and east of the city and heavy losses in the process.

In March 1984, Waynakhia launched a feigned retreat at positions near to the administrative border between Khasavyurt and Kizilyurt provinces, claiming that it planned to focus on Khasavyurt City. Dagestani forces soon attempted to move forwards, but Waynakh forces launched a major offensive, surrounding Aknada town and Chontaul town, advancing to the Sulak River, as well as along the Caucasus Highway to positions south of Zubutli and Bautugai. The road connection leading to Endirei was cut, with mountainous terrain blocking further advances by either side, also isolating Dagestani positions at Kokrek from supplies. The town was bombarded and largely destroyed when Dagestan refused to surrender it.

By the end of April in 1984, fierce battles within Khasavyurt were ongoing, as well as in Aukh district, with Waynakh forces attempting to completely cut the bombarded Dylym Highway. The previous stalemate in the four-month battle at Babayurt ended with a Waynakh advance into Gemetyube town, cutting the highway to Anji-Kala. Dagestani forces began to evacuate the remaining Babayurt population through the nearby town Alimpasha-Yurt, before feigning surrender, engaging scorched earth tactics and preparing to fiercely bombard the town from positions in Kizlyar Province and also to the south of the city. In early May 1984, when Waynakh forces finally entered the town, a coordinated Dagestani campaign to destroy it had started, similar to the destruction of Kokrek months earlier by Waynakhia, leading to heavy Waynakh losses and surprise attacks by remaining Dagestani forces. The attack led to major Waynakh losses, though the otherwise complete surrounding of the town resulted in Waynakh victory.

The battle at Khasavyurt was ongoing at this time. After the occupation of Babayurt and vicinity by Waynakh forces, troops were largely relocated to Khasavyurt, with smaller groups sent to add defence to the Terka River front and others directed to the south-east, engaging small-scale offensives near small settlements along the highway. Major defensive lines had been prepared across the Sulak River, in a similar pattern to those along the Terka River in Kizlyar, to block Waynakh forces from advancing further, though the summer months saw low-scale success at the few remaining settlements in the area. Waynakh forces eventually reached the Caspian Sea coast and sandbar at Sulak, isolating Agrakhan Peninsula and bypassing the heavily fortified Sulak town, the final settlement north of Sulak river.

By August 1984, Waynakh and Dagestani forces were engaged in high-level and intense battles within Khasavyurt City. With equipment support from both countries' allies stopping, in protest at the ongoing disaster in the city, the Waynakh government extended a ceasefire offer to the government of Dagestan, in exchange for establishing a corridor for citizens to exit the city. The Dagestani government declined at first, but later reversed the decision, agreeing to a 7-day ceasefire in the city. On 18 August 1984, the ceasefire began, leading to the evacuation of over 40,000 citizens from across the city, and invitation of humanitarian agencies to oversee the process and enter the city until 24 August. Agencies had been unable to access the city for almost a year, due to Dagestani restrictions.

High-level negotiations, mediated by Germany, occurred throughout the week, to maintain the ceasefire, leading to a 24-hour extension. By 25 August, Khasavyurt was mostly empty, with the evacuation largely completed, including movement of those in hospitals to health facilities across Dagestan and Waynakhia, with the Waynakh government promoting its policy to guarantee the rights of all people in the territories it had occupied. In the early morning hours of 26 August, after the expiration of the ceasefire, unarmed Waynakh forces moved along the road from Gachalqa to the Dylym Highway, cutting the final supply route into the city for Dagestani forces. The Waynakh armed forces within the city and elsewhere, maintained the ceasefire. Dagestani forces did not engage with unarmed Waynakh forces, and when the news reached the Waynakh government in the late morning of 26 August of the surrounding of Khasavyurt, it notified European allies, it offered to begin negotiations with Dagestan, while moving lightly armed troops to the Dylym Highway. With no supply routes into the city and limited chances of any further advance, the Dagestani government surrendered through mediation with Germany. By the afternoon of 26 August, news of the Dagestani surrender reached the Waynakh government.

Beginning of negotiations

With the ceasefire becoming permanent by the end of 26 August, the Waynakh government declared that it was "finished with" the fighting, and the full evacuation of the city was agreed, including safe passage of remaining Dagestani troops and officials to Endirei, followed by the entrance of humanitarian agencies into the city with the support of the Waynakh armed forces for safety.

Negotiations began with Germany as mediator in early September. Both Waynakhia and Dagestan struggled to reach agreements in the beginning, especially as information from within the two occupied Dagestani provinces began to emerge, and Dagestani demands for a Waynakh withdrawal from both provinces were refused. Progress was initially very slow. The first agreements between the two countries were reached in October, on the southern Waynakh provinces of Chebarla and Shara, where Dagestan agreed to withdraw forces to the recognised international border by the end of the year. There continued to be slow progress with the negotiations into 1985, with Dagestan continuing to demand Waynakhia's withdrawal from the territories it had occupied. Waynakhia declined the demand, stating that it would not consider the possibility until elections were held in Dagestan. For several months, the ceasefire remained fragile, with negotiations stuck.

As the situation continued, protests began to emerge in Dagestan, as well as in Waynakh-occupied territory, demanding a deal be reached. The Waynakh government broke the freeze on negotiations by offering to allow international observation in the occupied parts of Dagestan, if the country held an election. The offer was refused at first, but the Dagestani government, facing increasing protests and real danger of a coup attempt in the already shattered country, eventually agreed in May 1985, to hold an election in the following months.

July 1985 saw the holding of the election under heavy international observation, in which the opposition (TBD) party won with a small majority, in part due to unprecedented success in the Kizlyar Province, which had been cut off from the rest of the country for several years. The previous government initially refused to accept the result, and the situation became aggravated by Waynakh government stating that "the reborn Derzhavist Party has been removed from power". The result was eventually accepted.

By August 1985, the two governments had begun to negotiate more broadly, especially due to popular demands in both countries for a peace agreement. With the Dagestani opposition accepting the claim that Dagestan was the aggressor state in the conflict, negotiations led to several agreements, including free passage of citizens between the occupied and unoccupied territories, as well as Dagestani withdrawal from remaining occupied territories in the Aukh district, along with confirmation that ceasefire was permanent. However, the issue of territory remained central to the failure to reach an agreement throughout September.

