African Colonization of Meridia (Merveilles des Morte)

Colonial Meridia Jazeera Jayyana (Arabic) Ghana Al-Iram (Mande) Aman Asikyira-ese (Akan) Ulugwanyi (Igbo) Ajala Ile Damoy (Yoruba)
1521–1640
Location of Meridia colonies
Status	Overseas territory
Capital	Bebeghad Zamz Al-Abim Tupiasi Pupaigi Ahurumugwu
Religion	Yunni Islam, Ona, indigenous religions
Demonym(s)	Afro-Meridian
Government	Colonial states
Governor
• 1521-1535	Abd Al-Muttalib Jannah (in Iram)
• 1522-1536	Jan ibn Yahya (in Jayyan)
• 1532-1533	Jalut Kujaibi (in Asikyira)
• 1544-1554	Rahi Mukhamil (in Ulugwanyi)
• 1551-1554	Ilyas Joofa (in Ile Damoy)
Legislature	Ulama Al-Gharb (in Jayyan) Seb Ak Baor (in Iram) Kotoko (in Asikyira) Oyo Mesi (in Ulugwanyi)
Historical era	Age of Exploration
• Established	November 2 1521
• Treaty of Dakar	1522
• Asikyira established	1532
• Ulugwanyi established	1544
• Ile Damoy established	1551
• Ogboni Revolution	1588
• Great West African War	1640
Population
• 1524	1400
• 1640	178000
Currency	Meridian Mithqal, Meridian Dinar, or local barter systems
Preceded by Succeeded by Native Meridians Herdersdal (Colony) Colonial Jayyan Colonial Iram Colonial Ulugwanyi
Today part of	Jayyan Iram Ulugwania

In the early 16th century, several nations along the coast of West Africa established permanent colonies in the New World, located in the modern-day regions of Jayyan, Iram, and Ulugwania. The principle nations involved in colonization during this period were: the Wolof Empire, the Sahrawi Sultanate, and the Kingdoms of Ashanti, Oyo, and Benin. Additionally, many European colonies saw large numbers of immigrants from these and other African states, primarily as a result of the Atlantic Slave Trade. Starting from the mid-16th century, this era is commonly called the Sugar Age of Meridia.

Interest in exploration of the Atlantic Ocean dates back to the early days of the Mali Empire, although the exact facts surrounding the earliest voyages are shrouded in legend. Starting in the reign of Abu Bakr II (c.1308), the Malian emperors and their vassals began to sponsor the creation of large navies along European models, and competed against European colonial empires for domination of the Oceanic trade routes leading to India and East Asia. This culminated in a costly and ultimately inconclusive war with Portugal in the 1480s, which contributed to destabilizing the Mali Empire. After Mali effectively collapsed in the 1490s, a new generation of successor-states rose to power along the coast, which to one degree or another had inherited the former empire's naval technology, their commercial ambitions, and their scientific knowledge imported from Europe.

The competition between African colonial empires was, in a sense, a proxy conflict of the commercial rivalries of their European sponsors, particularly between the Protestant-dominated Kingdom of Lotharingia and the Catholic-dominated Kingdoms of Spain and Portugal. Starting in the early 15th century, many of these European nations established port concessions and protectorate states along the coast of Africa, which formed the basis of cultural and scientific exchange in succeeding generations. Once the Mali Empire collapsed, these existing points of contact evolved into deeply-invested political alliances, which lasted all the way through the Forty Years' War. Each European nation found it advantageous to sponsor the colonial ambitions of their African allies, as they could be used as a weapon against their rivals.

While the aforementioned background for Meridian colonization applies to all African countries, each nation individually had their own unique goals, motivations and administrative systems with respect to their colonies, and the incentives for each nation to colonize was a unique combination of political, economic, religious, and social forces. Even within each colony, the diversity of ethnic groups that immigrated either willingly or unwillingly created a unique blend of languages and culture which continues to have a profound effect on Meridia to this day.

Additionally, the Kolumbian Exchange resulted in profound economic, cultural and societal changes back in Africa, which in some cases drastically altered the political trajectory of the nation, such as the Ogboni Revolution in Oyo.

The first century of colonization were defined by several destructive conflicts by rival African nations, culminating in the Great West African War in the mid-17th century. These rivalries were primarily territorial in nature, but were also rooted in long-standing political or religious enmities between different ethnic groups. Due to the interference of their respective European sponsors, the West African War is often argued to be an extension of the Forty Years' War. After the mid-17th century, the surviving colonial states entered into an era of relative peace and equilibrium over the next century.

Background

Gorgades Islands

Main article: Voyages of Sanbao (Merveilles des Morte)

File:Cape Verde sanbao.png

Conjectured path of the second voyage of Sanbao

At the beginning of the 14th century, much of Western Africa had fallen under the control of the Mandike-dominated Mali Empire, spanning from the Senegal and Gambia Rivers in the west all the way to the Niger River and Chad Lake in the east. The Mali Empire started out as a land-locked nation in the Senegal River valley, and their many conquests were accomplished by their vast, cavalry-based military. But after the conquest of Waalo in 1306, Mali began to consider expanding westward across the sea. According to the oral epic tradition of Mali, Mansa Abu Bakr II (r.1305-1312) constructed a vast fleet of ships under the command of the admiral Sanbao, who explored the Atlantic Ocean on four voyages between 1307 and 1312. His first voyage charted the coast of Morocco up to the city of Guelmim, while his second voyage laid claim to the Gorgades Islands in 1308. His third voyage arrived in Europe at the Emirate of Grenada, and was entertained at the courts of Castile and Aragon.

However, historians are hesitant to take any of the historical details of these voyages at face-value, as they are highly-romanticized stories influenced by Classical and Islamic mythology. For example, the text describes the coast of Morocco to be a central hub of Djinn, and the Atlantic islands to be filled with Gorgans (from which the Gorgades Islands get their name). Primary sources of this era are few and far between, due to the mass destruction of documents during the Sefawa War (1386-1391). The earliest copy of Sanbao's epic is a fragmented document dated to the 1390s, written in the Tamashq script. The earliest full copy is an Arabic version found in the Library of Timbuktu, probably written in the late 1480s, titled "The Itinerary of the Esteemed Sayid Sanbao".

Sanbao's final voyage in 1312 was said to be commanded by a Sufi Mystic named Baobao, who said that the Mansa Abu Bakr needed to make pilgrimage to the farthest western island in order to pay recommence for his sins committed in Waalo. Both Sanbao and the Mansa never returned home again, leaving the empire in political turmoil that was settled through the rise of Mansa Musa in 1315. Regardless of the veracity of this legend, the search for the lost Mansa became an important impetus for the African exploration of Meridia. In the early days of colonization, there was a common belief that Abu Bakr had established a vast Muslim empire somewhere deep in the Jehanna Rainforest, somewhat parallel to the European legends of Prester John.

When Ibn Battuta (1304-1368), the renowned Moroccan traveler and writer, met with Mansa Musa, he recorded this anecdote that the Mansa shared with him:

We belong to a house which hands down the kingship by inheritance. Abu Bakr ibn Kolokan, the king who was my predecessor, did not believe that it was impossible to cross the Atlantic Ocean, and wished vehemently to do so. So he equipped 200 ships filled with men and the same number equipped with gold, water, and provisions enough to last them for years, and charged them to subjugate what lands laid beyond the horizon. After several such voyages were launched, the men laid claim to the islands of the Gorgans and all the waters surrounding it, and added these lands into our kingdom. And yet, for all their searching they found the western horizon still laid before them. Then at last one ship returned, and they reported that the oceans of the world pooled together like the estuaries of a great river, and fell off the edge of the horizon like a waterfall. But the sultan disbelieved him. Then that sultan got ready 2,000 ships, 1,000 for himself and the men whom he took with him and 1,000 for water and provisions. He left his son as viceroy in his stead and embarked on the Atlantic Ocean with his men. That was the last we saw of him and all those who were with him, and it was not long after that I became king in my own right.

Combining archaeological evidence with historical references by Ibn Battuta and other sources, the academic consensus is that Malian rule over the Gorgades Islands began at the end of the first decade of the 14th century. It is likely that Serar sailors already knew about the existence of the islands for a long time, and visited their coasts periodically for fishing or non-permanent outposts. Most famously, a sandbank at Mar Toma island is widely believed to have been man-made, acting as an inlet for docking small boats. This and other small artifacts around the archipelago give evidence of human presence from at least the early 13th century. By the mid-14th century, however, human activity intensifies with the sudden appearance of permanent structures and villages.

Settlement on the islands were slow at first, growing from about 200-400 people in 1310 up to 10-20,000 a century later. But most significantly, the Malian administration over the Gorgades Islands became the original template for the later colonization of the New World. In this system, the Serar people (who would later dominate the Wolof Empire) held control over the navy and ports of the islands, whereas the Fula people made up the administrative caste. The Serar people originated from a seasonal fishing culture along the Atlantic coast, and already had a long tradition for constructing ships to navigate the Senegal and Gambia rivers. In fact, the Serar monopoly over both the building and operating the Malian navy largely contributed to Wolof's rise to power in the late 15th century. The Fula people were nomadic pastoralists, who maintained a close interdependent relationship with the Serar of the same region. For centuries, it was customary for the Fula to be outsourced for managing and administrating the pastures of the Serar, who lived in permanent rural settlements. Thus, the society of the Gorgades Islands became an extension and formalization of the social structures that originated from the mainland. Outside the elite classes of Serar and Fula, the majority of the archipelago's population were Manidke farmers or slaves.

As customary for the rest of the Mali Empire, the whole of the islands was placed under a military commander called a farba, who would be represented at the Gbara council in Niani. After the fall of the Mali Empire, the islands became annexed as the fourth Canton of the Kingdom of Kayor, represented in the Wolof Empire. The islands included Mandike settlements, which mostly consisted of farms producing millet, sorghum and rice. But by the 15th century, the islands developed their own centers of production creating pottery, leatherwork and metallurgy. As trade across the Atlantic Ocean increased, the islands became a significant trading hub between Europe, Africa and Meridia, trading in such goods as gum, ivory and horses.

Sahrawi Sadiyanate

Main articles: Sahrawi Sadiyanate (Merveilles des Morte) and Hendrickus Pisacus (Merveilles des Morte)

File:Painting Hendrickus Piscacus.jpg

Renaissance painting of Hendrickus Pisacus (c.1540)

Another major factor in Mali's Atlantic interests was their growing political and economic connections with Europe. Europe had been aware of Mali's existence since the early 14th century, mainly through Italian merchants (particularly from Venice, Naples and Milan) who traded in Malian gold and salt. When Mansa Musa established the Library of Timbuktu, he made use of this merchant trade to import many European books on science, engineering, geography and philosophy, having them translated into Arabic or Tamasheq. But Atlantic travel was fairly sporadic at this point, with the vast majority of Mali's trade going to overland Saharan caravans coming from Morocco, Tunis, Egypt, or Ethiopia. Most European contact was done indirectly through one of these partners.

The first historically confirmed diplomatic envoy between Mali and a European nation was the French explorer Roger Cartier in 1405. But as Mali became a major geopolitical force later in the 15th century, there were many poorly-attested rumors from anecdotal sources of various European nations claiming to have contacted the Mande empire at some earlier date. Most of these are completely spurious, such as the Spanish claim that James II of Aragon personally visited Mali in 1317. Hungarian sources from the 16th century claim that the explorer Aleksander Basic visited Mali in the year 1310, despite the claim to have visited Mansa Musa who didn't ascend to the throne until 1315.

By far the most famous claim of early contact with Mali comes from the writings of Hendrickus Pisacus (1309-after 1363), also known as Pisacus den Meeuw von Afrika or by his Islamic name Al-Ismak. He is most famous for being the legendary founder of the Sahrawi Sadiyanate (later known as the Sahrawi Sultanate), although this narrative doesn't appear until well over a century after his death. During his lifetime, Hendrickus was known as an avid traveler, alchemist and merchant, whose exploits were documented in his autobiography, The Life and Travels of Hendrickus Pisacus, first published in 1375. He was born in Hilshout in the Kingdom of Lotharingia, and in the 1350s he traveled extensively across Europe, the Mediterranean and North Africa, before returning to Lotharingia in 1358. According to his autobiography and personal letters, Hendrickus claimed to have traveled all the way to the Mali Empire from 1330-1333, and was a favorite of the court of Mansa Musa until 1337. After having improper relations with a concubine of Musa named Maria, Hendrickus was exiled from the Malian court into the Sahara Desert, from which he migrated to Ethiopia and then Egypt.

While Hendrickus' travels in Europe are generally plausible and verifiable, modern historians are highly skeptical of Hendrickus' earlier claims of living in the Mali Empire. Many details of his early life are exaggerated or highly improbable, including one such claim that he was the first person to introduce gunpowder into Lotharingia. His autobiography abruptly cuts off in 1359, and the latter events of his life are highly obscure. His last known writing was a letter to Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV in 1360, which mainly re-iterated his earlier claimed achievements. The last evidence of his life was a court summons from Brussels in 1363, although the circumstances of this document and its relevance to Hendrickus are contested between scholars.

Hendrickus is first credited as the legendary founder of the Sahrawi Sadiyanate in the Book of the Babani, a document published anonymously in 1508 at the behest of Sultan Irimiya III. The earliest copies of this book, kept by Lotharingian Protestant missionaries, date to the 1530s. According to this narrative, Hendrickus Pisacus converted to Islam during his visit to Mali, taking up a Muslim wife named Maryam and a new name, Al-Ismak. Due to his outspoken support of Islam, Emperor Charles IV had Hendrickus exiled from the realm in 1359. Taking a group of 760 Brabantine migrants (of which 43 had followed his conversion to Islam), Hendrickus traveled to relatively-desolate coastline just south of Morocco, establishing the city of Samla in 1363. It first made contact with the Mali empire under Mansa Mustafa I in 1367, and thereafter became a Malian vassal shortly after Hendrickus' death in 1374.

This story was not unique to Irimiya's time, and earlier versions of the legend date back to at least the 1420s, which later became conflated with the life of Hendrickus. According letters by Alef Fletcher, "a certain Flamand" was exiled by the Holy Roman Emperor Vincent for converting to Islam, and he took 700 of his disciples to establish the city of Samla, after which his son Noah appealed to Mansa Mustafa to become a vassal. No contemporary sources, from either Europe or Africa, give any credibility to this narrative. Modern historians generally assume this story originated partly out of wishful thinking of the Lotharingians to find some kinship in Africa, and partly as an invention of the Babani noble clans to provide legitimacy for their rule.

The Babani people (called Babaniya in Arabic) are a subgroup of the Sahrawi people originating from the region of Samla. During the Sadiyanate and subsequent Sahrawi Sultanate, the Babani clans made up the ruling class of nobility in the nation, as well as the majority of the mercantile and occupational castes, despite making up a minority of the Sahrawi population overall. While most Sahrawi people live as nomadic herders, the Babani live in permanent, urban settlements subsisting off of fishing and trade. Their name most likely derives from the emphatic Baa (which sounds very similar to the Latin "P"), which is unique to their dialect of Arabic. In a similar way, the Babani dialect shares many grammatical features and loan words in common with European languages, most notably Brabantian, Flemish and Frisian. In the 1530s, the Belgian Reformed movement created a translation of the New Testament in order to evangelize to these people, known as the Babani Bible.

While archaeology confirms that Samla was first built in the mid-14th century, the exact origins of the Babani are disputed. Due to their linguistic and genetic similarity with Europeans, it is most commonly believed that they originated as a local outpost for Brabantian merchants in the early 14th century, which gradually attracted settlers from other constituent domains within the Kingdom of Lotharingia. This theory, however, is not uncontested. Many scholars alternatively claim that any direct connection between the Babani and Lotharingia is merely part of the Sahrawi foundation myth, and should be discarded. Instead, it is theorized that the Babani organically grew out of a pro-urban movement within the native Sahrawi, which grew over multiple generations from the late-13th to mid-14th centuries. The linguistic and genetic similarity to Lotharingia only developed after the 16th century, as Belgian trade with the Sahrawi intensified and resulted in an exchange of culture and intermarriage. This theory is popular among West African historians, and is widely considered to be adjacent with African nationalism.

