Segregation policies in Africa

Many countries, regions, and territories in Africa have segregationist policies enshrined into law. Other regions, especially cities, have de facto segregation due to economic disparities, social stratification, and historical precedents. These segregationist policies date back to various colonial administrations, where European powers established boundaries not only geographically, but also racially. While most prominent in Southern Africa, where countries either have White majorities, pluralities, or large minorities, Black-majority countries, such as Nubia and Liberia, have also introduced such policies on their own.

The most important segregationist country is South Africa, where the law of Apartheid was enforced in 1948. Apartheid, meaning "apartness" in Afrikaans, systematically separates individuals and communities based on race, enforcing a rigid hierarchy that privileges White South Africans, who form 68.3% of the population. South Africa has had a White plurality since 1896, and a White majority since 1948, and the policy was implemented to protect and maintain the socio-political dominance and economic control of the White population. The system divides people into four main racial groups: Whites, Blacks, Coloureds, and Indians. Each group has separate living areas, schools, healthcare facilities, and public amenities. Apartheid is widely considered the most restrictive segregationist policy in the continent.

Liberia and Rhodesland, both constituent countries of the United British Empire, also enforce their own segregationist laws. Rhodesland's Premier Enoch Powell's ideas on racial separation and ethnic pluralism influenced policies in these regions. In 1970, Premier Powell instituted ethno-pluralism and "Aparthood" policies, which mandated residential and educational separations between the Black and White populations. Rhodesland's Aparthood, not as restrictive as South Africa's Apartheid, allows for interaction between racial groups, particularly in urban centers and industrial sectors, where labor demands necessitate integration. However, interactions outside these predefined spheres remain limited and are often frowned upon. Meanwhile, in Liberia, the Americo-Liberian ruling class, which had already adopted laws to segregate themselves from the indigenous African tribes, adopted the stronger Nationals Autonomy Act of 2020 under Premier Clarence T.S. Brockway.

Portuguese territories, operating under the ideology of Lusotropicalism, which promotes the notion of racial harmony and mixed-race societies, nonetheless exhibit certain degrees of de facto segregation. Lusotropicalism, which gained prominence under the regime of António de Oliveira Salazar, emphasizes the Portuguese ability to adapt to tropical climates and mix with local populations, touting a more inclusive colonial approach compared to other European colonial powers. However, in practice, racial and social hierarchies persist. The cities of Luanda and Lourenço Marques, for example, exhibit clear divisions between different racial and ethnic groups. Wealthier, predominantly White and mixed-race communities live in well-maintained central neighborhoods with access to better amenities, schools, and healthcare, while predominantly Black neighborhoods, which are often overcrowded and under-resourced, exist on the peripheries of the city. Regardless, the Portuguese territories rank the highest in terms of African representation in administrative and governmental positions.

In Nubia, which is a colonial empire, segregation policies are only enforced in some areas, such as the City of Qañpal, where Nubian Copts are separated from native Ugandan Animist communities. The segregation is driven by the Nubian government's desire to maintain sociopolitical dominance and cultural hegemony of the Nubian elite over the indigenous population. In Qañpal, public services and resources such as education, healthcare, and housing are markedly better in Copt-dominated areas, whereas Ugandan neighborhoods often experience systemic neglect and resource shortages. The continued segregation of Qañpal has been a point of contention with the autonomous Ugandan principalities, such as Kitara, Buganda, Tooro, and Ankole, which have voiced their opposition to King Senuthios III on several occasions.