In October 1985, following a new round of negotiations, the Dagestani government agreed to pay reparations for damages within Waynakh territory, with Waynakhia agreeing to pay reparations for damages within Dagestan. Germany also agreed to invest a small amount of the total in the reconstruction of the region, in exchange for the two countries integrating further with Europe. Both countries had accepted the offer, but by the end of negotiations, the issue of territory remained frozen: Dagestan continued to call for "unconditional and total withdrawal" of Waynakh forces from the occupied areas, but Waynakhia refused the withdrawal, describing Dagestan's previous government as "wholly aggressive" and that it "continued Derzhavist-style policies in these territories against non-Dagestani ethnic groups". The Waynakh government made clear that it "recognised that the citizens and government of Dagestan are completely different", and noted again that it would protect the rights of all people in the occupied areas.

By December 1995, a breakthrough had been reached in negotiations: while the Waynakh government had said there was "no possibility" of a withdrawal from the occupied areas, citing that the ceasefire had established the current lines of control, it also "did not want" to occupy or otherwise enter the Kizlyar Province. With significant pressure from Germany, Dagestan agreed to recognise the full occupation of Babayurt and Khasavyurt provinces, as well as the western part of Kizilyurt Province, on conditions that it would be a demilitarised territory, and that Dagestan could continue to use road and air networks to supply Kizlyar Province, along with guarantees on the safety and freedom of the civilian population. The offer also specified that the issue of future holding of the territory would be resolved within 10 years by a referendum on a settlement-level basis. The Waynakh government, with German persuasion and pressure, accepted the offer, stating that it would bring back peace to the region.

Waynakh annexation of Aukh

By the summer of 1995, many citizens had left the occupied areas and returned to the remaining part of Dagestan. The Waynakh and Nogai population in the occupied territories had increased considerably, with the Kumuk population also beginning to return.

The referendum on the issue of the territory's future was held in September 1995, with results largely appearing along ethnic lines - Nogai and Waynakh settlements largely voted in favour of joining Waynakhia, while Kumuk and Avar settlements had voted to return to Dagestan. However, with the majority of votes in both provinces written in favour of Waynakhia, the Waynakh government agreed to grant dual citizenship to all residents of the occupied territories, by providing Waynakh citizenship and allowing maintained Dagestani citizenship. With contention, both countries agreed to the offer under German pressure to restore peace and to allow German and British peacekeeping presence in the area. Protests occurred in cities across both countries, including in Khasavyurt. By December 1995, the Waynakh government had incorporated Khasavyurt Province and Babayurt Province into the country as Khasi-Gala District (including the occupied part of Kizilyurt District), and Babayurt District (including the Agrakhan Peninsula and Noxchi-Gaire Island), in an event now known as the Waynakh annexation of Aukh.

Long-term protests in Avar-majority settlements, especially in the south of Khasi-Gala District, led to the Waynakh government agreeing in 1996, again under German pressure, to allow the settlements a future referendum on their status and possibility of re-joining Dagestan.


20th Century history rework

Lore to rewrite:

  • GW1, interwar period, GW2. There is only one Great War.
  • Derzhavist Russia had been established in 1923.
  • Reorganisation of the Caucasus: now in 1929.
  • Fall in living standards: now from 1932.
  • Great War from 1932-38. Secret Allied funding for rebellions from 1936 ?
  • Establishment of independence: move from 1971 to 1941 ?
  • Reconstruction and Allied supervision through 50s, possibly to 60s.
  • Aukh War: 1978-84.
  • Intervention by Europe: 1984 to 1990.
  • Waynakh annexation of Aukh: 1995.
  • Europe membership: 2005.
  • Most lore can maintain from 1999 onwards, but needs to be tweaked so can follow AV2's lore.

Early 20th Century

Mountain Republic

Resulting from the beginning of political instability in Russia and growing discontent with the Tsar and his government, various regions on the periphery of the empire began to break away and declare their independence. In March 1917, the Union of the Peoples of the Northern Caucasus was established, with an Executive Committee appointed to oversee its operations. Tapa Orcu Çermi was appointed its leader, and in August 1917, the Committee decided to readopt the 1847 Constitution of Imam Shamil.

On 11 May 1918, as the Russian empire began to collapse, the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus, or Mountain Republic, was declared. The new republic established a government led by Prime Minister Çermi, Rashid Khan Kaplanov, and Haidar Bammate, with its capital at first in Dzaudzikau, but later moved to Termirxan-Şura. The Republic received support from Said Shamil, the grandson of Imam Shamil, and gained international recognition from various countries. The United Kingdom formed an alliance with Russian general Anton Denikin and made efforts to reinstate Tsarist rule in the region.

Russian revolution and annexation

Derzhavist Russia

Great War

After the outbreak of the Great War, many ethnic Russians were conscripted to the army, and the Russian populations in the North Caucasus fell significantly from 1932 onwards. The non-Slavic ethnicities of the area were persecuted and considered unfit for military service, and like many other non-Russian ethnicities under the Derzhavist government, people in the Caucasus were used as forced labour in factories to produce weapons, ammunition and vehicles for the war effort. Working conditions were widely unclean and unsafe, with little to no pay despite dangerously high working hours. People who refused to work were often murdered or sent to concentration camps.

Russian Derzhava was one of the Axis powers in the Great War, along with Derzhavist France, its main ally in Europe. The Invasion of Poland by Russia was one of the most notorious events of the Great War, and marked the beginning of Derzhavist Russia's plan to expand beyond its pre-war borders. It continued to expand across Europe through 1954, though the Allies were able to begin reversing Axis gains in 1955. Following the fall of Derzhavist France and the liberation of Germany, the Allied powers began making in-roads into Russia. Due to the major oil industry in the Chechen and Ingush regions, the Allies considered the Caucasus to be a key location, and the city of Sölƶa-Ġala, then known as Grozny, was an important location in the conflict - the Allies intended to secure the oil deposits in the area, which would hinder the ability of Russia to continue mass production and use of vehicles, and cities in the North Caucasus being occupied by the Allies would disconnect the South Caucasus from the rest of Russia, which would hinder the ability of Russia to defend those territories. Despite this, the front line never reached the Caucasus, with the main Allied push focusing on central Russia, and particularly the capital, Moscow.