The early years of Samla's history are conjectured to have had a very decentralized society, favoring a horizontal social structure where every citizen could be treated equally. This also led to an emphasis on freedom of religion and freedom of expression, which is a trait that persisted throughout the history of the Sahrawi Sultanate and into their New World colonies. Gradually, urban settlements sprawled out from Samla north and south along the coast, creating a network satellite cities and villages. Samla essentially evolved into a mercantile city-state, using a barter system of salt, gold and copper bullion similar to Mali. Domestically, the Babani were mainly known as fishermen, but also had a thriving industry of animal husbandry and hashish farming. Over the generations, the Sahrawi people experienced a process of social stratification, as tribes with greater access to the coast equated into greater economic and political power. This led to the rise of the Babani clans as a noble caste, with the other Sahrawi groups either becoming assimilated to urban life or subjugated as tribal vassals.

The "Sidi", or leader of the Sadiyanate, was one clan patriarch who was respected as a "first among equals" within the council of other clan patriarchs. The Book of the Babani claims that the Sidi was the direct descendent of Hendrickus Pisacus, and that the title was passed by patriarchal succession. While this was de-facto the case since the mid-15th century, there is evidence to believe that the office of Sidi was elected among the patriarchs, and rotated between their members. Throughout its history, the Sadiyanate remained famous for their civic and religious freedom, and despite periodic complaints from the Gbara there was never an attempt to enforce either cultural or political centralization.

Malian Naval Expansion

Mansa Simba started the modernization of Mali's navy

After the end of the Sefawa War, Mansa Simba (r.1386-1399) put considerable effort in expanding Mali's naval presence. Simba himself grew up with knowledge of European sciences, spending much time in the Library of Timbuktu immersing himself in the imported books on science and engineering. The epic oral tradition of Simba claims he spent much of his early life traveling Europe, taking part in the front lines of Lotharingia's war against Burgundy. It was around this same time that several western European nations were just beginning to make their own expansion into the Atlantic Ocean, as Spain had conquered the Canary Islands in 1402 and Portugal laid claim to Madeira in 1405.

Simba heavily invested into the Atlantic trade routes, using revenue of the gold and salt trade to hire a variety of shipwrights and engineers from Spain, Italy and Lotharingia. These experts oversaw the construction of Mali's first ocean-worthy navy, and also introduced cannons and other siege weapons to the region. He established two naval arsenals along the coast: one in Dakar (operated by the Serari) and one in Samla (operated by the Babani). At this time, all of Mali's oceanic exports were primarily going to Spain, Portugal, and Lotharingia, with a minority of merchants also coming from various Italian and North German states. Simba's successor Mansa Musa II (r.1399-1427) made several expeditions down the coastline of Africa, first discovering the islands of Ya Sin (also known as Sao Tome and Principe) in 1425.

During the reign of Holy Roman Emperor Vincent, the Libyan Crusade succeeded in establishing a direct, European political presence on the African continent, known as the Kingdom of Tripolitania. The fledgling Christian kingdom worked extensively to encourage European investment into the region, outsourcing merchants from Italy and France to explore the African continent and establish connections with the trans-Saharan trade route. With Mali being the main exporter of the Saharan caravans, this new wave of explorations led to a more extensive and continuous diplomacy between Mali and Europe, as opposed to the more sporadic points of contact in the previous century. Roger Cartier (1362-1437) is credited for starting the first continuous diplomatic contact with Mali, establishing an embassy on behalf of the Kingdom of France in 1405. Several other European explorers followed in his wake, notably the Lotharingian merchants Egbert de Leeuw and Alef Vlechter (who went on to establish the Koninglyke West Afrikaansche Compagnie in 1424). Other Europeans to visit Mali at this time included the Spanish explorer Carlos Figueroa in 1428, French explorer Lucas Sassingnón in 1434, Portuguese explorer Alfonso Baladia in 1437, and finally the German explorer Antonin Kessler in 1468.

During this time, the Mali Empire granted permission for some European nations or private companies to take control over certain cities, districts of cities, or entire islands along the African coast. For the Gbara and nobility, it was a mutually-beneficial agreement, as it granted the empire more direct access to European trade and expanded the scope of mercantile industry along the Atlantic coast. Domestically, however, the sudden influx of European influence resulted in a cultural clash that culminated in a number of major incidents. The Serar states made considerable effort to limit Europeans from proselytizing Christianity into the region, and any native African found to have left Islam was liable to be killed or enslaved. There are several recorded incidents of religious violence erupting in or near the Belgian outpost of "Dakar Haven", and in one such occasion it resulted in the death of Protestant missionary Jan van Broer (d. 1518).

The religiously tolerant state of the Sahrawi Sadiyanate usually had less visceral reaction to proselytization, although domestic communal violence was not unheard of. The Catholic Babani community probably originated from a small native kernel that had been around for as long as the Sadiyanate had existed, but outside European support enabled it to expand and thrive much more than it previously had. This was viewed to be a threat to the power of the Sahrawi Muslim clerics, an very early on Catholics were completely debarred from holding positions among the nobility or royal court. Protestant Babani following the Belgian Church also appeared in the late 16th century, but as a vanishingly small minority. The Spanish colony of Orango Island saw considerably less resistance, and had a thriving Catholic community by the time the island was reconquered by Wolof in the 16th century. However, the unique matrimonial traditions of Orango was quite a shock for the Catholic clerics, as it was customary for women to make marriage proposals to men instead of the other way around. As a result, the island gained a reputation in Spain for being filled with loose and morally degenerate women, wantonly throwing themselves at any man they see.

Another consequence of European influence was that it intensified the stratification of the Serar caste system. The influx of overseas trade was immediately beneficial to the mercantile and occupational castes of Serar society, which incentivized them to restrict upward mobility and maintain a monopoly of social power. For similar reasons, the slave trade in the Atlantic states increased dramatically after European contact, becoming a very lucrative export alongside gold and salt. While Serar laws technically use slavery as a punishment for crimes against the state, this practice was used liberally to the point that even petty crimes resulted in enslavement.

Overall, the long-term consequence of the European port concessions is that it aligned the political and economic interests of local rulers with their European benefactors, which continued to have major effects long after the Mali Empire collapsed. In the short term, this provided outgoing revenue that sponsored the expansion and modernization of the empire's navy. At its height, the Malian navy consisted of 42 ocean-worthy ships and about 2,000 riverboats. These ships were initially based along European models, such as carracks and Jersey cogs, but within twenty years they took on a more unique design. Inspired by the existing Malian riverine navy, the Malian ships were more compact with dense hulls and compartments. From 1442-1444, the Malian admiral Abu Ismail took a fleet of ships to tour the Western Mediterranean, visiting the cities of Barcelona, Rome and Genoa.

As the local rulers of the Atlantic states became more educated on European economy and global geography, they learned that the riches of the far east that had historically been imported across the Saharan caravans were theoretically accessible by sea, and that this was the source of the vast wealth of their European sponsors. Thus, the Farbas of the Serar states appealed to the Gbara to sponsor expeditions southward to further explore the African coast. For the Gbara, the Mali Empire had always maintained the legitimacy of their rule by further conquest and extraction of vassal tribute, and the new modern navy provided a new dimension from which these conquests could be made. In the 1440s, the Malian explorer Abu Ismail charted the entire African coastline, all the way down to the Cape of Good Hope. By the early 1450s, Mali had their own trading posts at the mouth of the Congo River. Each new African state that Mali contacted south of the equator was new source of slaves or other imported goods, which could either be used at home or re-exported to Europe.

The crown jewel of Mali's colonial empire was the conquest of the Kingdom of Kongo in 1458. Abu Ismail and the Gbara were originally against the idea of conquest, and preferred maintaining the Kongo as an allied trading partner. But Amir Omar Shajah, a prince of a minor noble clan from the Farbanate of Kombo, saw the opportunity to carve out his own fiefdom on Mali's behalf. When Amir Omar Shajah took his own personal armada to invade Kongo in 1456, Mansa Mustafa II sent word to King Nkuwu warning him of the impending attack. But within a matter of months, Shajah had captured the capital city of M'Banza-Kongo (later renamed to Jabal-Zayiyr) and captured King Nkuwu alive. When the local Congolese nobility tried to stage a rebellion to rescue the king, Shajah ordered Nkuwu to be executed, proclaiming himself to be the first Sultan of Zayiyr. At that point, an agreement was made with Abu Ismail to recognize Zayiyr as a vassal of Mali represented at the Gbara.

Despite Malian sources being proud of their conquest of the Kongo, Zayiyr's vassalage remained fairly tenuous throughout its history, and the Gbara rarely ever exerted real political influence over the region. In the long term, the biggest impact it had on the colonization of Meridia was that it placed Zayiyr within the cultural and political sphere of influence of Mali's successor states, and consequently became the largest source of exported slaves for all five of the Meridian African colonies. In addition, Omar's dynasty made profound changes to Congolese society, language and religion. Yunni Islam became the state religion, where traditional idolatry and divinations were initially banned. But over time, the traditional practices of the Kongo were adapted to become syncretic with Yunni Islam's reformed theology. The djinn were interpreted to be the spirits of deceased ancestors who could be ritually communed with, and carry their prayers to the transcendent God. The Congolese language was rendered phonetically using Arabic characters, so that the clergy and nobility could read the Quran and daily prayers.

Political Fragmentation of Mali

Main article: Great Alibaala (Merveilles des Morte)

File:Mali divisions.png

Constituent vassals and states of Mali in the 15th century

The decline and eventual collapse of the Mali Empire came as the result of multiple factors, culminating in a series of popular revolts across Gao and Wagadugu known as "The Great Alibaala" (or "catastrophe" in Manding). The rapid influx of European trade was immediately beneficial for the vassal states along the Atlantic coast, namely the Farbanates of Kayor, Waalo, Jolof, Baol, Sine, and Saloum (later unified into the Wolof Empire), and the Sahrawi Sadiyanate. By the time of the Great Alibaala, the de-facto political and economic power had effectively shifted to these states, causing social decline and destabilization in the more landlocked regions further east.

Traditionally, the economy of the Mali Empire was entirely dependent on the Saharan caravan trade, from which they exported gold and salt in exchange for East Asian silk and spices. Modern historians refer to the incredible efficiency of Mali's trade network with Ethiopia and India as the "Hindu-African Trading Pact", although no formal agreement ever existed between these nations. The reliance on this trade became a major problem, however, whenever a socio-political crisis disrupted the caravan trade for any reason, such as the Black Death or the wars of the Taymiyyah Caliphate. Consequently, the nomadic people groups that dominated the eastern territories (such as the Tuareg and Songhai) held significant political leverage across the empire, as the caravan routes were monopolized by the vassals under their rule. This often came at the expense of the coastal states dominated by Serar and Fula people, who suffered under heavy taxation.

But as new trading avenues were opened up by the Atlantic ports of Dakar and Samla, the Mali Empire found this to be a convenient solution to their over-reliance on caravan trade, and so the focal point of their economy gradually shifted to the west. This shift had the immediate effect of flipping the political paradigm of the empire: with the traditional monopoly of the eastern territories broken, the Tuareg and Songhai people found themselves stripped of the social privilege they once enjoyed, while the Serar and Fula people on the coast quickly rose to power. In 1453, the Lingeer Maryam Demba Ndoye of Waalo was married to the hereditary Prince Simba Keita (1430-1485), the younger brother of Mansa Mustafa II (r.1448-1490). The entrance of a local nobility into the imperial royal family was already a sign of great political favor. But more importantly, this ensured that the future Keita lineage was simultaneously the matrilineal inheritance of Wolof. Malian rule imposed patrilineal primogeniture on the Serar nobility, which resolved their historical disputes between conflicting succession systems. But by and large, matrilineality was still treated with a great deal of respect, and in particular the traditional matriclans which held comparable status to the nobility.

Mali's shift westward was further fueled by a gradual decline in the caravan trade in the 15th century, caused in part by the European crusades in North Africa and subsequent rise of the Hafsid Caliphate. At first, the Mali Empire considered themselves to be in solidarity with the fellow Muslims suffering under Christian rule, and Mansa Mohammad II sent a contingent of volunteer forces to help overthrow the Kingdom of Tripolitania. But Mustafa II completely switched this foreign policy, declaring the Hafsids to be an enemy of the state and embargoed from the caravan trade. According to the royal correspondences at the time, Mansa Mustafa believed that the Hafsids were in the pocket of the Taymiyyah sect, and he disapproved of their hostile actions towards Ethiopia. The decline of the Trans-Saharan trade proved to be extremely disruptive for the eastern territories, resulting in mass poverty and occasional famine across the Mossi and Tuareg peoples. As Dakar and Samla grew richer and stronger, Gao and Wagadugu became poorer and more desperate, as members of the mercantile and occupational classes immigrated to the southern or western coast in mass numbers.

At the same time, the cultural disparity between the eastern and western halves of the empire became an insurmountable gulf. The Atlantic states became more heavily influenced from Europe, resulting in larger, more planned cities, higher rates of literacy, and a mercantile economy. The eastern half of the empire, particularly among the Mossi and Tuareg people, were still largely nomadic, and lived in more traditional rural society. Efforts by Mansa Mustafa II to forcefully settle the Mossi into cities was met with hostile resistance, particularly because the Gbara never offered any financial incentives to make the change viable.

The religious divide between eastern and western territories further exasperated these issues. Yunni Islam, founded by the Prophet Abu Yunus (d.1363), was originally founded in the city of Segu along the Senegal River, and over time became a cultural symbol of the Serar people in general. Some of the important defining features of Yunni Islam is a de-emphasis on the Hajj and Sharia law, the veneration of spirits (or Djinn) as an intermediary to God, and denouncing any true succession of Caliphs since Al-Mutawakkil (d.861 AD). While Yunni Islam was adopted as the official religion of the Mali Empire by Mansa Ayyob (r.1351-1368), the eastern territories remained majority Sunni for the entirety of Mali's history. During the wars of the Taymiyyah Caliphate, this same region saw a large influx of immigrants fleeing from the political chaos of the Middle East. These religious tensions already flared up once before during the Sefawa War (1386-1391), in which several Sunni-majority towns near the Niger River were massacred.

In the 1470s, "the Antouman" established the Neo-Taymiyyah sect in the city of Gao, and continued preaching until his assassination in 1474. The disciples that followed after him, called "Children of the Antouman", fostered a widespread resistance movement that mobilized the Sunni population of the eastern territories. After the secretly-held Council of Djeane in 1489, they collectively wrote and published the Tomes of the Antouman. Written in the format of a fictional dialogue, the Tomes were aimed at exposing the political corruption of the Mali Empire, the economic exploitation of the western territories, and the theological contradictions of Yunni Islam.

Simultaneous to these domestic issues, the Gbara was split into various political factions, who disagreed on how to address the state of the empire: the Morikanda favored a strong, centralized state run directly by the imperial military, with the intent to "cleanse" the land of heretical faiths. The Maghans, in contrast, were loyal to the interests of local feudal dynasties. While they weren't against a central government, they wanted to ensure that the western states maintain their social power, and they wanted to keep the military power in check. Caught in the middle between these two groups was the Kieta dynasty ruled by the incumbent Mansa Mustafa II.

The Yunni humanist philosopher Yahya Mamamoo (1430-1495) represented a third, moderate faction that attempted to mediate between the two groups. According to the biography written by his son-in-law, Mamamoo was "devoted to neutrality", and "adhered solely to his personal, honest judgement and moral principles regardless of the secular pressures around him". He officially held the title of Assara-munition of Niani (or assistant chief of police), but he held a great deal of political influence, and was preeminent among Mansa Mustafa's personal advisors. His writings, which are mostly poems and religious parables, had unique opinions on the duties of church and state, making him renowned across the empire for his wisdom and insight. In particular, Mamamoo believed that the institutional religion and secular state should hold a balance of power, so that corruption in one could be checked by the other, and neither one should overextend their authority. A minority of scholars have pointed out similarities between Mamamoo's philosophy and the writings of Karl Jung, suggesting that his influence may have extended as far as Europe. From 1488-1490, Mamamoo went into a self-imposed exile to remove himself from the politics in Niani, and experience the aesthetic life of Tuareg nomads.

Mali-Portuguese War

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Sailors of the Malian navy

In the late 15th century, Portugal had one of the largest navies in Western Europe, and their economic presence in Africa was rapidly growing in competition with the Lotharingian Trading Companies and the Hanseatic League. In 1462, the Treaty of Algarve split the island of Bioko between Portugal and the Belgian RHC company. Portugal also had ports along the Ivory Coast since 1471, and eventually subjugated Zanzibar in 1522.

But with the recent development of Mali's navy and their own overseas expansion across Africa, eventually the ambitions of these two nations would begin to collide. The border between the Portuguese colony of Bajor in Morocco and the Sahrawi Sadiyanate was not well defined, and Portuguese settlers treated the entire Saharan coast north of Samla as part of their domain, even though the tribes of this region paid homage to the Sidi. The Sadiyanate was also a source of constant frustration for Portuguese merchants operating near the Gorgades Islands, as it was a hub of Muslim pirates and privateers (most famously Idris Jan Massufi). Portuguese explorers had also laid claim to the islands of Sao Tome and Principia, and this claim was reflected on Portuguese maps as well, but the indigenous settlements of these islands considered themselves to be a vassal of Mali. In the Kongo, the claimed territory of Portuguese outposts also overlapped with the lands of the Kingdom of Zayiyr, and Jesuit missions in this region frequently complained of being harassed by the Yunni Muslim missions from Mali.

Starting in the 1470s, Duke John of Algarve (the future king of Portugal) petitioned to Queen Cyrilla III with an ambitious plan to invade the Mali Empire, with the intention to either subjugate it as a tributary or carve out a colonial territory on the coast. Duke John argued that the Mali's rise to power was already becoming problematic for Portugal's interests in Africa, and if left unchecked they may one day cut Europe off from the Atlantic route to East Asia just as the Abbasid Caliphate had recently done in the Mediterranean. Furthermore, it was well-known that Mali was a vast source of gold and salt which had been made world-famous since the reign of Musa I, and Portugal would be unstoppable with this wealth under their control. Finally, Mali's close diplomatic relations with Lotharingia gave the impression that they are an extension of Lotharingia's sphere of influence. Thus, Portugal wresting control of Mali for themselves would end up neutering Lotharingia's presence in the continent, eliminating Portugal's greatest rival.

Duke John campaigned for several years to win over support from the Portuguese nobles for his scheme. However, as Mali was closely aligned with the Kingdom of Lotharingia there was a concern that going to war in Africa would escalate to a conflict closer to home. But in 1484, the Lenzburg-Premyslid War saw conflict break out across the Holy Roman Empire, of which Portugal remained neutral. That same year, Queen Cyrilla III approved the Duke of Algarve to lead his campaign at the head of 10,000 men and a squadron of ships. Despite Mali's greater size and strength, the Duke was convinced that Portugal's superior technology, military discipline, and the divine providence of Christianity would lead them to victory.

The main body of the invasion force landed at the mouth of the Gambia River, and proceeded into the Kingdoms of Kombo and Saloum. A second, smaller force also landed at Cape Bajor and moved south along the coast towards Samla. The Portuguese navy also seized the islands of Ya Sin, and invaded the Gorgades archipeligo. Finally, a third expedition attacked the Sultanate of Zayiyr near the Kongo River. At first the Mali Empire was taken completely off-guard, and within two months both Saloum and Kombo were fully occupied as their local defense forces were obliterated. Duke John especially made use of the Portuguese organ gun, which was not typically used in field combat. But as the invaders pressed north into Waalo, their supply lines became increasingly overstretched, forcing their progress to slow down. The other Serar states and Jabal Asada pushed into the occupied territory from both the north and south, forcing Duke John to reposition much of his forces into a defensive position.

As the Portuguese invasion was slowed down, this bought Mansa Mustafa II and the Gbara enough time to levy the full strength of Mali's feudal army, which eventually reached a height of 80,000 men. At that point, in 1485 the war was an effective standstill with little ground taken on either side. While Mali took much larger casualties in every battle, their vast population and resources were able to re-supply very quickly. The north was more decisive, as the forces under Sidi Irimiya III drove the Portuguese back to the border of Cape Bajor. While he did not have nearly the logistical advantage that Mali did, Irimiya proved to be brilliant tactical commander in his own right, and was able to use the arid terrain of the Sahrawi to his advantage.

But the truly impressive and surprising front of the war was at sea. The Malian navy (jointly commanded by the Serar and Sahrawi) abandoned any attempt to defend the islands of Ya Sin, and pooled all their efforts into protecting the Gorgades. While Mali could never make any serious damage to Portugal's navy, the Portuguese severely underestimated how quickly the Manding Empire had adapted to naval warfare. The Portuguese were able to occupy the island of Jadid Mina on two occasions in 1487 and 1488, but in both occasions they were forced to withdraw as they could not maintain naval dominance. The Congolese front, however, did not go quite the same. While Portugal failed to conquer Zayiyr, they did succeed at carving out a permanent outpost just north of the Kongo River, and maintained naval superiority in the region throughout the war.

As the Lenzburg War in Europe came to an end in 1489, and the war in Africa no longer making any progress, Queen Cyrilla III decided to withdraw the Portuguese forces back home. The war was an overall victory for Portugal, even though Duke John failed to meet any of his original objectives. They annexed the islands of Ya Sin (which were renamed to Sao Tome and Principia), and they secured a new colony near the Kongo. Duke John himself never lost his zeal for combatting against Muslim empires, and after he ascended the throne of Portugal he eventually lost his life in battle against the Abbasids in 1504.

Domestically, the war is often cited as one of the major contributing factors of the Great Alibaala, as it caused significant damage to Mali's imperial army and exhaustion to the treasury that had not yet recovered by the time the civil war and subsequent rebellions broke out. It also demonstrated that the individual vassal kingdoms on the coast had the capability of defending themselves from Europeans, making the imperial government appear more superfluous. But most significantly, the war proved how formidable Mali's navy had become, as it was able to fight on par with one of the strongest naval powers of Europe. Consequently, Portugal would try to avoid going to war against Mali from that point onward, except when they were occasionally drawn in due to mutual allies. This had the effect of granting Mali almost unrestricted access to the Southern Atlantic, which was instrumental in the colonization of Meridia.

Great Alibaala, end of Mali

Main article: Great Alibaala (Merveilles des Morte)

Mali military capturing a group of rebels

Once the Tomes of the Antouman was published in 1489, sporadic peasant revolts were manifesting all across the Sunni populations of the eastern territories. With Yahya Mamamoo still in exile, the Gbara fell under the control of the military-backed Morikanda faction. They decided to raise a vast army for a punitive campaign in the region, with the blessing of local Yunni Imams to purge every city of heretics. Every copy of the Tomes that the army was able to obtain was to be burned. This campaign was placed under the command of Prince Ayyob Keita (1449-1506), second cousin of Mansa Mustafa II. Prince Ayyob was considered to have a position of seniority within the Gbara, firmly in the Morikanda-led faction. Much of this power derived from the external support of his maternal relatives, as Ayyob's mother was sister to the Emperor of Kanem-Bornu. With the combined forces of his personal retainers and the armies granted to him by the Gbara, Ayyob proceeded to carve out part of the eastern half of the empire as his personal fiefdom, leading an effective genocidal campaign against any tribe that resisted his rule. Once Yahya Mamamoo returned to Niani in 1490, he strongly condemned the actions of Ayyob, and from that point onward he tirelessly campaigned for the Gbara to call Ayyob back.

This campaign was not only limited to Sunni Muslims, but was followed up by further legislations as part of the Morikanda's plans for the "cleansing" of Mali. Christian groups in every vassal (outside of the Sahrawi Sadiyanate) were ruthlessly persecuted, and the spread of the Babani Bible was banned. Hundreds of citizens caught violating sharia law within the city of Niani were likewise stoned to death.

The situation was further exasperated when Mansa Mustafa II died in 1492. As the long-lived Mansa had no surviving sons, the Gbara had to elect which member of the House of Keita to succeed him. Prince Ayyob himself was a leading contender, and under normal circumstances would have been the heir apparent following patriarchal succession. But in his absence (and with the presence of Mamamoo and Lingeer Maryam Ndoye), control of the Gbara swung decisively into the favor of the Maghan faction, and Mansa Musa III was selected as the winning candidate. Musa represented the culmination of Serar influence over the royal court, as he was the son of the hereditary Prince Simba and Lingeer Ndoye. In person, Musa was described as devoutly pious towards Yunni Islam, and an avid patron of arts and botanical science, but otherwise quiet and reserved in personality. Consequently, Musa spent most of his days secluded within the royal citadel of Niani, tending to the great Arbory first built by Musa I. All de-facto power of the Gbara was left in the hands of the Maghan faction, the Lingeer, and the Serar Lamanes. The Morikanda was immediately scandalized by this development, and there erupted a strong opposition in the Gbara insisting that Prince Ayyob was the rightful successor. As soon as the prince himself received word of these events, Ayyob turned his armies against Niani in rebellion against Musa, declaring himself to be the legitimate emperor instead.

Prince Ayyob had hoped that his rebellion would prompt the Gbara to abandon their support of the weak-minded Musa, based on the precedent of previous power struggles in Mali's history. But Ayyob had miscalculated where the true center of power of the empire now laid, and instead the factions of the Gbara were united in their condemnation of the Prince's rebellion. Over the next few months, the Gbara scrambled to assemble a second military force to extract Prince Ayyob from his domain. The two joint commanders of this new army were Aswed Zahri (titled Farim-Soura) and Hambra Mukhamil (titled Sankar-Zouma). The neighboring empire of Kanem-Bornu, however took the initiative of invading Mali from the east, in solidarity with Prince Ayyob's maternal relatives.

Now the Mali Empire had seen numerous succession disputes across their history, which were typically resolved by a few decisive battles over a couple of years. But this new civil war quickly spiraled into a widespread social collapse across the eastern territories, which is described by some historians as a Malthusian catastrophe. Popular revolts among the peasant or slave classes erupted all across Tuareg and Songhai population, as religious and ethnic tensions of the previous generation had boiled over. In effect, the three military groups of the Gbara, Ayyob, and Kanem-Bornu were equally preoccupied with suppressing local rebellions as they were with fighting each other. As the farmlands and caravan trade previously managed by the peasants and merchants were being abandoned, then a devastating famine persisted across the eastern half of the empire all throughout the 1490s.

Politically, the Gbara and the administrators beneath them became sharply polarized during this conflict, as anyone who was not actively condemning Prince Ayyob's faction were treated as an enemy of the state. In spite of all this, Yahya Mamamoo persistently maintained a neutral point of view, and continued to promote his beliefs in a moderation of the power of the state. More poignantly, Mamamoo claimed that the present issues of popular rebellions in the east was the direct consequence of the secular and religious institutions overexerting their authority, and not putting the interests of the people first. As a result, Mamamoo found himself falling out of favor of the new regime, as the followers of Mansa Musa III did everything they could to isolate him from the affairs of government. In one infamous anecdote, Musa III queried his court how best they can keep control over Daura, to which Mamamoo responded "why do you put so much effort to conquer that which you cannot hold?" Mamamoo was eventually arrested, tried, and executed in the year 1495, in a thinly-veiled act of judicial murder.

The death of Yahya Mamamoo is traditionally cited as the final catalyst that led to the Great Alibaala, and the end of the Mali Empire in general. The modern historical consensus, however, is that the Alibaala was the culmination of a long string of systemic grievances that had existed for as long as the Mali Empire, and the convergent events that showed enough weakness in the central government provided the opportunity for those problems to manifest. The constituent vassals of Gao and Wagadugu formally broke off their relations with the Mande government, declaring the independent Songhai Empire and Mossi Kingdom, respectively. While these two states were the largest center of power for the independence movement, several other vassals followed in their wake, namely the kingdoms of Macina, Segu, Timbuktu, Tagant, Futa Toro, and Kombo.

The rebellious vassals were not a monolith, and they fought against each other just as much as they fought against the Gbara or Prince Ayyob. While the overarching catalyst for the Alibaala stemmed from the aforementioned economic, religious and cultural disparity, the greater motivation for many vassals was their unresolved ethnic rivalries with their neighbors or the Mande themselves, which up until now had been suppressed under Malian rule. Due to this disunity among the rebels, Mansa Musa III was able to negotiate with some wayward vassals to aid the Gbara into suppressing others, especially for the kingdoms of Macina, Segu and Timbuktu. In exchange for this cooperation, however, the empire was forced to compromise on the amount of de-facto control they were able to exert, effectively allowing these kingdoms to submit to the Mansa in name only. Even among the vassals that remained completely loyal to the Gbara, such as Wolof and Sahrawi, the ineffectiveness of the central government to maintain peace in the empire forced them to mobilize their own armies at home, thereby solidifying their de-facto independence anyway.

Overall, the Alibaala after 1495 can be divided into two theaters, western and eastern. The western theater was led by a six-state coalition of Serar Farbanates (Waalo, Jolof, Kayor, Baol, Sine, and Saloum), allied with the Sahrawi Sadiyanate and the Jabal Asada. Collectively, this alliance carved up the states of Tagant, Kombo and Futa Toro, solidifying the borders of the Atlantic states that persisted throughout the colonial era. Internationally, the major trading companies of Lotharingia and the Hanseatic League sent mercenary forces to protect the borders of their port leases, with the intention of remaining neutral in the ensuing chaos. In 1497, Spain and Portugal led a joint expeditionary force from the island of Orango in a failed attempt to protect the Kingdom of Kombo, on the grounds that the pro-imperial forces was a threat to Jesuit Missions in the region. In 1499, the Serar coalition merged together into a single federal government with an elected monarchy, proclaiming the start of the Wolof Empire. Two years later, Sidi Irimiya III of Samla declared himself to be the first Sahrawi Sultan in 1501.

Around this same time, the eastern theater had devolved into a coalition of effectively independent states of which Musa III was the nominal leader. The independent kingdom of Bononam, later known as the Ashanti Empire, likewise sent numerous expeditions in support of the Mossi Kingdom at this time. Prince Ayyob was decisively defeated in 1501, and was forced to flee to the city of Njimi where he spent the last years of his life in exile. The Songhai Empire collapsed two years later, after Hambra Mukhamil sacked the city of Gao in 1503. But while the Gbara was victorious on paper, in practice the central government had no ability of exerting authority outside of the imperial demesne from that point onward, allowing even the most loyal vassals to operate as completely independent states. Mansa Musa I originally established an imperial army of 50,000 professional soldiers, capable of keeping any wayward vassals in check. But after the end of the Alibaala, that force had been reduced to less than 12,000 men. As Aswed Zahri returned to Niani at the head of the imperial army, he eventually displaced the Lingeer in holding de-facto power over the government.

Now that Mali was essentially reduced to a landlocked nation, responsibility fell to the coastal states to inherit the Malian navy, along with the empire's overseas colonies and their foreign port leases. But more significantly, the coastal states inherited the empire's ambition to expand influence across the ocean, and capitalize on economic ventures with both Europe and the far east.