As a result of this, Allied forces began to undertake alternative methods to destabilise Russian control over the Caucasus, beginning in 1933 with secret support for anti-Derzhavist protests and saboteurs in Georgia. Early signs of success from this funding, and further anti-Derzhavist uprisings across the region - with the Waynakh peoples especially active in the uprisings - led to this secret support being spread to other parts of the Caucasus. With the Derzhavist forces largely busy defending on the western front, the widespread revolts against Derzhavist Russia and the massive collaboration of local populations with the Allies largely went ignored by the authorities, enabling the Caucasus regions to further separate itself from Russia. The Derzhavist government itself fell in late 1938, when the Allies reached and occupied Moscow.

British Mandate

In 1938, after the fall of the Derzhavists, the Allied powers divided Russia into a number of occupational zones, with Germany, Sierra and the United Kingdom holding the majority of areas. The United Kingdom's occupational zone included much of southern Russia and the Caucasus, as well as the Volga and Ural areas. The original plan of the Allies was to permanently divide Russia into the occupational zones, but the idea of retaining a Russian rump state and creating new, independent states from areas of the country populated with ethnic minorities later emerged. The Partition of Russia began in 1940. The former Russian empire was split into numerous countries; a rump state centered in Moscow remained as the Russian Empire's successor state, which reconstituted itself as the Russian Democratic Republic and adopted a new constitution in 1942, continuing to exist today.

In the Caucasus region, the political reorganisation under the British Mandate began in late 1940. The original borders of Waynakhia were, at first, proposed to include the territory of the Grozny region and a small part of what was then the Vladikavkaz region which had been part of the Chechen-Ingush Region prior to 1932. The territories above the Terka River were intentionally left within its proposed borders to act mainly as a "buffer zone" against any potential future Russian invasions, as well as the large number of ethnic Waynakhs in some of these areas due to forced migrations by the Derzhavist government. However, the new borders proposed in the Caucasus were extremely unpopular with the native peoples for several reasons - in particular, it was believed that Muslim-majority ethnic groups had been disadvantaged with the borders of the new states, while largely Christian peoples, such as Ossetians, had received larger amounts of land with greater economic strength. Moreover, while the Caucasian peoples had hoped for historical homelands to define the new borders, the British mandate based many borders on those created by Russia, which often followed geographical features or arbitrary lines, along with deliberately blurring ethnic lines during the Highland Expulsions.

As a result of great discontent and protesting by Waynakhs and other peoples of the Caucasus, the proposed borders of the region were greatly modified once more; the Chechen-Ingush Region's borders were largely restored to the pre-1932 boundaries, though the Naursky, Shelkovskoy, and Kargalinsky districts of the neighbouring Stavropol territory were left within its borders, due to the stronger economic connection of the three districts with Grozny. The northern part of the Grozny region was established as the separate entity of Nogaistan. Moreover, the Aukh district, which had been almost mono-ethnically Waynakh prior to 1932, was left within the borders of Dagestan; many peoples from the mountainous parts of Dagestan remained in their new territories in the lowlands, as the villages which ethnicities from the highlands had lived in no longer existed, preventing them from being returned there. This left many Waynakh people and settlements outside of the new region's borders, leading to regular, low-level disputes between Waynakhia and neighbouring Dagestan.

The British mandate primarily focused reconstruction efforts in the major cities and towns of the Caucasus, and many smaller towns and villages saw little recovery compared to larger cities such as Grozny and Nazran. In many cases, mountainous villages were not restored at all during the mandate, and mass migration to cities and larger towns occurred by people searching for work. Unemployment rates remained at over 60% for the years of the British mandate, with rebuilding mainly focused on housing, roads, schools, and some factories, along with the oil industry. Agricultural recovery was slow, and remained at or just above subsistence level in most of the country for several years. During this period, the Waynakh regions became known as "British Checheno-Ingushetia", or simply Checheno-Ingushetia. The Chechen-Ingush Region was officially renamed to British Checheno-Ingushetia in 1940.

Independence

By 1941, the peoples of the Caucasus had become increasingly agitated for full independence from Russia, around the same time as the Allied powers began to entertain the idea of creating permanent, independent states from Derzhavist Russia. The idea received great support from Caucasian peoples and other non-Russian ethnicities across the country, and at the Moscow Summit in 1941, many independent states were prepared for their separation from Russia. The new states originally were supposed to keep their names, with the removal of the mandatory power - however, this caused controversy in some areas. The ethnonyms "Chechen" and "Ingush" were never used by the Waynakhs themselves, and were widely seen as a continued Russian influence over the area. As a result, upon its independence, British Checheno-Ingushetia adopted the name Vaynakhia, based on the self-name of its native people, and an anglicised version of its spelling. On 22 August 1941, the British mandate ended, establishing Vaynakhia as an independent country.

Post-independence

In the weeks following the independence of the various ethnic republics across Russia, the Allied Powers began to establish a new government in the remaining Russian rump state. By XXXX, this was completed, and the new government was granted 'authority of the sovereign state', taking power in XXXX and renaming Russia as the Russian Federative Republic. The new Russian government unofficially recognised the independence of the states, including Vaynakhia, though did not extend formal recognition at the time.

Meanwhile, the economies of many Caucasus regions remained in difficulty, and Vaynakhia continued to be an under-developed country throughout the 1950s. Despite efforts to rebuild, discussions on reparations payments with Russia mediated by the Allies, made little to no progress, and stalled by 19XX. Vaynakhia's economic recovery was limited outside of the oil industry, and other states with smaller populations or less economic assets saw continued declines. With collapsing economies and health systems, poor living conditions, and high food prices, a slow but steady wave of migration began from countries across the Caucasus towards Northern Europe and the Middle East; many people looked to emigrate to countries where post-war recovery was faster, as very little foreign investment had been directed back to the Caucasus, with the region being considered as less significant than Western Europe and Russia. As a result, the population of the North Caucasus dropped by as much as one third throughout the 1950s and 1960s.

During the early years of independence, Waynakhs who were residents of the Aukh district before the Highland Expulsions began to return to the district, now part of Dagestan, and attempted to reclaim their homes from Dagestani settlers. While the effort was initially peaceful, with shared understanding on both sides that Waynakhs and Dagestanis had been forcefully expelled from their homes, and that Dagestanis had no choice other than to move to the Aukh region on Derzhavist orders, the lack of progress on finding a solution led to agitation from both sides. A political solution was reached, with the creation of a new district and villages in eastern Dagestan for the Dagestani residents of Aukh district and the subsequent return of the territory to Vaynakhia. The region remained volatile, with major skirmishes between Waynakh and Dagestani residents occurring, particularly when sovereignty over the district was transferred in 196X; Aukh became the most unstable region in Vaynakhia, with more extremist components in Dagestan's government calling for land and property belonging to ethnic Waynakhs in other parts of Dagestan to be confiscated in exchange for the 'loss' of the Aukh district.

Cold War

During the Cold War era, much of the Caucasus remained outside of the main theatres of crises; however, the region's political elite had started to view the Allied Powers, especially the British, as the reason for the region's survival, along with its people's survival of the Derzhavist oppressions. As a result, the majority of the new countries in the region, including Vaynakhia, moved politically closer to the British-led bloc and towards Europe, maintaining and building relations with British-leaning, capitalist Northern European countries to prevent the Caucasus from being forgotten or abandoned. However, the Caucasus also initially refused to join the Northern Treaty Organisation, largely due to its countries not wanting to take part in an alliance in which Russia was a member. By the 1950s, most of the Caucasus region had established military and economic relations with the European Allies, with the exception of Azerbaijan, which moved politically closer to Iran.

By 1960, the European Coal and Steel Community had been established, beginning to expand from the early 1960s onwards, and being renamed to the European Economic Community in 1965. Throughout the late 1950s and early 1960s, Germany had established itself as the dominant economic power in Europe, which led to a considerable Waynakh diaspora appearing in the country in search of work opportunities, and it also began to exercise political influence across the continent. By this time, the 'Caucasian states' as they had become known, began to show interest in becoming members of the organisation, as well as NTO, citing the large diaspora in the region, and the need to integrate with Europe for economic and defence purposes, as its main reasons. German political leaders showed interest in bringing the Caucasus to closer integration and encouraging relaxation on migration rules from the Caucasian states. On the other hand, other key member states, including Britain, showed more restraint, due to the continued political and economic instability in the region, with concerns that inviting the unstable Caucasus into the bloc could cause greater instability.

As the other Allied Powers had discussed, political instability in the Caucasus continued to escalate, with the late 1960s seeing ethnic tensions boiling over in Georgia and leading to a civil war, along with border conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. With much of the region descending into chaos, the conflicts during the period became known as the Caucasus Wars; the instability in the south soon began to spread northwards, especially following Armenian successes against Azerbaijan, leading to the Dagestani government of the time becoming increasingly revanchist and calling for areas of Azerbaijan with Avar and Lezgin population majorities to be returned to Dagestan. With ongoing disputes between Dagestan and Vaynakhia over the Aukh region extending into the 1970s, increasing hostility occurred on both sides, with Dagestani authorities beginning to confiscate land and property belonging to Waynakhs and giving it to native Dagestani peoples. In response to Dagestani calls for Avar and Lezgin regions of Azerbaijan to be handed over to it, the Vaynakh government stated that Waynakh-populated territories should be returned by Dagestan. The Dagestani government reacted by becoming openly hostile towards Vaynakhia and threatening to retake parts of Vaynakhia's territory which had been given to it by Derzhavist authorities in the 1920s and 1930s, particularly in the Aukh district, which had been returned to Vaynakhia with a majority population of Avars and Laks. Dagestani militarisation, apparently with intentions to forcibly take over parts of Azerbaijan, started to expand even more quickly, which led to subsequent effort by Vaynakhia to build up its military strength to fend off any attempted invasions. By the middle of the decade, the situation had begun to boil over, with Dagestan claiming sovereignty over the region in 1977. Subsequently, Dagestani armed forces were sent into the district, followed by citizens; Vaynakhia responded by sending its own armed forced back into the district, leading to both countries descending into all-out war.

Late 20th Century

Dagestan-Waynakhia Conflict

The Dagestan-Waynakhia Conflict, also known as the Aukh War, began in 1978, following the Dagestani invasion of Waynakhia's Aukh district, on which the conflict initially focused, with Dagestan initially occupying much of the area. The situation boiled over further when Dagestani forces pushed into several other districts of Waynakhia in the second half of 1979, openly stating its intention to restore its borders to those created by the Derzhavist authorities. While Waynakhia initially lost control of a large part of its territory, it organised its own armed forces and launched a major counter-attack in late 1979 and early 1980, to push Dagestani armed forces out of its territory. Calling on European allies for support, the Waynakh government connected the Dagestani government's actions to those of Derzhavist Russia, describing its leadership as the "re-manifestation of the Derzhava" and stating that its power had to "be expelled from Waynakh lands at all costs". The Waynakh counter-offensive saw successes in the spring of 1980, with the eastern part of the Gumsa district liberated, along with parts of other mountain districts. European armies refused to send manpower to the region, but supported Waynakhia with ammunition, weapons and vehicles; Waynakh successes increased further in 1980 and into 1981, with increasing recovery of highland regions, including parts of Chebarla and Shara, where Dagestani authorities had attempted to resettle Dagestani peoples to and had claimed annexation.

While most spectators believed that Waynakhia only intended to return to its original borders, concern appeared when the Waynakh armed forces launched an offensive into the Khasavyurt Province of Dagestan, though it was described as a 'buffer zone' to protect Waynakhia's borders and to restore peace in Waynakh-majority settlements in Dagestan. Despite falling supply of equipment and resources by European allies, due to the perceived success of the Waynakh counter-offensive, the country continued to advance. In 1982, following a second and more powerful Dagestani offensive into Aukh district, allied support for Waynakhia increased once more, with new supplies of equipment. Waynakhia launched a surprise offensive in the summer of 1982, with a crossing of the Terka River into the lightly defended Babayurt Province of Dagestan. Despite initial losses, the country gained a foothold on the opposite bank, especially due to presence of Waynakh-populated settlements along the Dagestani bank of the river.