Rise of the Big Five

Sahrawi

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Flag of the Sahrawi Sultanate

Each of the five colonial states of Africa had their own combination of political, economic and religious reasons for exploring and colonizing the New World. The Sahrawi people of Atlantic Mauretania would at first appear to be an unlikely candidate, as they lived for centuries in a strictly nomadic and tribalistic society. But the introduction of the Babani people as a fledgling European settlement led to a profound transformation of their social structure, their technology and their language. The fishing culture concentrated on the city-state of Samla was an effective thassalocracy, where greater access to the sea equated to greater social power. This led to both mass urbanization of the coastline and a new-found culture of sailing and boat-building. When the Sadiyanate was incorporated into the Mali Empire, Samla soon became one of the two major naval bases of the realm (after Dakar), where the Babani were commissioned to both construct and operate a large portion of Mali's Atlantic fleet.

As the Mali empire declined, the Sadiyanate received the most economic and political support from Europe among Mali's successors. The Kingdom of Lotharingia viewed the Babani as long-lost brethren and natural allies, and they believed the Catholic Arab population gave them a viable foothold in the continent. Starting in the 1430s, the Rotterdamsche Handels Compagnie (RHC) operated a permanent trading post in Samla. Like the Serar states to the south, the increased European trade led to a rapid increase in the quality of life and social mobility of the nation, making it among the fastest-growing economies of the entire empire.

For much of its history, the Sadiyanate operated as a decentralized government with a high degree of religious and civic freedom. This led to a rather diverse religious population, including both Sunni and Yunni Muslims, Catholics, African pagans, Jews, and even some proto-Protestants who immigrated from France. But at the same time, the lack of regulation of the navy led to a significant increase in piracy, and the ongoing threat of Sahrawi pirates was a consistent problem for both Mali and their trading partners. When Sidi Irimiya III began his centralization reforms, he first formed the Council of Samla in 1491, including representatives of all the major religions in the state. After hearing the respective arguments of the various faiths, he settled on Sunni Islam to become the official state religion, with toleration granted to the minority groups. After the Sultanate was first proclaimed, Irimiya proceeded to centralized both the army and navy, and cracked down on the issue of piracy.

For the Sahrawi Sultanate, their impetus for colonization was primarily a product of the Babani culture, which viewed that control over the ocean and all the riches it possessed to be the highest possible prestige. It was also continuing the same economic policy of the state that sponsored them (Mali), which up to that point had been their greatest source of wealth and prosperity. It was also motivated by imitating the colonial policies of their ally Lothariginia, who was perceived to be their next of kin. Finally, the Sunni-dominated court of Irimiya III found that colonization was a possible solution to their religious diversity, by encouraging the Yunni, Catholic and Jewish populations to move to the New World.

Wolof

Extent of the Wolof Empire

The Serar states that became the Wolof Empire had perhaps the most natural motivations for expanding into the Atlantic. For the entire duration of the Mali's history, the Serari had effective control over the empire's navy, and held de-facto rule over most of their colonies, particularly the Gorgades Islands. The Atlantic trade with Europe and the rest of Africa was immediately beneficial for the Serari before it benefitted any other part of the empire, making Wolof among the richest and fastest-developing state on the continent. Prior to their absorption into the Wolof Empire, the states of Baol and Sine was in fierce competition with the states of Kayor and Saloum, which ended up being mutually beneficial economically and technologically.

After the "Dakar Haven" colony was established by the Koninglyke West Afrikaansche Compagnie (KWAC) in 1438, the Serar states had a symbiotic relationship with the Lotharingian trading companies, which continued as a formal alliance under the Wolof Empire. This alliance was instrumental in expanding Wolof's navy and establishing their first colonies in Meridia, as agreed upon in the Treaty of Dakar. Throughout the 16th century, the relationship of KWAC and the Wolof government varied between an autonomous protectorate, a junior trading partner, and a colonial peer at one time or another. Lotharingia was not the only nation invested in Wolof's success, as the Hanseatic League established a permanent Kontor in the Gorgades Islands in 1482. After Wolof was officially established, the Kingdom of France sent an embassy led by admiral Philippe de Corguilleray in 1506. By this point, France was hoping to gain more local allies in Africa as a counterbalance against their natural rival, Spain.

Wolof additionally had internal, cultural motivations for colonization as well. The Serar lived in a strictly hierarchal society with a rigid caste system, where restrictions and discrimination between freemen and nobles was more sacred than either differences of ethnicities or religion. Establishing permanent colonies in the New World provided a way for alleviating class conflict at home, while also providing the freemen and artisan castes the opportunity for upward mobility. Additionally, the peasants of Kayor were constantly under threat of being raided by the Tyeddo (slaves that were promoted to a warrior caste), to the point that they would deliberately grow less food in order to attract less raiders. As soon as the first wave of colonists came from Kayor to Meridia, food production in the New World increased dramatically. Wolof also had a massive slave population, which was one of their biggest exports alongside gold and agriculture. While most slaves were either captured from neighboring tribes or imported from other states, in many cases slavery was imposed as a punishment for crimes against the state. As slaves were exported to the colonies in Meridia, they were used as both a penal colony and slave plantation simultaneously.

Finally, the Wolof Empire was heavily invested in the doctrines of Yunni Islam, and believed they had a divine right to evangelize to the native Meridians. The mythology of Abu Bakr and Sanbao captured the imagination of a Muslim empire somewhere across the ocean, waiting the return of long-lost brethren.

Ashanti

Golden mask emblematic of the Ashanti monarch

At the height of Mali's territorial extent in the mid-14th century, many Malian nobles ventured beyond the borders of the empire to carve out their own personal domains, leading to the rise of the Sultanate of Jabal Asada and the Kingdom of Bononam. This was partly done to expand their own personal wealth and power, and partly as a holy war to bring Yunni Islam to the African pagans. As the strength of these southern states increased, the power of the emperor continued to weaken throughout the reign of Mansa Mustafa I (r.1368-1386). Mustafa made several unsuccessful campaigns to enforce Malian rule in the south, collectively known as the "Bono Wars", which partly contributed to the temporary collapse of the Keita Dynasty after Mustafa's death. This meant that Bononam remained an effective sovereign state throughout the rest of Mali's history, with only sporadic tribute sent back to the Gbara for ceremonial purposes.

Nonetheless, Bono retained a close cultural affinity with the Manding empire, sharing in both their religious, educational and economic developments. As Dakar and Samla became major centers of trade with Lotharingia, Bono followed suit by becoming the biggest African trading partner for the Spanish Empire. In 1479, Spain established the colony of Puerta Danielo on the Gold Coast, further increasing their connection to the Bono Kingdom. Over time, Yunni Islam became deeply intertwined in both the state organization and culture of the region. Akan philosophers contributed greatly to the maturity of Yunni theology, as they taught that piety towards Allah (or kra in the Akan language) was part of the four core elements of humanity. The king of the Ashanti Empire was viewed as divinely appointed by God, and all laws of the state had to be justified through the Quran or Islamic theology. As education increased in the nation, the Adinkra script was refined to be a standardized written language, with some influence from Arabic calligraphy. The Ashanti's complex bureaucracy made them the most efficiently-organized state of West Africa, even more than Mali, and their great reverence for legality and the rule of law was enshrined in the constitutional government in Kumasi.

The biggest contributor to the Ashanti's enduring independence from Mali was the tsetse fly, whose diseases made it virtually impossible for Mali to make use of their cavalry-based military. With this natural barrier giving them ample protection on land, the Ashanti were able to devote their attention to the sea, competing with the enduring economic success of Wolof and the Babani with Atlantic trade. Most of the Ashanti navy was operated by Arab immigrants, as Arabs were viewed as the most educated class in terms of navigation and geography.

The internal politics of the Ashanti Kingdom was another diving factor in colonization. The Kotoko Council was typically divided between two factions commonly known as the "Peace Party" and "War Party". The Peace Party favored unrestricted trade and the growth of mercantilism, while the War Party favored a strong military that could dominate the nation's neighbors through conquest. Establishing colonies in the New World provided a compromise where both of these groups could be appeased: the War Party had new places to conquer for the glory of the empire, but these wars were waged on another continent, so the benefits of peacetime trade could still be enjoyed at home. The vast wealth extracted from colonial possessions was also immediately beneficial to the merchant class of the Kotoko, namely the Nmerante, who pushed for more liberal reforms after the Ogboni Revolution.

Oyo

Borders of the Oyo Empire at its greatest extent

According to oral tradition, the Kingdom of Oyo was first established at the beginning of the 14th century by Oranyan, a prince of Ife. The state grew rapidly early on, as it subjugated the neighboring Kingdom of Owu in retribution for the capture of Prince Ajaka. Unlike the Bono Kingdom, Mali made no attempt to exert much control into the Niger River delta, outside of the cities of Kanem and Daura. They allowed Oyo to hire Mandika mercenaries for their wars of expansion, in exchange for payments of tributes and other concessions. At the same time, the Malian diplomat Ibn Tulun first introduced Islam into the region, building the first mosque in the city of Oyo-Ile.

Once Mali officially converted to Yunni Islam in the 1350s, they began apply economic pressure for their pagan trade partners to convert as well, offering greater status for merchants that become Muslim. This had a significant impact during the reigns of Ishago and his son Oledipo, and by the early 15th century nearly one-third of the capital city were Yunni. Mali greatly respected Oyo as a valuable ally and trading partner in the region, and to seal their alliance the Aalafin's sister was married into the Kieta dynasty. His son, Oledipo II, was raised with an Islamic education by Malian tutors, and by the time he took the throne in 1445 Oyo was officially a Yunni state. The traditional religious elders among the Ogboni were initially displeased with this, and several of their Egbo vassals revolted in the late 1440s. After the Egbo were re-subjugated, the Ogboni transitioned into a class of Islamic clerics, maintaining the same virtues and philosophy in a syncretic faith.

It was around this same time that the Benin Empire converted to the Ona faith, and proceeded to wage holy war against Igbo and Yoruba states around them. In fact, many historians speculate that Oyo's official adoption of Yunni Islam was a way to keep the nation from being infiltrated by Ona converts. When the Egbo vassals rebelled from Oyo, Benin seized the opportunity to go to war with the Yoruba empire, initiating the first Ona War from 1448-1456. After Benin was defeated, tt was at that point that Oyo began adopting sponsors from European countries, namely the Lotharingian West African Company (KWAC) and the Hanseatic League.

Much like the Bono Kingdom, Oyo retained a close cultural affinity with the scientific and cultural developments of the Mali Empire, which was even further strengthened after their acceptance of Islam. For much of Oyo's history, advances in religious philosophy was almost exclusively conducted by various secret societies of clerics and merchant guilds, collectively known as the Ogboni. They believed that living ones life to a strict code of morality was instrumental for social harmony, and theological beliefs should flow naturally from ones ethical system. In such a way, the Ogboni operated as a check against the power of the nobility and the king. Typically these philosophers doubled as artists and craftsmen, who expressed moral teachings through their art. After the Great Alibaala, many former naval commanders of the Mali Empire were employed to help jumpstart Oyo's naval technology and logistics. Since the Manding empire had lost their coastline, and the Wolof Empire mostly employed their own Serar or Fula shipwrights, then immigrating to Oyo provided the best opportunity to maintain their naval career.

For Oyo, the desire for colonization came from mainly two sources, internal and external. Externally, Oyo was constantly aware of the economic success and naval presence of other African states, especially Wolof and Ashanti, and felt the need to stay ahead of their competitors. This was even moreso the case when Benin, their ancient rival, began building their own navy with support from the Spanish. Ever since the Ona War, the rivalry between Benin and Oyo ran much deeper than a mere territorial dispute, but was a matter of existential religious supremacy. Out of fear of Benin bringing the Ona religion to the New World, Oyo felt the need to spread Yunni Islam in order to combat them. Inernally, the expansion of mercantile economy was immediately beneficial to the Ogboni societies, who saw the opportunity of strengthening their position against the nobility.

Benin

Flag of the Benin Empire

The Benin Empire existed since ancient times, but experienced rapid expansion and centralization in the mid 15th century under the reign of Ewuare the Great (r.1440-1473). Ewuare declared Ona to be the state religion of Benin, which is an organized, dualistic faith of unclear origins. Many historians speculate that the rapid growth of Ona in Benin was in response to the introduction of Islam into Oyo. As the African traditional religion is largely shamanistic and disorganized, Ewuare sought to create a more modernized, centralized faith that would compete against the complex philosophy found in Islam. This strategy would keep the people from becoming assimilated to Oyo rule, but it also served to further strengthen the central power of the Oba. Unlike in Oyo, the Oba of Benin had unparalleled autocratic rule over the state, and his power went unchecked by any class of nobility, merchants or clergy. It is also noteworthy that the Yoruba god Eshu was viewed as the "evil serpent god" of Ona, which would further depict the Yoruba kingdom of Oyo as a demonic threat.

The Ona religion quickly adopted a more evangelical, if not militaristic tone, and Ewuare initiated a series of holy wars to expand Benin's power over the Niger delta, known as the Ona Wars (c.1448-1469). While the Ona Wars were generally successful, they failed to contain the power of the Oyo Kingdom, and the two nations remained as bitter rivals for centuries since. After the collapse of the Mali Empire in the early 15th century, the Spanish government extended close political and economic relations with Benin, viewing them as a valuable ally to compete against Lotharingia's support of Oyo. Much like the other African states, Benin quickly became aware of the valuable opportunities in the New World being reaped by Ashanti and Oyo, and so they capitalized on their relations with Spain to begin their own naval expansion. Benin also had a religious motivation for this push, as they believed the Ona religion could be further spread by holy wars across the seas.

Exploration and early settlements

The first Africans to live in the New World were slaves, sold from the Mali Empire (or its successor states) and shipped across the Atlantic to work in European colonies. After the Italian-German explorer Kristoff Kolombo discovered the New World in 1491, the first wave of colonization was monopolized entirely by European nations or private companies, mostly from Spain, Lotharingia, and the Hanseatic League. Portugal and Scotland were also major colonial powers, but they were entirely focused on Africa instead of the New World. The extensive national reforms of Emperor Henry VIII technically claimed the New World as part of the Holy Roman Empire, but it took a long time for these claims to be put into practice. While the northern continent received the name Kolombia in honor of its discoverer, the southern continent was referred to as "Meridia" fairly early on, with the name first appearing on a 1515 map made by the Hanseatic League.

The first Spanish colonies in Cuba attempted enslaving the Native Kolombians. This proved to be very inefficient, and it was difficult to keep up with, as much of the Taino population were dying out from European diseases. So in 1498, the Spanish colony of Havana imported 400 slaves from the Emirate of Jabal Asada, becoming the first Africans to set foot in the New World. This practice was quicly adopted by the RHC corporation of Lotharingia and the Hanseatic West Indies. The most notable colonist at this era was Madi Nyang (c.1490-after 1530), a Mandike slave who worked in the Hanseatic colonies of Fredericia and Godeken. What's notable about Mad Nyang is not necessarily the things that he did, but the fact that he was much more educated than average Malian slave, with the ability to both read and write in Tamashiq script. His autobiography, spanning the years from 1510 to 1525, are the first piece of African literature in the New World. He participated in constructing the cities of Sauberesburg and St. Mary's, and personally fought against Native Kolombians during their attempted uprising in 1521.

Iram

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"The Discovery of Meridia", a painting in the Royal Archives of Kakaita, 1832

The African discovery of Meridia is accredited to Abd Al-Muttalib Jannah (c.1475-1535), an admiral of the Wolof navy. In 1510, Jannah was exploring far out into the southern Atlantic Ocean in the hope of finding a faster current on the way to the Cape of Good Hope. It was on this voyage that Jannah discovered the island of Rumi, about halfway from Africa to Iram. Jannah did not say at the time why he named the new land Rumi, but a persistent rumor first recorded about ten years later claims that he saw a host of spirits (or ruhm in Arabic) flying about the island. After reporting this discovery to the King of Wolof, a second expedition in 1514 established a semi-permanent outpost, becoming Wolof's first new colony since the collapse of Mali.