Dagestan began to relocate forces from the Aukh front to the Waynakh incursions in Khasavyurt and Babayurt provinces, with the conflict largely stalling over the winter, before resuming again in the spring of 1983. Despite initial Waynakh losses of around half of its held territory at the Babayurt front, renewed success appeared at the Khasavyurt front, largely driven by Waynakh successes in the region's Waynakh-populated settlements. Dagestan continued to push into southern Aukh and attempt to push Waynakh forces out of Babayurt and Khasavyurt provinces, though a renewed Waynakh counter-offensive, across the barely populated north of Babayurt Province, and in northern Aukh, led to a partial collapse in Dagestani front lines, partially due to disorganisation in its armed forces as well as co-ordinated 'feigned retreat' tactics by Waynakh forces. The resulting major Dagestani loss at the Battle of Bammatyurt in May 1983 was seen as catastrophic, due to limited presence of forces beyond the area, enabling a rapid Waynakh advance into the east and south-east of the Khasavyurt province, along with resulting close proximity of Waynakh forces to Khasavyurt City. The Waynakh government soon announced that the policy of guaranteed rights to all citizens would extend from the Aukh district to all of the occupied territories in Dagestan, as well as calling for international organisations, including the Red Cross, to supervise the territories.

By June 1983, the feigned retreat tactic had led to collapses of the frontline further north, most significantly at Lyuksemburg and Germenchik in the Babayurt province with Waynakhia cutting the Khasavyurt-Babayurt Highway, and the Khasavyurt front had shifted as far east as the village of Kostek and administrative boundary of the Khasavyurt province, where the situation began to stabilise. After its advances further to the east, Waynakh forces began to uncover signs of Dagestani 'scorched earth' tactics, with forced evacuations and wholesale destruction of settlements, as well as apparent ethnic cleansing of non-Dagestani peoples. As the summer of 1983 progressed, the Battle of Babayurt began, where Waynakh forces arrived from the north. A provincial capital, Babayurt was a key target, leading to a major Dagestani counter-offensive gradually succeeding with the city's defence. As an attempt to distract and redirect Waynakh forces, Dagestani forces launched small-scale offensives against the Shara, Chebarla and Aukh districts, with successes in retaking Waynakh settlements in some areas. While Waynakhia did respond in the region, mainly by stabilising the front, it continued its main efforts in Babayurt Province, pushing towards the mouth of the Terka River towards the end of the 1983 year. With the Khasavyurt front stable and no major advances ongoing, some Dagestani forces were withdrawn from the area to defend Babayurt.

On 1 January 1984, a surprise offensive was launched against Khasavyurt City, with the rapid occupation of several northern Waynakh-majority city districts within hours of the start of the year, as well as a Waynakh advance to the Aktash River, on the eastern outskirts of the city. Dagestani forces in the city had engaged Waynakh forces by the end of the day, preventing further advances. With Dagestan's forces already stretched, and initial support from Azerbaijan fading as Waynakh success mounted, the defence of the Terka River estuary began to falter, leading to a partial Dagestani withdrawal from the barren steppe in the area. With few populated settlements remaining in the east of the province, the Waynakh armed forces in the Babayurt Province began to focus towards the south-west, targeting Babaw-Yurt once again.

By the start of February, Waynakhia had established positions further south between Kokrek and Khasavyurt, though multiple attempts to cross the Aktash River into the city had failed. With the only remaining Dagestani supply route to the city passing through Endirei and the nearby Dylym Highway, to the south, a large-scale campaign began in the southern Aukh district, attempting to dislodge the southern Dagestani line, with the northern line south-west from Khasavyurt held stable. The battle at Babayurt also continued, with slow Waynakh advances in settlements to the south and east of the city and heavy losses in the process.

In March 1984, Waynakhia launched a feigned retreat at positions near to the administrative border between Khasavyurt and Kizilyurt provinces, claiming that it planned to focus on Khasavyurt City. Dagestani forces soon attempted to move forwards, but Waynakh forces launched a major offensive, surrounding Aknada town and Chontaul town, advancing to the Sulak River, as well as along the Caucasus Highway to positions south of Zubutli and Bautugai. The road connection leading to Endirei was cut, with mountainous terrain blocking further advances by either side, also isolating Dagestani positions at Kokrek from supplies. The town was bombarded and largely destroyed when Dagestan refused to surrender it.

By the end of April in 1984, fierce battles within Khasavyurt were ongoing, as well as in Aukh district, with Waynakh forces attempting to completely cut the bombarded Dylym Highway. The previous stalemate in the four-month battle at Babayurt ended with a Waynakh advance into Gemetyube town, cutting the highway to Anji-Kala. Dagestani forces began to evacuate the remaining Babayurt population through the nearby town Alimpasha-Yurt, before feigning surrender, engaging scorched earth tactics and preparing to fiercely bombard the town from positions to the south of the city. In early May 1984, when Waynakh forces finally entered the town, a coordinated Dagestani campaign to destroy it had started, similar to the destruction of Kokrek months earlier by Waynakhia, leading to heavy Waynakh losses and surprise attacks by remaining Dagestani forces. The attack led to major Waynakh losses, though the otherwise complete surrounding of the town resulted in Waynakh victory.

The battle at Khasavyurt was ongoing at this time. After the occupation of Babayurt and vicinity by Waynakh forces, troops were largely relocated to Khasavyurt, with smaller groups sent to add defence to the Terka River front and others directed to the south-east, engaging small-scale offensives near small settlements along the highway. Major defensive lines had been prepared across the Sulak River to block Waynakh forces from advancing further, though the summer months saw low-scale success at the few remaining settlements in the area. Waynakh forces eventually reached the Caspian Sea coast and sandbar at Sulak, isolating Agrakhan Peninsula and bypassing the heavily fortified Sulak town, the final settlement north of Sulak river.

By August 1984, Waynakh and Dagestani forces were engaged in high-level and intense battles within Khasavyurt City. With equipment support from both countries' allies stopping, in protest at the ongoing disaster in the city, the Waynakh government extended a ceasefire offer to the government of Dagestan, in exchange for establishing a corridor for citizens to exit the city. The Dagestani government declined at first, but later reversed the decision, agreeing to a 7-day ceasefire in the city. On 18 August 1984, the ceasefire began, leading to the evacuation of over 40,000 citizens from across the city, and invitation of humanitarian agencies to oversee the process and enter the city until 24 August. Agencies had been unable to access the city for almost a year, due to Dagestani restrictions.

High-level negotiations, mediated by Germany, occurred throughout the week, to maintain the ceasefire, leading to a 24-hour extension. By 25 August, Khasavyurt was mostly empty, with the evacuation largely completed, including movement of those in hospitals to health facilities across Dagestan and Waynakhia, with the Waynakh government promoting its policy to guarantee the rights of all people in the territories it had occupied. In the early morning hours of 26 August, after the expiration of the ceasefire, unarmed Waynakh forces moved along the road from Gachalqa to the Dylym Highway, cutting the final supply route into the city for Dagestani forces. The Waynakh armed forces within the city and elsewhere, maintained the ceasefire. Dagestani forces did not engage with unarmed Waynakh forces, and when the news reached the Waynakh government in the late morning of 26 August of the surrounding of Khasavyurt, it notified European allies, it offered to begin negotiations with Dagestan, while moving lightly armed troops to the Dylym Highway. With no supply routes into the city and limited chances of any further advance, the Dagestani government surrendered through mediation with Germany. By the afternoon of 26 August, news of the Dagestani surrender reached the Waynakh government.

European intervention and negotiations

By the end of 16 August, the Waynakh government declared that it was "finished with" the fighting, marking a permanent ceasefire. The full evacuation of Khasavyurt was then agreed, with the safe passage to Endirei of all remaining Dagestani troops and officials, along with residents wishing to leave, followed by the entrance of humanitarian agencies into the city with the support and protection of the Waynakh armed forces. The beginning of negotiations came in September, with mediation by Germany, which had hoped to integrate the Caucasus into Europe upon the end of the conflict. However, early negotiations faced many hurdles, especially regarding the occupied areas; Dagestan demanded a full Waynakh withdrawal from the occupied regions, which Waynakhia refused. Both Dagestan and Waynakhia struggled to make progress in negotiations for several weeks, especially as information and news from the occupied territories began to emerge around the hostilities. Neither side changed its position, stalling talks, with Dagestan's position that its sovereignty had been violated, and Waynakhia's position that after being attacked first, it needed to defend itself, and the residents of the occupied regions, from the "dangerous and volatile" Dagestani government.

By October, the first agreements between the two countries emerged around the southern Waynakh provinces of Chebarla and Shara, where Dagestan agreed to withdraw forces to the recognised international border by the end of the year. Despite this success, the progress of the negotiations remained very slow into 1985 due to the unresolved situation around the occupied territories, and political instability within the rest of Dagestan, especially due to the country's upcoming federal election - while the Dagestani government was refusing to allow the election until Waynakhia withdrew from all Dagestani territory, the Waynakh government stated that withdrawing was "not an option" and that it would be impossible to negotiate a fair end to the war with the government that started it. Protests began to emerge in both Dagestan and Waynakhia, as well as the occupied areas, with citizens calling for a resolution to the situation.

In an attempt to restart the stalling negotiations, the Waynakh government proposed to allow residents of the occupied parts of Dagestan to vote in the federal election, with the presence of international observers to supervise the voting process. The Dagestani government initially refused the offer, but with increasing protests and threats of a coup attempt in the already fragile country, along with international pressure from Germany and Britain, the idea was accepted in May 1985. Under heavy international observation, the election was held in July 1985, in which the Dagestani opposition party (TBD) won with a small majority. The previous government initially refused to accept the result, escalating tensions within Dagestan, especially when the Waynakh government declared that "the reincarnation of the Derzhavist Party has been removed from power". Eventually, the result was accepted, and the arrival of a new government in Dagestan marked a positive change in the situation around negotiations.

By August 1985, the increasing pressure for peace, from both the citizens of Dagestan and Waynakhia as well as from European mediators, pushed both governments to make more meaningful efforts to reach a peace agreement, including a major decision to allow free passage of citizens between the occupied and unoccupied parts of Dagestan, as well as a Dagestani withdrawal from the remaining occupied part of the Aukh district. The permanent status of the ceasefire was reconfirmed by both parties, with the Dagestani government accepting that Dagestan was the aggressor state, declaring "if not for the unacceptable attack on our neighbours by the previous government, we would have made progress in peace", and the Waynakh government stated that "Waynakhs want to live in peace with Dagestanis as brothers, and it's clear that many Dagestanis want the same peace with Waynakhs... you voted for a government that cares about you."

By October 1985, following progress in previous discussions, a new round of negotiations began: the Dagestani government agreed to pay reparations for damages within Waynakh territory, and the Waynakh government agreed to pay reparations for damages within Dagestani territory. Germany also agreed to invest in regional reconstruction, on the condition that both parties begin integrating with Europe. Both countries accepted the offer, but the issue of territory remained unsolved; Dagestan continued to call for "unconditional and total withdrawal" of Waynakh forces, while Waynakhia stated that the previous government was "wholly aggressive and unrelenting", that it recognised the "complete difference between citizens and government", and its record of promoting the rights of all peoples in the occupied areas.

By December 1985, with unprecedented political pressure from Germany on both Dagestan and Waynakhia, a breakthrough was reached: while the Waynakh government stated that there was "no possibility" of withdrawing from the occupied areas, it also "did not want" to occupy any more of Dagestan, and would limit its military presence in the region. Dagestan's government responded by recognising full Waynakh control over the occupied provinces and areas, on conditions of guaranteed safety and freedom of civilians, along with a referendum within 10 years on the final control of the territory, and for no administrative boundaries to be changed prior to this. The Waynakh government agreed to the offer, stating that it was "the only realistic path to long-term peace".