Shortly after the discovery of Rumi Island, Abd Al-Muttalib Jannah started claiming that he could identify the precise location of the lost island of Abu Bakr II, as the result of comparing various maps collected from Philippe de Corguilleray and Hanseatic merchants. Convinced by these claims, the King of Wolof commissioned Jannah for two more voyages in 1516 and 1521, using Rumi Island as a place to resupply. The second voyage had a fleet of five ships, each of which was blessed by the local Marabout before departure. On the seventh day of the month of Dhul Al-Hajj (November 2, 1521), Abd Al-Muttalib Jannah landed at a cove approximately 60 km north of the modern-day city of Zamz Al-Abim. Still determined that he could find the lost island of Abu Bakr, Jannah referred to the new land as "Iram" in reference to the mythical lost city in Muslim folklore.

Jannah made first contact with Native Meridians near the coast, who agreed to meet in their ship. Jannah believed that in order to lay claim to this land, he first needed to extract some form of tribute from the inhabitants, despite them sharing no language in common. He first tried to offer them some Jolof rice and milk, which they refused to eat. Then noticed that they were very fascinated by the Serar style of clothes, particularly their ivory decorations. So he gave them some sets of linen clothes and an ivory necklace in exchange for a handful of beads and dyes, an event sometimes referred to as the "purchase of Iram". According to Jannah's personal account, the natives were giants towering over eight feet in height. The natives were also very curious about their evening prayers, as the Africans performed their prostrations on the beach facing Mecca. Jannah wondered if this was a sign that the natives are familiar with this practice, giving further evidence of Abu Bakr's previous arrival. Jannah traveled further down the coast until he found a suitable place to establish a permanent settlement, first establishing the city of Zamz Al-Abim. He then left behind an outpost at Zamz Al-Abim when he returned to Wolof, giving them the task of learning the native language by the time he comes back.

When Jannah returned to the colony in the spring of 1522, he found that relations with the natives had turned sour. The local Meridians had attacked the settlement, resulting in the death of eight men whose bodies were then chopped up and eaten. The act of cannibalism was a particularly harrowing image for the Serari people, as the dead could no longer receive proper funeral rites. They did, however, manage to obtain a basic understanding of the native language, finding the Meridians to be a pagan people living in a tribal lifestyle similar to those back in the Sahel. Jannah responded by strengthening the defenses of Zamz Al-Abim with a makeshift fort and artillery. Jannah reported everything back to the government of Wolof in a letter dated to summer that year, including descriptions of the local flora and fauna. The King of Wolof responded by declaring Abd Al-Muttalib Jannah as the first Lamane (governor) of Iram, charging him to convert the native Meridians to Islam and to pay back an annual tribute consisting of Brazilwood, sugar, and slaves.

After returning to Wolof to personally receive the governorship from the Dyambor of Kayor, Jannah returned to Iram in 1523 with a much larger force: 500 Mandike (300 freemen, 200 slaves), 300 Serar, and 100 Fula on a fleet of four ships. After bolstering the population of Zamz Al-Abim with 400 new settlers, the rest traveled further north and established a second settlement later known as Kakaita. After two months of establishing the first plantations for sugar and Brazilwood, Jannah sent an expedition of thirteen men to make contact with the native Caeta people, asking them to become a tributary under Wolof. They initially refused, but Jannah nonetheless named the new city "Kakaita" which is a Serar pronunciation of Caeta. Many new settlers would follow over the next few years to augment the sugar plantations and Brazilwood production, most of them being Mandike or Arab slaves. By 1525, the colonies of Iram had a total of 1,000 slaves.

Iram was originally treated as a Kanton (or province) of Kayor, but during his tenure Jannah organized the state as an integral tributary kingdom in its own right, complete with its own council of elders and matriclan. During his time as Lamane, the colony soon became the wealthiest and most developed settlement in the continent of Meridia, even surpassing the economic output of European colonies. By 1570, Iram was producing over 800 tons of sugar per year, spread over 25 production centers. By the end of the century, that had grown to well over 6,000 tons of sugar and 100 production centers. Alongside the sugar industry, Jannah encouraged the production of Brazilwood and cotton, which made up a smaller portion of the economy but still lucrative in their own right.

Starting in 1530, Jannah would lead several expeditions to forcefully subjugate the Caeta people into vassalage, with an army of about 800-950 men. The combination of these wars and the introduction of Old World diseases ended up decimating the Caeta population, and the survivors were wholly subjugated into vassalage of Iram. In 1535, Jannah left Iram in charge of his eldest son, and returned to Wolof to receive further expansion of his political power. Unfortunately, a few weeks after returning to Africa Jannah succumbed to a disease he had picked up in the New World, and died shortly thereafter. In his absence, the Caeta people staged a revolt against colonial rule, which was put down in 1536. Eventually, significant number of indigenous tribes such as the Tupinamba would migrate much farther inland, opening up vast tracks of depopulated territory for Iram to exploit.

It wasn't long before the Wolof Empire decided to start using Iram as a penal colony for federal offenses, where criminals would be forced to work the sugar plantations as slaves. It was common practice for Wolof to use slavery as a form of punishment, in addition to purchased slaves who were either kidnapped or captured in war. However, both the colonial government and the Marabout elders often complained of the increasing number of criminals among the slave population, calling them a "poison" who did not respect moral statues of Islamic law. There were reports of men taking sexual liberties with the indigenous women, women not wearing the traditional hijab of modesty, or children with native wives not being raised in the Islamic faith. There was also complaints that Muslim clerics in Iram were behaving no better than their laymen counterparts. Consequently, Wolof focused on extensive moral and religious reforms in Iram throughout the late 16th century.

Jayyana

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Division of Meridia according to the Treaty of Dakar, 1524

While that was going on, other African states were already making their own claims in the New World. In 1523, the Arab explorer Yan ibn Yahya (c.1470-1536) sailed up the northern coast of Meridia, following the navigational charts of the Hanseatic league. He first discovered the mouth of the Jahenna River, then sailed further south and established the city of Bebeghad (meaning "land of parrots"). Ibn Yahya claimed the entire continent as part of the Sahrawi Sultanate, and was subsequently appointed by the Sultan to become the first Amir (governor) of the colony. While he never gave a name for the region himself, early on it started being referred to as "Jayyana" as the Arabic translation of a native Arawak word meaning "land of many waters". It was officially designated by the title "Jazeera Jayyana" meaning "Island of Jayyana".

Ibn Yahya initially declared Sunni Islam to be the state religion of Jayyana, and led several campaigns to subjugate the Tremembé people under Islamic rule. He also invited many Imams from Samla to set up Islamic schools, teaching the natives how to read and write in Arabic. But over the next few years, many Yunni Muslims and Babani Catholics immigrated to the same region, creating the settlements of Tabuiyya and Kabina, respectively. The origin of the name "Kabina" is uncertain, but it is often suggested to be a translation of the Belgian region Campine, where Hendrickus Pisacus was born. After several instances of communal conflict, and complaints sent back to the Sultan, Ibn Yahya relented to allow religious toleration across Jayyana, but retained Sunni Sharia law in the city of Bebeghad. The other two settlements, in turn, would organize their own societies along their respective religious sects. One Imam in particular who was active at this time was Musa Mboob, who wrote extensively on the local customs, languages and religions of the native Meridians. He was also responsible for setting up several trading posts along the river delta, inviting local Tupi families to be given Arabic education.

Just as the case of the other African colonies, the population of Jayyana was bolstered by the import of slaves, many of them being imported from as far away as Yorubaland or Zayyiyr. Bebeghad alone had as much as 3,000 slaves by the 1530s, mostly of Mandike or Yoruba origin. The plantations of Jayyana were immediately profitable, producing large quantities of sugar, coffee and tobacco. The tobacco industry quickly became a staple of the Sahrawi economy, overtaking the existing hashish market.

In 1524, the Kingdom of Lotharingia and the Wolof Empire agreed to set up a conference in the city of Dakar, to negotiate the territorial claims of four colonial entities: the Wolof Empire, the Sahrawi Sultanate, and the Lotharingian companies RHC and KWAC. Lotharingia had been making their push for claiming the continent of Meridia simultaneous to the African explorations, particularly by the RHC explorer Johan Ruysch. Ruysch had first laid claim to the island of Sint Bavo in 1516, and then charted the coast of Patagonia in 1521. The Belgians referred to the largest river in the region as the "Herdersdal", which is now known as Ulugwanyi.

The outcome of the conference made the following agreement:

• All lands south of the 31st parallel south would be recognized as land of the RHC
• All lands between the 31st and 4th parallels south would be recognized as part of the Wolof Empire, with exclusive trade concessions to the KWAC
• All lands north of the 4th parallel south up to the Hanseatic colonies would be recognized as part of the Sahrawi Sultanate

This treaty effectively claimed the entire continent of Meridia under Lotharingian influence, while also solidifying the territorial ambitions of their African allies. These claims would soon be challenged by the actions of the Spanish Empire and their allies in the following decades.

Asikyira

The most notable explorer of the Ashanti Kingdom was Jalut Kujabi (1474-1535). Kujabi was an Arab immigrant, and he held a lifelong dream of discovering the lost Empire of Abu Bakr somewhere in the New World. From 1524-1525, Kujabi explored along the coast of Meridia following the route of a Spanish explorer who had recently visited, Julio Xavier de Syracuse. In 1526, Kujabi published a detailed map of the southern Atlantic Ocean on woven linen, combining information from various European and African explorers up to that point. The map now sits in the Royal Asantehene Museum in Kumasi. Kujabi's map is remarkable for the accuracy of the coastline for both Africa and Meridia, but makes a few notable mistakes that were common for maps at the day. He greatly overestimated the size of the Jehanna River, imagining it as a strait cutting the entire continent in half. He also connected the cape of Meridia with Terra Australias Incognita, as the voyage of Ferdinand Magellan who rounded the cape had not yet returned to Spain. Most curiously, Kujabi indicated the "Kurafaba Abu Bakri" (Empire of Abu Bakr) as a large blob along the pacific coast of Meridia. It is unclear if this was just an educated guess, or if Kujabi had heard rumors of the as yet undiscovered Inca Empire, and assumed that to be Abu Bakr. Kujabi's map is the earliest historical record that names the Jehanna Rainforest, and he rferred to the land south of Wolof's colonies as "Asikyira" (or "Land of Sugar").

In 1532, Kujabi was commissioned by the Kotoko council to annex Asikyira into a new Aman (or federal state) of the Ashanti Kingdom. Following his own navigation charts, Kujabi established a city which would come to be known as Tupiasi. Not satisfied with just exploring the coast, Kujabi very quickly set out on an ambitious campaign to map out the entire Jehanna Rainforest, and hopefully finding the lost kingdom of Abu Bakr as he so desperately desired. This campaign was viewed by many to be a masochistic endeavor, with over 300 people dying out of a total of 1,500 troops in his care. On his final voyage in 1535, Jalut Kujabi disappeared while exploring somewhere in the state of Bobese southwest of modern-day Iram City. One fanciful biography published in the 1580s gave a story on how Kujabi did find the land of Abu Bakr on this final voyage, and in the process finally released the immortal Mansa from his curse. In reward for his efforts, Kujabi and Abu Bakr both ascended into the seventh heaven.

Ile Damoy

The Nigerian states didn't begin their colonial settlements until the mid 16th century. In 1544, the Oyo Mesi commissioned the admiral Rahi Mukhamil (c.1490-1554) to establish a tributary state (Ajala) in the continent of Meridia. Rahi was Mande in origin, the son of the Malian general Hambra Mukhamil (who was instrumental in the Great Alibaala). Rahi established the city of Pupaigi in a region that soon became known as "Ile Damoy" (or "land of the Tamoio"). Mukhamil fought several battles to subjugate the Tamoio as a tributary from 1550-1554, and it was during these campaigns he was eventually killed in battle.

Initially, Ile Damoy was organized as part of the Ajaland level of administration within the Oyo Empire. The Oyo Mesi declared that once the people of Ile Damoy convert to Yunni Islam, then they should be administrated by an indigenous king, and permitted to rule virtually independent as long as they paid taxes back to the Aalafin. But once the Ogboni took effective control over the navy, Ile Damoy was transformed into a settler colony of Yoruba people, where the native Tamoio Meridians were enslaved en masse. The Ogboni did encourage intercommunal harmony and a liberal democracy within the colony, but only with the franchise extended to ethnic Yorubas.

Ulugwanyi

As the last African state to colonize the New World, the Benin Empire sent Ilyas Joofa (c.1500-c.1560) to the continent of Meridia in 1551. Hearing of Benin's interest in the New World, the Spanish government invited Joofa to a region just north of Buenos Aires, giving them weapons and supplies in exchange for comparable trade concessions as the Treaty of Dakar. This directly overlapped the existing colony of Herdersdal which the Lotharingian RHC company had established in 1522, but Spain believed they could benefit from Benin and Lotharingia fighting amongst each other.

Joofa designated the river "Ulugwanyi" based on the local Guarani name for it, and claimed the entire river delta in the name of the Oba. He established two cities during his tenure, first the settlement of Ahurumugwu (which translates to "I saw a mountain"), and secondly the settlement of Shanwe (named for the local Chana people). In 1554, he established the first Ona Temple in the New World, and retired from the governorship shortly afterward. The Edo people were well adapted to navigating a riverine navy, and over the next generation they established completely control over the estuaries of the Ulugwanyi River. The colony introduced many old world crops that were locally grown, such as yams, rice and palm wine.

Unlike the other African states, Benin had no legal precedent for administration of discontinuous territory. The colony was officially established under the direct control of the Oba, and was administrated by an occupational military force acting directly on the Oba's orders. Over time, effective power in the colony was taken over by the Ona priesthood, who transformed Uluguanyi into a militarized theocracy run by a council of priests. Non-believers of the Ona faith were punishable by exile or enslavement. That being said, the Ona priests had no problem with natives who worshipped Kaka alongside the aboriginal pantheon in a syncretic faith.

Sugar Cycle

A Brazilwood tree, one of Iram's most valuable exports

After the coastline of Meridia was solidified by various colonial powers in the mid 16th century, the next century saw a period of rapid economic growth and immigration, known as the Meridian Sugar Cycle. The colonies originally attempted to create plantations of old world crops which made use of the increased farmland, such as millet, rice, yams, and cocoa. But they soon discovered the uses of new world products, which could be mass produced in slave plantations and sold back to Africa or Europe to meet increasingly high demands. The Sahrawi Sultanate was the first nation to capitalize on the tobacco industry, which soon eclipsed the existing hashish market in West Africa. But the sugar plantations, first produced in the 1550s in both Iram and Ile Damoy, were by far the most profitable, and it wasn't long before the other colonies adopted the same practice. By the mid 17th century, sugar exports accounted for 95% of the colonial GDP.

Slave labor to run these plantations was inseparably integral to the Meridian economy, moreso than any other colony in the New World. While slaves were abundantly available in all five colonies, but the exact approach and regulation of slavery differed from one colony to another. Jayyana largely left the native Meridian populations alone, and relied almost entirely from imported slaves from Africa. Indigenous slaves were still used, but they were generally looked down on as lazier and inefficient compared to their African peers, especially as the native population started to drop due to Old World diseases. In Ile Damoy and Ulugwanyi, however, indigenous slaves were used much more than African imports, for different reasons. The Ogboni-dominated Ile Damoy viewed non-Yoruba people as culturally inferior, whereas the Ona-dominated Ulugwanyi had a policy to enslave any non-Ona believers. In Iram, the enslavement of both natives and African imports were done to a high degree, as it had always been a staple of the Wolof economy. While the indigenous natives were viewed as subjects of the state equal to Serar people, they would still use slavery as a kind of punishment for crimes against the state, which was liberally used to any non Serar people. Generally speaking, African slaves were already familiar with agriculture-based economies and did not require as much training relative to native Meridians.