Reconstruction and Waynakh annexation of Aukh

Throughout the next decade, with a temporary resolution on the territorial situation being reached, reparations payments and reconstruction began, along with the beginning of closer integration of the Caucasus states with Europe. Negotiations with both Germany and Britain continued throughout the period; in particular, Waynakhia looked to integrate its own economy closely with those of the capitalist northern European states. Partly fuelled by the already large Waynakh diaspora in Germany, and the contributions by Waynakh workers in the reconstruction and economic recovery of post-war Germany, the German government wished to "return the favour" by aiding the reconstruction and recovery of Waynakhia. By 1987, the countries had agreed on further economic ties, particularly around the restoration of the Waynakh oil and kerosene industry - in exchange for Waynakhia providing it with discounted oil prices, Germany would commit to investment in reconstructing Waynakhia's industrial base and its major cities and towns damaged in the previous conflict. During the same period, the Anatolian Republic began to develop closer relations with the North Caucasian states, offering the expansion of major economic arteries, including the Caucasus Railway, into the North Caucasus in exchange for the eventual removal of trade barriers. The offer was especially prominent for Waynakhia, as the Anatolian economic minister of the time, (TBD), was of Waynakh descent; both countries agreed to the proposal, with Dagestan also accepting the offer.

In late 1987, led by Germany, the capitalist states of northern Europe agreed on a comprehensive economic recovery plan directed towards the Caucasus. Due partly to concerns that the region could stray towards the Landonist bloc in the aftermath of the Caucasus Wars, the (TBD) Plan was proposed and enacted; in exchange for the five Caucasian states - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Dagestan, Georgia, and Waynakhia - declaring an official trajectory towards integrating fully with Europe and NTO, and rejecting any possibility of moving towards Landonism, along with the removal or reduction of trade barriers with Europe, then the German-led European bloc would invest directly in the redevelopment of the Caucasian economies and adapting them to modern European business standards, along with industrial modernisation and improving productivity and prosperity. With the exception of Azerbaijan, which had started to integrate more closely with Persia, the Caucasian states endorsed the plan, which was made effective on 3 March 1988.

European and Anatolian investment led to the mass modernisation of Waynakhia's largest cities and towns, and despite the significant fall in population, the return of peace to the region saw encouraging signs of a slow and steady population increase, from the return of refugees along with natural increase. The (TBD) Plan was further specialised towards Waynakh interests following the first phase, based on critical infrastructure recovery: starting in 1988, the clearance of rubble and damaged infrastructure would begin to make way for reconstruction and modernisation; any restorable buildings would be saved and fixed, while those damaged beyond repair would be fully reconstructed. This would occur alongside the repair of damaged roads and bridges, water and gas pipelines, and mains electricity; the reconstruction of the country's housing stock; the reconstruction of critical social facilities including education centres, places of worship, and government buildings; and the modernisation and expansion of the country's two airports - Grozny and Nazran - to facilitate trade and labour movements with European Community members and the Anatolian Republic. The expansion of the country's oil industry was also a component of the first phase, with the restoration of damaged oil wells and preparing foundations for new ones at other oil fields across the republic.

The second phase of the (TBD) Plan - known as the Full Reconstruction phase - was finalised during the first Critical Infrastructure phase, officially beginning in 1990 for Waynakhia. With the support of Waynakh economists, the plan was specialised towards economic areas where the country held comparative advantages or could provide strong foundations for its economy, enabling future trade with Europe. Among key components of this phase were the reconstruction of farms and other agricultural enterprises, factories and other industrial facilities, development of oil facilities at known fields, and economic diversification, including development of the tertiary sector. Transport links were also to be developed, creating new and expanding existing highway and rail connections; the construction of the Chanta-Orga Highway and the expansion of the Caucasus Railway were integral to the plan, building direct land routes between Waynakhia and Georgia, and by extension, the Anatolian Republic. The construction of other public and leisure facilities would follow, with these to be funded largely by Waynakhia's profit from its economic output.

By 1991, encouraging signs of economic recovery had started to appear, with the economy becoming profitable for the first time in (TBD) years. However, much of the Aukh region was under-developed and was mostly excluded from the plan, due to Waynakh responsibility for its redevelopment; however, the fall in the area's population caused by the conflict had made redevelopment difficult, as well as Waynakh obligations to make no changes in the administrative structure of the area. The regional economies were increasingly tied to the rest of Waynakhia, especially those of Khasavyurt and the surrounding district. Provisions were also made for rehabilitation of ethnic Germans who had lived in the area, especially the Babayurt district, prior to the Derzhavist expulsions, though the number of Germans moving to the area in the 1990s was limited.

By the summer of 1995, many Dagestani peoples had left the occupied areas and returned to the remaining part of Dagestan. The Waynakh and Nogai population in the occupied territories had increased considerably, with the Kumuk population also beginning to return. Despite the Waynakh government directing a share of its state budget to the reconstruction of the parts of Dagestan it had occupied, the dramatic population decline and lack of people remaining or returning to the area meant that some funding was unused - among the main reasons for this, was the failure to reconstruct settlements and amenities where few to no residents were still living. The resulting reallocation of funding towards the main settlements in the region or the rest of Waynakhia caused outrage in some rural occupied areas of Dagestan, though the Waynakh government offered to reconstruct homes and provide land in larger settlements nearby for those whose settlements were removed from the reconstruction plan.

The referendum on the issue of the territory's future was held in September 1995, again with strict international observation, with results largely appearing along ethnic lines - Nogai and Waynakh settlements largely voted in favour of joining Waynakhia, while Kumuk and Avar settlements had mainly voted to return to Dagestan. However, with the majority of votes in both provinces written in favour of Waynakhia, the Waynakh government agreed to grant dual citizenship to all residents of the occupied territories, by providing Waynakh citizenship and allowing maintained Dagestani citizenship. With contention, both countries agreed to the offer, under German pressure, to restore peace and to allow a German and British peacekeeping presence. Protests occurred in cities across both countries, including in Khasavyurt. Once the results of the referendum were officially verified and accepted by both Dagestan and Waynakhia, the conflict was declared officially over. By December 1995, the Waynakh government had incorporated Khasavyurt Province and Babayurt Province into the country as Khasi-Gala District (including the occupied part of Kizilyurt District), and Babayurt District (including the Agrakhan Peninsula and Noxchi-Gaire Island), in an event now known as the Waynakh annexation of Aukh. Long-term protests in Avar-majority settlements, especially in the south of Khasi-Gala District, led to the Waynakh government agreeing in 1996, again under German pressure, to allow the settlements a future referendum on their status and possibility of re-joining Dagestan.