The treatment of slaves also varied greatly from one region to another. The decentralized governance of Jayyana meant that different religious communities could decide for themselves how slavery was regulated, with some place far more restricted than others. The Catholic community in Kabina was the first region to abolish the enslavement of natives on the local level, and centuries later the Sahrawi Sultanate became the first African state to abolish slavery altogether. The Ashanti colony of Asikyira strictly banned the inhumane or cruel treatment of slaves, and in some eras these laws were heavily enforced. Slaves in Asikyira held a high degree of autonomy, and could even appeal to the state to assign them a new master. The inland settlements of Asikyira were primarily a mining economy, which necessitated granting the slaves a high degree of freedom of movement. In Iram, however, it was not uncommon for slaves to be literally worked to death over the course of a few years, and replaced with fresh imports from Africa. In Iram it was also legally permitted to arrange marriage with slaves and have sex with them. The manioc and yam plantations in Ile Damoy were comparably less rigorous.

Aside from slavery, the population of the colonies also increased from a wave of voluntary immigration. Iram saw most of their immigrants come from Sine, Saloum and Kayor, finding relief to run their own farms without the pressure of Tyddo raiders. For both Oyo and Benin, most of their immigrants came from lower class merchants from either Yoruba or Egba origin, seeking new business opportunities without the domination of feudal nobility. For the Sahrawi Sultanate, they actively encouraged the colonization of their Yunni and Catholic minority religions, although the official religion of Jayyan remained Sunni.

To one degree or another, all five colonies enjoyed a high level of autonomy, and operated as semi-independent kingdoms with some tributary or vassalage obligations back to the homeland. This allowed local rulers and administrators to reap most of the benefits of their economic output, and negotiated their own trade deals with each other and with European states. In addition to natively-produced goods such as sugar, tobacco and Brazilwood, the colonies also manufactured refined goods that were imported from Africa, such as palm wine, gum arabic and fermented milk. The Kolumbian exchange also had a profound effect on agriculture back at home. By the early 17th century, West Africa became a large producer of corn, sweet potatoes, tomatoes, and peanuts, which all originally came from the New World. Once cachaca was first invented in the 1560s in Iram, it became worth its weight in gold when being sold to European and beyond, allowing Wolof to dominate the alcohol industry. They had comparatively less success in selling spirits at home, however, as the consumption of alcohol was generally looked down upon by the Marabout clerics.

The architecture of farmlands also varied from one colony to another. In Iram, Serar culture held a disdain for working directly in lower class occupational jobs, which was viewed as mixing between higher and lower castes. Consequently, Serar farmers would live in an adobe compound known as beit kabir ("big house"), with separate wings for husband and wife, while slaves would live in an adjacent compound called beit sagheer ("small house"). In Ulugwanyi, the design of homes changed radically from that of the Benin Empire. Igbo architecture is always meant to blend in with the natural landscape, which had to be adapted to match the new environment of the New World. In Ile Damoy, most farmers lived in shotgun houses with front porches, designed to give a sweeping view of the sugar plantations.

One thing in common across all five colonies is that direct access to the coast was vital for any major urban settlement, with very little roads or infrastructure connecting towns between each other. Unlike the vassal states back in Africa, the indigenous population of Meridia had no existing urban infrastructure to build off from, but all cities had to be planned and constructed from scratch. In Iram, it was common for towns to be arranged randomly and haphazardly, often connected by a central communal kitchen. In Ulugwanyi, cities were spaced out incredibly far, making Ahurumugwu almost twice the size of Edo. Asikyira, however, had very well-organized towns with rectangular, two-story houses and a central courtyard, typically having 100-250 houses per town.

For most of the 16th century, works of art produced in Colonial Meridia imitated the same forms and style as their respective homelands. These mostly included intricate gold weights, lost-wax cast statues, and masks made of cast bronze or carved ivory. Starting in the 1580s, the colonies of Ile Damoy and Ulugwanyi began to create their own unique style that started diverging from works found in West Africa. This cultural divergence from Africa and Meridia came from a variety of reasons: physical separation and lack of communication, different available resources in flora and fauna, and the influence of indigenous Meridians in colonial art. The documentation of Musa Mboob in Iram include a variety of sketches of native tribes, and subsequent works of art in Iram and other colonies would similarly use native Meridians as a common subject matter. Iram was also influenced by the proliferation of "African Baroque" from the Mali Empire moreso than any other colonial state.

As time progressed, the five colonial states were not alone among the African-majority states in Meridia. As thousands upon thousands of slaves were imported from West Africa, it became increasingly common for many slaves to escape and flee deep into the Jehanna Rainforest. These runaway slaves organized themselves into inter-related communities, establishing a plethora of petty kingdoms far away from the coast. On the whole, these states operated exactly like the feudal states that the slaves were originally captured from, featuring a mix of cultural backgrounds from Senegal, Gambia and Nigerian river-valleys. They would also mostly practice Islam and operate slave plantations of their own. The vast majority of these kingdoms were located in northeastern Meridia, bleeding off of the state of Iram.

The colonial governments rarely made any concerted efforts to recapture runaway slaves, unless they were perceived as posing a threat to the the higher-ranked nobility. The slaves owned by plantation farmers (called jamburs in Iram) were viewed as being the responsibility of their owners, and not the concern of the state. The Lamane or Iram only started making war against the inland kingdoms when they started becoming a geopolitical force in their own right in the mid-17th century. Ile Damoy tended to devote the most resources to discouraging runaway slaves among the five colonies, and multiple attempts at breakaway states in the early 17th century were met with quick reconquest.

Colonial Wars

The race between the five African colonial powers to the New World became a fierce competition for wealth and territory, leading to several armed conflicts that erupted at various times in the 16th and 17th centuries. All five of these nations were used to back up the legitimacy of their rule by military force, and the increased size of territories involved only served to escalate these wars on a grander scale. While alliances between nations changed somewhat during this period, generally speaking they fell into two basic geopolitical blocks: one between Sahrawi, Wolof and Oyo, and the other between Ashanti and Benin. Most of these alliances came from convenience and realpolitik than cultural affinity, as most of them barely had any direct interactions prior to the discovery of Meridia. The Emirate of Jabal Asada, while not a colonial power, was also an important ally of Ashanti and Benin.

The formation and conflict between these two geopolitical blocks was heavily influenced by their respective European sponsors, who would often use the African states as proxies of their own colonial ambitions. Even before the collapse of the Mali Empire, the African states started to align themselves politically with the nation most responsible for their technological and economic development, mostly as a result of the trading posts or port concessions given to each European nation. In general, the states of Sahrawi, Wolof and Oyo were aligned with the Kingdom of Lotharingia, while the states of Ashanti, Benin and Jabal Asada aligned with the Kingdom of Spain. Lotharingia was often supported by the Kingdom of France and other Protestant states of Europe, whereas Spain was often supported by Portugal and other Catholic states. The Great West African War (1634-1640) ended up being a proxy conflict of the Forty Years War, where Protestant and Catholic factions pitted their respective allies against each other to gain an edge outside of Europe.

Background of Spanish-Belgian Rivalry

The rivalry between Spain and Lotharingia runs quite deep, and goes back long before Meridia was even discovered. During the Hundred Years War in the 14th century, when France was divided between rival dynastic factions, the restored Capetian dynasty was supported by Lotharingia and the Holy Roman Empire (then under a dynastic union), whereas the Valois dynasty based in Burgundy was supported by Spain and England. By the early 15th century, the prolonged rivalry between these two factions had massive changes to the territorial and political makeup of Europe, including the independence of Wales, the solidification of the Lotharingian lowlands, and the Spanish and Portuguese influence on southern France.

As the Hundred Years war came to a close, the Lothariangian-backed Capetian dynasty won out in retaining territorial integrity of continental France, which remained in power up through the 16th century. At the same time, Reginar-Luxembourg control over the Holy Roman Empire came to an end in 1418, after the forced abdication of Emperor Vincent. The new political landscape reshuffled the alliances of Europe, causing Lotharingia to distance themselves from France and Germany and become closer aligned with Spain. From 1456-1462, France instigated a devastating conflict in a failed attempt to annex the Lotharingian-controlled Flanders and Artois. It was in that context that Crown Prince John Leonard Reginar-Luxembourg was married to Princess Katherine de Barcelona, placing Lotharingia and Spain into a marital dynastic union from 1472-1511.

The Lotharingian monarchy had multiple other motives for this shift of alliance from France to Spain. After the radical organizational reforms of Emperor Vincent, Lotharingia had fallen under the domination of the "Senatus Lotharri", a council of lower nobility and merchants whose power and influence rivaled that of the king. The monarchs Godfried I and John V probably hoped that creating a dynastic union would provide the king with a pool of foreign resources that could be used to quell the power of the Senate at home. There was also a religious angle: Godfried I and John V were both ardent supporters of the Catholic Inquisition, and considered the radical Hussite factions in Lotharingia to be traitors and rebel-rousers. But when William I of France instead pursued a policy of religious toleration, many accused him of being in league with the heretics.

Despite these causes, and despite their cooperation during the Swiss War in the 1480s, the Spanish-Lotharingian union proved to be greatly unpopular in both countries. When John V died in 1511, his oldest son John VI succeeded him as ruler of the realms of Reginar-Luxembourg, while his younger son Alvin (raised for most of his life by Spanish tutors) ascended to the throne of Spain. The reasons for the union's split (and reigniting of Spanish-Belgian rivalry) was basically the same reasons it formed in the first place: The Reginar monarch had grown increasingly unpopular as the Senatus Lotharri continued to rise, and the autocratic feudal influence from Spain was considered detrimental to the mercantile middle class, especially considering that Lotharingia's colonial empire was entirely controlled by independent trading companies. At the same time, the religious upheaval caused by the Protestant Reformation was rapidly growing in popularity in the Lowlands, and it wasn't long before the new Belgian government completely severed their ties with the Catholic Church.

In the wake of reshuffling alliances in the 16th century, Lotharingia once again found themselves aligned with France, as the French had also recently adopted Protestantism in the form of the Gallican Church. While the sects that dominated France and Lotharingia diverge from one another in many ways, they often cooperated in a broader fight for survival against Catholic powers such as Spain and Portugal. The first open conflict between Lotharingia and the Iberian states came in 1517, when the Belgian East India Company (VOC) contested against Portuguese monopoly of the Indian Ocean with systematic attacks against Malacca, Ceylon and Zanzibar.

In terms of West Africa, the Belgians considered the Babani people of Samla to be natural allies and long lost kindred, facilitating the alliance between Lotharingia and the Sahrawi Sultanate. Their alignment with the Wolof Empire dates back to their economic and political treaties made with the Mali Empire, and since the time of Alef Vletcher a district of Dakar was ceded to the KWAC. Spain similarly had annexed the city of Conakry from Jabal Asada in 1456, and Puerta Danielo along the Gold Coast near Ashanti.

France similarly held trade deals with Mali since the voyage of Roger Cartier, and respected Wolof as Mali's spiritual successor. Portugal, however, still remembered the injuries suffered from the Malian war in the 1480s, and so aligned themselves with the Ashanti Kingdom as Mali's biggest rival. The respective alignments of Oyo and Benin came shortly after the Ona Wars in the 15th century. Spanish propaganda popularized the idea that the Ona religion was a naturally-revealed form of Christianity in Sub-Saharan Africa, and a valuable counterweight to the spread of Islam along the coast.

Before Colonization (1499-1521)

After the Great Alibaala, the first notable conflict on the African coast came before the continent of Meridia was actually discovered. In the aftermath of Mali's collapse, the Wolof Empire claimed direct sovereignty over all the Atlantic islands that Mali previously controlled, regardless if they had the ability to enforce these claims at the time. The annexation of the Goragdes Islands was fairly smooth, and Wolof managed to negotiate the continuation of the Hanseatic kontor with practically no incident. They were initially organized as a Canton of the Kingdom of Kayor, but in the early 17th century they became recognized as a direct tributary state of the Seb Ak Baor.

But the Bissagos Islands to the south proved to be much more controversial. In 1508, the Wolof Empire launched a quick invasion of the Island of Orango, expelling the local Spanish trading posts. Spain had previously bought the island from the Mali Empire in 1422, and for over eighty years they administrated it as a direct Spanish possession. At the time of Wolof's invasion, it is estimated that a maximum of 10% of the island's population were second-generation Spanish colonists. Spain mounted a counter-invasion of five ships, consisting of two frigates and three carracks. But France and Lotharingia both supported Wolof's claim to the island, largely out of Wolof's alliance and economic dependency to the KWAC. So a second fleet of four Lotharingian ships and three French ships blockaded the Bolama strait, and after a few quick skirmishes at sea the Spanish forces were forced to return home.

In 1509, a separate agreement was made between Spain and Wolof to allow any Spanish citizens to vacate the island on their own volition, and to tolerate Catholicism to be practiced there. The Jesuit order would capitalize on this arrangement to further evangelize on Orango from that point onward, making it one of the largest centers of native African Catholicism alongside Samla. It is often speculated that even if the Lotharingians and French did not intervene, the Spanish invasion force would have been completely caught off-guard by the Wolof army, which not only had greater numbers but much better military experience than Spain was anticipating.

Wolof's territorial disputes would not be limited to the islands at sea, but also affected the borders shared with their African neighbors on land. The vassal states of the Mali Empire never had well-defined borders during their history. Typically, each local ruler would collect tribute based on local tribes or cities that owed allegiance to them, and any local disputes would be settled by the Gbara. Once Mali lost effective power in the Great Alibaala, the subsequent generation saw a plethora of regional conflicts spread all across West Africa, as each former vassal grabbed as much territory as they could. This worked in the favor of the Atlantic states (namely Wolof, Sahrawi, and Jabal Asada), as they had access to the most advanced military technology and quickly subjugated the smaller vassals closest to them. At the same time, these events led up to a series of border conflicts between the Atlantic states in the early 16th century.

In 1510, the Wolof Emperor sent a punitive expedition to extract tribute from the cities of Rosso and Mederdra, which was a region claimed by the Sahrawi Sultanate. Wolof was evidently not expecting much of a struggle, as they utilized only the available Tyeddo retainers and none of the national army. On the other hand, it's possible that the emperor did this because the Tyeddo warriors were directly under his command, whereas the regular army required approval of the Marabout elders. A second reason for the Wolof invasion was to deal with the Sahrawi pirates. Samla had an infamous reputation for being a hive of privateers, most infamously Idris Jan Massufi (c.1490-1521), and the biggest target for these privateers was the international trade routes from the Gorgades Islands.

The resulting border conflict between Wolof and Sahrawi saw fighting on both land and sea. The Babani marshalled a much larger cavalry force to expel the Serar from the disputed cities, while Wolof mounted an attempted naval invasion of Samla. It was also during this conflict that Massufi conducted his infamous raid against the Hanseatic kontor in the Gorgades. In the south, Jabal Asada seized the opportunity to occupy the Kombo peninsula claimed by Wolof. But it was the threat of opening a second front that convinced the Marabouts to approve of the emperor raising the fully levies of the nation, ironically helping to turn the tide of the war.

The Wolof-Sahrawi conflict put Lotharingia in an awkward position, as the Belgian trading companies had strong political affinities for both states. Nor did they want to remain neutral for long, as the war was becoming disruptive for trade in the region. So in spring of 1512, Lotharingia successfully negotiated a truce between Wolof and Sahrawi, and a lasting peace treaty was agreed upon in summer that year: Wolof withdrew from the disputed region of Rosso and Mederdra, while Sahrawi ended their toleration of pirates in Samla. This treaty established the effective border between the two states, which did not see conflict again for hundreds of years. That being said, at the time of the Treaty of Dakar in 1524 there were active concerns whether tensions between Wolof and Sahrawi would flare up again. With peace reached in the north, Wolof was able to devote their entire forces to the south, and by the end of 1513 they had managed to completely expel Jabal Asada out of the Kombo peninsula.

Wars between colonies (1521-1585)

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"The Final Assault on Herdersdal", a painting in the Royal Archives of Kakaita, 1834

When the Second Portuguese-Lotharingian War broke out in 1528, the naval capabilities and economic ambitions of Sahrawi and Wolof had grown to the point that they joined in a European conflict for the first time. Sahrawi invaded the territory of Cape Bajor, not necessarily trying to conquer it, but to push back the border so they can claim more traditional Sahrawi lands. They also had fleets of privateers raid against the Portuguese islands of Madeira and Azores, and even the Spanish colonies in Kolumbia. Wolof, however, had much bigger ambitions: the admiral Yolo Ali Jannah (son of Abd Al-Muttalib Jannah) was given the task of trying to establish colonies in the East Indies at Portugal's expense.

The war was long but sporadic, with very little gained on either side. In 1532, tired of the constant raids of Sahrawi pirates, the Spanish empire joined the conflict on Portugal's side, sending two fleets to attack the Wolof territory of Gorgades and the Sahrawi colonies in Jayyan. This flipped the conflict from an offensive war to a defensive one, as Lotharingia took over the East Indies theater while the African states fended for themselves. Spain figured that if they could occupy the Gorgades Islands, it would make the recapture of Orango (and other territorial concessions) much easier to execute. This resulted in Sahrawi and Wolof cooperating with each other for the first time in their history, as they now had a common enemy that threatened both of their territories simultaneously.

By 1534, the Sahrawi navy successfully managed to defend the Gorgades Islands, while Wolof successfully defended Jayyan. After the war reached a de facto conclusion, the Spanish government pivoted away from direct attacks against the African states to use a more indirect approach from then on. They supplied the Emirate of Jabal Asada with more guns and other armaments, who would periodically send raids and small-scale attacks against Wolof throughout the 1530s and early 1540s, attempting to wrest control of the Kombo region away from them. It was also during this time that the Spanish-aligned Ashanti Kingdom established their Meridian colony in Asikyira, in defiance of the Treaty of Dakar.

In 1553, two years after Benin had established the colony of Ulugwanyi, they came into direct conflict with the Lotharingian colony of Herdersdal administrated by the RHC, due to overlapping territorial claims. Traditionally, the armies of Benin were supposed to be directly commanded by the Oba, but due to the long distance involved, the Iyase of Benin was sent to take direct command of the colony, superseding the authority of Ilyas Joofa. The RHC had a significant tactical advantage at first, as their guns were more powerful and more accurate than that of Benin. But ultimately, Benin's victory came as the result of a superior strategic position. The forces of Ulugwanyi focused on indirect attacks and a grand encirclement of Herdersdal, placing the colony in a partial siege after five months of fighting. Lotharingia sent fleets of ships to relieve and resupply the colony, but reinforcements were slow to arrive as the Belgian ships were too large to navigate Meridia's inlets. Benin, on the other hand, was much better adapted to the river system of Ulugwanyi, as they managed logistics through large riverine canoes (along with minor Spanish naval support). After a year and four months of fighting, the RHC was worn down by sheer attrition and forced to withdraw, bringing the Herdersdal colony to an end.

Within months of the fall of New Bergen, the RHC lobbied the Lotharingian government to escalate the conflict to an all-out war against Spanish Meridia, which would justify bringing in more allies from Europe and Africa. They argued that Spain and her allies had been encroaching on the legal claims of Lotharingia for many years now, and the loss of Herdersdal is the kind of disaster that would be preventable with a pre-emptive strike. So Lotharingia declared war on Spain in late 1554, and shortly afterwards Wolof and Oyo followed up by declaring war on Ashanti. While France and Sahrawi did not officially enter the war, they did provide substantial support for their respective allies. While the Akan colony of Asikyira had been quietly violating the treaty of Dakar for almost twenty years, neither Wolof nor the Lotharingian trading companies bothered to do much about it, as they were both more concerned with consolidating the territories they already occupied. But as the colony reaped substantial wealth from gold mining and sugar plantations, the territory was increasingly coveted by both Wolof and Oyo. In 1555, Wolof made a separate treaty with Oyo to acknowledge the legitimacy of their colony in Ile Damoy, in exchange for their cooperation against Asikyira.

The conflict from 1553-1557 is often referred to as the "First West African War" or the "Lesser West African War", as it involved all the same belligerents as the Great West African War in the 1630s. But this title is somewhat deceptive, as the vast majority of the conflict was restricted to the continent of Meridia and saw very little fighting back in Africa. Of the handful of battles that took place in Africa, most of them were entirely between Oyo and Benin, as a continuation of their historical rivalry.

The combined Oyo-Wolof invasion of Asikyira proved to be a classic example of asynchronous warfare. Wolof's military was reliant on fast mounted cavalry, as the horses of Kayor were famously bred for their speed. Oyo used a combination of heavy cavalry and organized infantry, with both horses and soldiers protected by chainmail armor. Ashanti, however, barely used any cavalry at all, but instead relied on column-based infantry that worked to out-flank and overwhelm the enemy. Meanwhile, the Lotharingian navy launched attacks against Spanish Patagonia with French support, trying to find a good path for retaking Herdersdal from Benin. This was also the first war in Meridia to make substantial use of Native Meridian allies: Colonial Iram and Ile Damoy levied their New World tributaries for more men, while Ashanti generally treated their allied natives as peers. This arguably had the greatest effect in Asikyira successfully managing to defend their colony, as the aboriginal Meridians were much more cooperative towards them than the Serar or Yorubas.

The end of the war was largely inconclusive, effectively granting the newer colonial powers of Benin, Oyo and Ashanti a permanent foothold in the continent of Meridia, thus rendering the Treaty of Dakar mooted. It is often argued that the unresolved frustrations of this conflict initiated the chain of events that would boil over in the Great West African War a century later. In fact, many wars of the next generation were essentially continuations of the previous conflict, to one degree or another. When Lotharingia mounted a second expedition to retake Herdersdal in 1562, they took the Benin military largely off-guard, and scored substantial tactical victories early on. Benin was still not quite used to administrating territory at such a large distance, and still required the Oba's personal approval of their military strategy. If it wasn't for the intervention of Spanish Patagonia, Lotharingia might have had a chance to re-occupy the river valley. After that point, the colony of Ulugwanyi was re-organized to have its own local Iyese commander, who could operate independent of the Oba in emergency situations.

The colony of Asikyira enjoyed an uneasy peace until 1578, when a mass slave revolt established the independent Kingdom of Kilimbo in Esreise. Kilimbo was mostly populated by Congolese slaves and Native Meridians, dominated by the slaves that Ashanti had purchased from the Sultanate of Zayiyr. The scale of local support for Kilimbo is often exaggerated by contemporary sources, as the slaves of Asikyira were actually treated fairly well when compared to either Iram or Ile Damoy, and several similar slave states had already broken off from Iram in previous decades. But the continued existence of Asikyira was still a thorn in the side of both of its neighbors, and this moment of instability was taken as an opportunity to strike. While Spain offered minor naval support, and took the opportunity to raid the coastlines of both belligerents, the Akan colony was largely able to defend itself after sustaining substantial losses.

Ogboni Revolution

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Flag of the Oyo Empire, adopted after the Ogboni Revolution

By the late 16th century, the Kolumbian Exchange was leading to a transformation of society and economy in Africa as much as it was in Meridia. For example, the Wolof Empire became a breadbasket for growing tomatoes, potatoes, corn and peanuts. But the people who benefitted most in all five colonies was the mercantile middle class: wealthy enough to not be enslaved, but not tied to the hereditary feudal titles back in Africa. In Asikyira and Iram, the local administrations of the home country were seamlessly extended into the New World. The Akan administration was largely meritocratic, so it was normal for freemen to be promoted to a status of lower nobility. In Iram, the power of mercantile classes (called jambur) were heavily suppressed, and harsh penalties (up to enslavement) were used to keep the Serar caste system unchallenged.

The Yoruba colony of Ile Damoy, however, worked very differently. It was officially organized as an Ajaland state, administrated by its own native rulers who would pay tribute back to Yorubaland. But effectively, the colony came under the de-facto control of the Ogboni council of merchants, artisans and Islamic clerics. The Ogboni sought to transform the region into a settler colony, using Yoruba immigrants and imported slaves to expand the administration of sugar plantations. For centuries, the Oyo Mesi (Yoruba nobility) kept the power of the Ogboni severely limited, forcing them to operate as a secret fraternal society largely disconnected from the federal government. They were also intricately tied to the institutional religion (first the Yoruba religion and then Yunni Islam), out of a belief that the power of the nobility needed to be checked against the spiritual moral criterion of the Quran.

But as the Oyo Mesi's power over Meridia was fairly weak, and the Ogboni maintained control over the Oyo navy, then the colony of Ile Damoy became a place that the Ogboni could operate openly without fear of persecution, and a safe haven for Yoruba merchants across the empire. The colony also became famous for its rigid adherence to Yunni Islam, as the Imams were able to enforce sharia law completely independent of the Aalafin's will. As the profits of the colony grew, the Ogboni's political influence back in Ile-Oyo continued to grow as well, until by the mid 1580s it seemed likely that they would overtake the influence of the Oyo Mesi. Fearful of the Ogboni's power was becoming unchecked, the Aalafin pushed through a number of reforms in 1587, declaring that Ile Damoy would now be administrated as a direct imperial province of Yorubaland. This was utterly rejected by the Ogboni, who staged a popular revolution in 1588 against Ile-Oyo.

At first, the Oyo Mesi did not regard the revolution as anything more than a minor peasant revolt, considering that all the heads of the military were firmly on their side. But they did not anticipate that the Ogboni was able to hire a substantial mercenary army, one that was fanatically loyal to the spiritual guidance of the Yunni clerics. Once the capital city was captured, then four out of the seven ministers of the Oyo Mesi were executed, and the Oluwo was proclaimed as the new Bashorun (Prime Minister). Five months later an attempted counter-revolution by the Aremo (Crown Prince) was also defeated, and afterwards both him and the Aalafin himself were forced to commit ritual suicide.

Ostensibly, the Ogboni Revolution followed an established, ancient Yoruba tradition in which the position of the King could be challenged or deposed if his actions were rejected by the council of ministers. But the domination of the Ogboni instead of the Oyo Mesi was far more unprecedented, and the new Bashorun took the opportunity to transform the Kingdom of Oyo into a more democratic, constitutional government. The new state of Oyo had a highly complex bureaucracy with several houses of government, retaining the Aalafin only as a ceremonial position. The main legislature of the nation was subdivided into three councils: the Ogboni to represent the people, the Igbimo to represent the nobles, and the Ologrun to represent the military. Both the Ogboni and the Igbimo were composed of representatives from each city or tributary state who, were elected directly from the the non-enslaved population. Representatives of the Ogboni were called "Oboni" while representatives of the Ologrun were called "Baales". There was additionally a judiciary council of four judges called the Ake, who would check the interpretation of new laws against existing tradition and religion. The Oyo Mesi was retained as an executive cabinet of ministers, of which the Bashorun would hold near-absolute power.

The Ogboni revolution did not drastically change their foreign policy with regards to either their allies or the colonies, but it did have a radical impact on Yoruba society from that point onward. The political revolution was quickly followed by the more bloodless cultural revolution, as the politically-empowered Yoruba freemen were now able to contribute their cultural and philosophical beliefs to the rest of the nation. Sharia law was more heavily enforced across the empire, as it was believed that the spiritual guidance of Islam was paramount importance for the good of the state. There was also a more solidified national identity among Yorubas, viewing their own Ori (or spiritual lineage) to have a destiny superior to that of other ethnic groups among their tributaries. The 1590s saw a new generation of Yoruba philosophers who took the previously-secret teachings of the Ogboni and had them mass-produced.

The Yoruba cultural awakening quickly spread to other ethnic groups across the Niger River Valley, including the Benin Empire. Attempts at creating a merchant's guilt in Edo were quickly suppressed by the Oba. However, he did make some appeals to the people by instituting a religious council of Ona clerics, who worked at further developing deeper meaning behind the philosophy of the Ona Prophet.

The Ashanti Kingdom experienced the "Nmerante Revolution" in 1601, closely inspired by the success of the Ogboni Revolution. The Nmerante, like the Ogboni, represented the interests of merchant guilds within the Ashanti colonial empire, and also like the Ogboni they had quickly risen in power as a result of the wealth produced from Asikyira. But Ashanti was already quite liberal and meritocratic by their constitutional government established after the Great Alibaala, where the Nmerante were given substantial weight in the government. Thus, the so-called "revolution" of 1601 was fairly quick and bloodless, as the Asantehene quickly capitulated with the people's demands. From that point onward, the alliance between Ashanti and Oyo represented the block of liberal democracies, in opposition to the autocracies in Wolof, Sahrawi and Benin.

Great West African War

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Clash of armies from Asikyira and Iram, a painting in the Royal Archives of Kakaita

The early 17th century is often described as the "heroic" age of colonial Meridia, an era of relative economic and political stability. The colonial wars of the previous generations had reached a kind of equilibrium, where the five African states focused mainly on the growth of local industries and expansion inland against the Native Meridians. Most of the colonies worked to convert the natives to Islam, except for Ulugwanyi which created a syncretic form of the Ona faith. This was also the period when the breakaway slave kingdoms of Iram and Asikyira were at their height, complicating the political landscape of African Meridia. European involvement in the African states also declined during this time, as the indigenous infrastructure and of the colonies had outgrown the need for European sponsorship at that point. Adventure novels of the 18th and 19th centuries tend to be set during this period, romanticizing it as a noble era when the Islamic world first introduced civilization to the barbaric jungles of Meridia, as opposed to the chaos of ethnic and social conflict in the modern era.

The Great West African War (1634-1640) came at the tail end of the Forty Years' War, and it can be argued it was effectively an additional theater of the same conflict. Both sides of the war controlled large colonial possessions in the New World, and the profit off those colonies were bankrolling the war effort back in Europe. Thus, extending the conflict into the New World was an important strategic move, where their respective allies among the African colonial powers could serve as proxies to that end. But this isn't to say that the Africans themselves did not have ample reasons to go to war themselves. The older colonial powers of Sahrawi and Wolof coveted the Spanish-backed colonies of Asikyira and Ulugwanyi which took up residence in the lands they originally claimed, and they were willing to include an alliance with Oyo due to their ancient historic rivalry with Benin. Benin, being the sole propagator of the Ona faith, believed their struggle against the Islamic powers to be a religious mandate, just as much as Oyo believed that Ulugwanyi was a pagan incursion that needed to be stamped out. And since the Ogboni Revolution, Oyo was even more fervent about religious purity of Meridia than they were when the continent was first discovered.

The war was devastating to the populations of both Africa and Meridia, with much of the countryside across Nigeria, Gambia, the Ivory and Gold Coasts being destroyed. It is estimated that over 250,000 people were killed as a consequence of the conflict, and as much as 900,000 people were displaced. There were also major naval battles across the Gorgades Islands and the coasts of Wolof and Samla. In Meridia, most of the conflict took place across the states of Asikyira, Ile Demoy and southern Iram, but the coastlines of all five colonies saw much raiding and pillaging at one time or another. The main belligerents of the war consisted of the five African colonial powers, the Emirate of Jabal Asada, and their respective European allies (Lotharingia, France, Spain and Portugal). In addition, the alliances with native Meridian tribes, and tribes of the African Sahel, were instrumental for the campaigns on both sides. In the later phases of the war, the breakaway slave states of Iram and Asikyira were also drawn into the conflict, and by the end of the war almost all of them were absorbed back into Iram.

Oyo was the first state to crack under the pressure of the conflict. After years of ethnic and religious oppression imposed by the Ogboni council, the Egba people staged a popular revolt against Oyo rule, capturing the cities of Ilaro and Illorin. While the Egba were not at all allied with the Benin Empire, the Oba nonetheless capitalized on the internal disorder of their rival, and after a brutal campaign they managed to sack the city of Oyo-Ile, before local resistence forced them to withdraw. Without reinforcements from the homeland, the colony of Ile Demoy became completely overrun by Akan forces, annexing it to Asikyira in 1638. But the Ashanti's victory would be short-lived, as they gradually became outpaced and outmatched by Wolof and Sahrawi forces over the next two years.