Contemporary history

Ƶowxar Dudaġera, the first post-war President of Waynakhia
Arslan Masẋada, the successor of President Dudaġera

In November 1999, the first post-conflict presidential election took place in Waynakhia, with Ƶowxar Dudaġera of the Waynakh Democratic Party winning the election by a landslide. The party strongly opposed the idea of communism, with values aligned towards continuing to develop a capitalist economy with close relations to Sierra and the West. Dudaġera built on the foundations made by Sierra in the economy and continued to follow the phased recovery plans. The Waynakh naxar was introduced as the state currency from December 2000, replacing the Russian ruble, though the ruble was phased out over time and replaced by the naxar before the legal tender status in 2007 was withdrawn and the naxar became the sole legal tender. Dudaġera also retained similar economic policies to those set by Sierra. Later, the economic policies were modified, with development of the mountainous regions of the country beginning under Dudaġera's government in summer 2003. The mountainous region had been repopulated in small numbers at a few settlements in the 1970s, but had remained almost completely abandoned from the outbreak of the Caucasian Wars - policies were created to begin restoration of the mountainous areas, beginning with redevelopment of the most significant 50 settlements including administrative centers and historical population centers. This won massive popular support for Dudaġera, who won the March 2004 presidential election by a majority. Economic development continued at a rapid pace until the 2008 financial crisis; redevelopment of the mountainous region was suspended in favor of securing the continued function of the republic's economy centered on the lowland regions. Support for Dudaġera and the WDP fell initially before recovering as the worst of the crisis passed in Vaynakhia; however, a president cannot serve more than two terms in Vaynakhia, and Dudaġera retired from politics in 2009.

In the election of March 2009, the vote was won by the WDP again under the leadership of Arslan Masẋada, though the result was more close than the previous two elections. Masẋada continued the economic policies of Sierra, but conflicts in the Middle East which led to the return of many ethnic Waynakhs led to an inward immigration crisis, the main cause for reduced popular support for the WDP when Masẋada and his government were unable to handle the crisis effectively. This led to the March 2014 election being won by the opposition party, the Waynakh Republican Party, under the leadership of Aẋmat Daud - the new government focused a significant investment on the mountainous region with the objective to separate the economy of Vaynakhia from that of Sierra by 2025. The Porciúncula Stock Exchange crash of 2015, however, significantly impacted on the WRP's support, just one year after it took power; much of the investment from Sierra for 2014 and early 2015 had been invested into the mountainous part of Vaynakhia, but the Sierran government suspended funding for Vaynakhia and the Caucasus in June 2015. This left the WRP relying on the domestic economy not to suffer after the crash, and the mountainous region's development was suspended again with a focus on strengthening the economy of the lowlands.

Many people in Vaynakhia took the failure of the WRP to restore the mountainous region as an embarrassment; an opinion poll in September 2015 showed support for the current government to be at a record low of 32%, and an opinion poll in January-February 2019 showed support for the WDP at 77%. The economy in the lowland regions did not recover enough to continue developing the mountainous region. The March 2019 election was won by Şamil Aydamir of the Waynakh Democratic Party by a majority; Aydamir capitalized on the failure of the WRP to restore the mountainous region, with a focus on how unemployment in every one of the few populated villages was above 67%, and promised to make "significant progress" on restoring the highlands by the March 2024 election, "no matter what happens". Aydamir led the 2019 Waynakh orthographic reform, passed the Local Government Reform Act 2019, and changed the country's name from Vaynakhia to Waynakhia. In addition, as the economy of the lowland regions was predicted to slow, Aydamir created a team of economic advisors to create plans for a scaled down version of the economic recovery plan to apply to the mountain regions. This was prepared and was due to start from April 2020, with investment in the lowland regions reinjected into the Highland Recovery Fund, in order to allow economic growth in the mountainous regions to reduce the impact of slowing growth in the lowlands regions.

In 2020, the arrival of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic led to a significant impact on the country. On 11 March 2020, Aydamir announced that the national borders of Waynakhia would close completely from 5:00 am on 12 March 2020 to everyone except for Waynakhian citizens (passport holders) and permanent residents. Waynakhia did not have well-developed international travel links at the time - Aydamir was accused of "over-reacting" by political rivals, who pointed out that Waynakhia had recorded no cases of the virus. However, on 24 March 2020, three cases of COVID-19 were confirmed - two in the Sölƶa-Ġala City Region and one in Gümsa Province. All cases were linked to international travel, but President Aydamir held an emergency public conference at 5:00 pm on 24 March 2020, and placed all of Waynakhia into complete lockdown from 01:00 am on 25 March 2020, and closed the regional borders of all provinces. Waynakhia followed an elimination strategy, recording its last confirmed community transmission on 29 April, and its last case on 14 May. From June 2020, Aydamir launched the Highland Recovery, two months later than planned. An opinion poll in June 2020 showed that support for Aydamir and the WDP was at a record high of 83%, matching support in mid-2000 for Dudaġera. Through the spring and summer of 2021, some newly accessible parts of the country's mountainous region were cultivated for the first time in decades, boosting Waynakhia's agricultural output. The Highland Recovery was suspended in September and October 2021 due to a major community outbreak of the virus. Waynakhia moved to a suppression strategy against COVID-19 from November 2021, and the Highland Recovery project resumed. In November 2022, it was confirmed that in some parts of the area covered by the project, road construction had been completed, with the creation of critical infrastructure such as water, gas, heating, electricity, sewage systems, farms, and public amenities such as convenience stores and public service buildings beginning from 1 December, along with sale of land plots for houses.

The incumbent Waynakh Democratic Party won the 2024 elections, maintaining popular support across much of the country, and winning almost all parliamentary seats in the Mountain Region, but losing many seats in the Plains Region to the new opposition Adat Party, due to a perceived lack of investment in the central provinces in favour of the southern mountainous provinces and the Highland Recovery. By the time of the election, more than 30 mountain settlements due for revival in the project had regained a permanent population and were connected to key national infrastructure. Following the success of Adat, which focused on issued around healthcare, education, costs of living and corruption, the WDP has started to invest heavily into a nationwide scheme for retraining healthcare workers and improving the efficiency and capacity of the country's health system, and continues to work actively alongside Adat on designing schemes to improve the education and policing systems. Adat aims to tackle Waynakhia's cost of living crisis by improving wages and productivity in key sectors, as well as increasing national economic self-sufficiency and increasing agricultural capacity.