In retrospect, it is often argued that Wolof's success in uniting colonial Iram was inevitable by the war's start. First, they had access to a wider range of resources that sustained a larger and more diverse population. Second, they had a much longer history of using modern armaments, providing them with superior military experience. And finally, Wolof's military had a tactical advantage of focusing on quick cavalry attacks in dry forests, which wasn't limited by the tsetse fly as they were back in Africa. This didn't mean that the conquest of Asikyira was easy, either, as the Ashanti had a number of advantages of their own. First, their military was much better organized and more cohesive than the Wolof, as they had a centralized meritocratic system instead of Wolof's decentralized feudalism. Additionally, Ashanti had much better relations with both the natives and their slaves, as opposed to Wolof who relied on conscripting natives into their slave armies.

The end of the war in 1650 saw the end of the colonies of Ile Demoy and Asikyira, and with it the end of the colonial ambitions of Ashanti and Oyo. The Ashanti continued as a modern nation-state rich in trade and culture, but more isolated and a far more restricted naval pressence. Their relations with both Spain, Portugal, and Scotland deteriated after that point, and by the early 18th century they had expelled European pressence from the Gold and Ivory coasts. Oyo managed to recover from their social collapse by the end of the 17th century, but reverted from their previous foree into democracy with a far more autocratic government ruled directly by the Bashorun. Benin's pressence in the New World had become fully solidified, permenantly establishing the state of Ulugwanyi as a haven of the Ona religion. But the Wolof Empire came out on top as the biggest victor. Not only did they secure the largest territory on the continent of Meridia, but their trade empire had expanded beyond the New World and the Atlantic ocean itself, establishing economic relations with states in India and Southeast Asia.

Administration

All five of the colonial African states had an existing administrative system, which relied on extracting tribute from autonomous farming communities, city-states, or petty kingdoms. The Africans initially attempted to extend this same system to the New World, and focused first on subjugating the Native Meridians and then organizing them into tributary states. By the mid-16th century, this had proved to be impractical for a number of reasons. First, the Native Meridians lacked any agricultural tradition or central government, so it was hard for them to produce the kind of tribute that their overlords demanded, even among those that were enslaved. A second reason is because many of the Meridians were dying of Old World diseases, and thus was unable to sustain the population of an organized state.

This is the primary reason why the African states slowly transitioned from tributary overlords into settler colonies, but there were a number of other factors as well. As control over the coast of Meridia became more fiercely competitive, especially after the First West African War (1553-1557), there was an increasing demand to mark an undisputed claim to new territory, as legal agreements on paper like the Treaty of Dakar could be easily violated or ignored. Thus, it became more common to use permanent settlements as a means to enforcing such claims. Unlike Europeans, the African states were not accustomed to international arbitration or marking exact borders on a map, but rather the extent of territory was defined by the people under their rule.

Each of the individual states had their own motivations for settling immigrants as well. For the Wolof Empire, their rigid caste system provided very little upward mobility or economic freedom for the lower classes of freemen, namely the jamburs and griots. Settling in the New World provided better opportunities for the lower castes, and benefitted the nobility at home by alleviating class conflict. Wolof also used Iram as a kind of penal colony, where criminals would be forced to work sugar plantations as slaves. In the cases of Sine, Kayor and Saloum, many peasants came to the New World to avoid seeing their farms get raided as was common in Wolof. For Sahrawi, the colonies in Jayyan provided a haven for the Catholic and Yunni minorities, who were generally unwelcomed under the Sunni-led government at home. For Oyo, the colony of Ile Damoy was dominated by the mercantile class, who had an objective of settling Yoruba workers to displace the Native Meridians.

Another important tool for enforcing territorial claims was the promotion of Islam. Many Yunni clerics set up Islamic schools to educate the Native Meridians, teaching them how to read and recite the Quran in Arabic. The natives would be resettled in organized communities called addayyas, where they would be encouraged to live in more permanent, rural settlements. The Addayyas were generally unpopular among the aboriginals, however, as they became vulnerable to constant raids (particularly in Iram), and festered epidemic diseases. The Yunni clerics were famous for having a deep and intimate understanding of the Meridian culture and language. Musa Mboob, the most well-known preacher of Islam in the New World, compiled a treatise on Tupi grammar in the 1560s. The Ona priests of Ulugwanyi not focus on evangelization per se, but rather encouraged the spread of Ona by integrating it amongst the existing Meridian pantheon.

Iram

Portrait of a Lamane

Aside from these general trends, each of the five colonies had their own unique systems of administration that differed radically from one another. The Wolof Empire was organized as a federation of tributary states, where each state had their own monarch (called Lamane), military and local legislature. The Wolof did not have an abstract distinction between state and monarch, so each tributary was uniquely defined by the patriarchal lineage that ruled them. The monarchs of these states would meet at the capital city of Lebou to a council known as Seb Ak Baor, from which they would elect the Buur Ba (or emperor) of Wolof to rule for life.

Wolof was essentially a nobles' democracy, and very few of the Buur Ba's were directly related to one another. Effective power was held by the Lamanes that made up the Seb Ak Baor, whose lineages were believed to be divinely ordained. But there were other political forces that shaped Wolof's decision-making. Despite the patriarchal succession of the nobility, the Serar people were matrilineal on a basic level, and the noble lineage of matriclans held significant sway over the government in their own right. The head of each matriclans was called the "Lineer", and the Queen Mother of the Buur Ba was the most powerful Lingeer of them all. The Wolof also held a deep and solemn respect for Yunni Islam, and the class of Yunni clerics (called Marabouts) had the final say over use of the national military. In addition to the Lamanes, the Seb Ak Baor also included royal ministers for specific offices, such as the chief of finance, the chief of the army, and the royal vizier. It was also common to include a panel of Arab Muslim advisors, known as Khali.

When Wolof invaded the New World, they designated different areas as being new tributary states added directly into the federation. The extent of territory within each state typically corresponded with what was perceived to be lands belonging to individual native tribes, as they were initially "subjugated" into tributary status. Each state was responsible for raising their own military, creating their own laws and maintaining internal order, as long as they still paid tribute back to Africa and contributed to the Seb Ak Baor. In many cases, the states would have completely different forms of government and administrative systems from one another. The Lamane also had the power to designate or redistribute the farmlands of citizens.

The Lamane was also not sovereign, but had a system of lower nobility that administrated in their realm, as if each tributary was a microcosm of the whole empire. The exact organization of nobility varied considerably from one state to another, and was mostly up to the first Lamane to decide. Generally speaking, each tributary had nobles representing each of the occupational castes of Serar society, who would gather at a regional capital to form a council headed by the Lamane.

Collectively, the tributaries of the New World were often organized by a single office that reported directly to the Seb Ak Baor, acting as a kind of Viceroy under Wolof. This office was colloquially referred to as "Ghana", which means "ruler" as a loanword taken from the Mande language. The Ghana of Iram was not a continuous office, but was only appointed on rare occasions, whenever the Wolof government needed the colonies to act under a single chain of command (such as in times of war). Even when the office was being filled, the tributaries still operated with a high degree of autonomy, and the Ghana only had access to the military he controlled as Lamane.

Serar society was based in a rigid caste system of social classes, and the title of Lamane who ruled each tributary was an integral part of that. Generally speaking, the administration of lower nobility under the Lamane was given to Fula immigrants from Africa, following the same model of administration used in the Gorgades Islands. The Fula had a traditional cousin-like relationship with the Serar, and since the original settlement in the Gorgades they were believed to be destined to fill the noble caste in all future colonies. Other non-Fula immigrants from Wolof, such as Serar or Mandike, ended up as occupational or artisan castes, while subjugated Native Meridians would either become slaves or treated the same as Griots. In many states, the local legislature was composed of representatives of each of the noble or occupational castes.

The tributary states of Iram generally consolidated into rural villages, called mocambos, which haphazardly littered the countryside. Each village accommodated a few hundred people, and included such occupations as a mosque, council house, and four smithies. The chief of the village was called Borom Dek, who had the job of collecting taxes and making decisions on the town's behalf. The geography of Iram lent itself to being consolidated into two metropolitan regions: the "Greater Iram" centered at Zamz Al-Abim and the "Lesser Iram" centered at Kakaita.

Jayyan

In Jayyan, the Sahrawi Sultanate instituted a system of Arab feudalism known as iqta. The leader of Jayyan was called "Amir", which has led to the colonial government being frequently referred to as "the Jayyan Emirate". While the Amir had direct control over the colonial military, his rule was a lot less autocratic compared to the neighboring colony of Iram, or even the Spanish colonies in Mesoamerica. The Amir was not considered hereditary, and each new ruler had to be directly approved from the Sultan in Samla. Next to the Amir was a council of Islamic scholars and military elites, commonly known as the "Ulama Al-Gharb" (or "Council of the West").

The colonial government also had a rather decentralized control over individual settlements and cities, allowing each settlement to write their own laws, manage their own economies, and even make treaties with other states. This also meant that the Amir abstained from providing any public services, or regulating the commerce between settlements, but rather their responsibilities were limited to collecting taxes and maintaining internal security. While Sunni Islam as officially the state religion of the colony, and the Emirate made active efforts in evangelizing the Native Meridians, in practice each settlement had the freedom to practice their own religions. There were also efforts by the Catholic Babani population in Kabina to evangelize Christianity, although it was comparatively less successful.

This system of decentralized rule was very similar to the way the Sahrawi was originally organized at the time of the Great Alibaala. Partly out of religious persecution and partly out of economic opportunity, many of the Sahrawi immigrants to Meridia were dissatisfied by the cultural and political centralization efforts by Sultan Irimiya III and his successors, such as the abolition of privateering in the 1510s. While Jayyan also had a lucrative trade in sugar and Brazilwood like the rest of the colonies, they faced some of the worst opposition when trying to push settlements further inland. Between the harshness of the Jehanna Rainforest, violent responses of the Tupi population, and infertility of the soil, Jayyan saw the slowest increase of settlers compared to the other colonies. For much of the 16th century, Jayyan's economy was largely kept afloat by reselling African slaves and organized raids against the Hanseatic colonies in the Caribbean.

Asikyira

The Ashanti Kingdom was a rigorously centralized government with a complex, meritocratic system of administration. At the head of the government was the Asantehene (or king) and the legislative Kotoko council. The Kotoko council represented the interests of the people, and was made up of high-ranking aristocrats as well as a lower house of common merchants called Nmerante. There was also a second council, called Asantemen, which was made up of representatives of all the constituent states of the empire. As the Asantemen was more directly under the king's influence, it provided a counterweight to the political influence of the Kotoko, which became especially important as the Kotoko was increasingly liberal democratic over time. The king was not absolute in authority, but rather each monarch was elected from among a series of candidates selected by the Queen Mother, and needed approval from both legislative councils and the Muslim clerics. As the Akan were a matrilineal society, the Queen Mother was considered equal in authority to the King, and could rule in her own right in the king's absence. Leaders of the military were called "Obirempon" (or "big men").

The Ashanti were deeply spiritually minded, and held a high respect for both the rule of law and the abstract concept of state. Upon being elected, the king had to swear an oath to be loyal to the state, and violating this promise could have him impeached by the Kotoko. The original constitution of Ashanti, which was transmitted orally until the early 16th century, consisted of 77 sacred laws and other statues. Religion and the rule of law were intimately intertwined, such that any legislation had to be justified by passages of the Quran, and criminal offenses were treated as a moral sin. At the same time, the Ashanti also believed in deliberating laws through careful argument and rhetoric, and criminal charges were typically settled in a fair trial by jury. Capital punishment wasn't often implemented, with the worst crimes typically facing banishment or life imprisonment. The King alone had the authority to decide if anyone should be put to death.

The Ashanti administration system was a complex hierarchical bureaucracy, designed to maximize efficiency and minimize corruption. The empire was divided into a series of constituent states called Amans, each of which was ruled by an Amanhene. Nobles were not at all hereditary, but rather were promoted by the nobles above them or by the federal government. Once new territory was conquered in the New World, the Kotoko divided the conquered land into new Aman states, whose nobles would be represented in both the Kotoko and the Asantemen. The tribal clans who lived within the state had the right to appeal to the Kotoko if they wished to belong to a different Aman.

Each Aman state was subdivided into divisions, known as Ohenes, and each Ohene was divided into separate villages or city neighborhoods. The head of an individual village was called Odikro, who had responsibility of maintaining law and order in the community. The Panyin, or patriarchal elder, held significant cultural influence alongside the Odikro, as their loyalty laid with the biological clan instead of state organization. Ashanti's efficient bureaucracy enabled them to raise a vast national army on a short notice. But due to the vast distance to the New World, the colony of Asikyira was permitted to raise their own military along a similar system. Because of this, the military hegemon of the west (called Obirempon Atoe) held de-facto power over Asikyira.

Ile Damoy

The monarch of the Oyo Empire was the Oba (or "king"), who was commonly referred to by the title of Aalafin (or "custodian"). Even before the Ogboni Revolution, the Oyo had a complex government comprised of multiple councils, each of which had checks and balances against each other and the monarchy. In this regard, the title of "Aalafin" reflected the idea that the monarch presided over the institution of government, and did not embody the government himself. The crown prince was called the Aremo, who could lead armies in his own right and often hold de-facto power over the state. The Aalafin did not have absolute power, but was elected among the leaders of various clans that descended from Oranmiyan, the first Oyo king.

Next to the king is the Oyo Mesi, a council of royal ministers and high-ranking nobility who advises the Aalafin. The head of the Oyo Mesi is the Bashorun (or Prime Minister), and other ministers include the heads of military and religious offices. The Oyo Mesi also had the responsibility of electing new monarchs, and deciding if the current monarch is to be removed. While the Aalafin could not technically be deposed, he could be compelled to commit ritual suicide if he falls out of favor with the Oyo Mesi. In ancient times, there was an additional council under royal authority called the Ilari, which comprised of eunuchs that performed divinations and shamanistic rituals. However, after Oyo converted to Yunni Islam in the 15th century this council gradually dwindled in size, and then officially dissolved in 1471.

The check against the power of the Oyo Mesi was the Ogboni, a council of lower nobles, Muslim clerics, and merchants who represented the interests of the common people. The Ogboni had existed as long as Oyo had, but they originally operated as a secret fraternal society in order to avoid oppression from the nobility. They typically found loyalty among a network of powerful merchant guilds that held sway over Oyo's overseas economy, including the Parakoyi (League of Traders), the Ẹgbẹ Ọdẹ (hunter's guild), and the Egbe Aro (farmer's guild). The Ogboni commanded respect from most common people in the nation, because they represented a voice of moral teaching and spiritual guidance.

The administration of the Oyo Empire was highly centralized, and arranged in four layers that centered on the capital. The first layer is Metropolitan Oyo, which is the direct royal demesne that the government had controlled since the founding of the state. The second layer is the Yorubaland, which are allied tributary states that are culturally homogenous with the capital, and thus were treated as integrated provinces of the same nation. The rulers of the Yoruba states were also called Obas, or sub-kings under the Aalafin. The third layer is the Egbado corridor, which were Egbo tributary states situated between Yorubaland and the Atlantic Coast. These were semi-autonomous vassals, represented in the Oyo Mesi by the Olu (or governor) of Ilaro. The Aalafin was personally represented in Egbado by the Ajele, who was a kind of Governor-General. The Ajaland tributaries was the fourth and most distant layer of administration, consisting of a variety of ethnic groups whoever the Oyo happened to conquer. They had the most autonomy, able to make their own laws and military as long as they still paid tribute, and cooperated with the Oyo Mesi during times of war.

The New World colony of Ile Damoy was initially declared to be another Ajaland tributary, and was intended to be run by native rulers with high autonomy, as long as they paid sufficient tribute and slaves. But as the Ogboni held control over the nation's navy, and the native population either died out or migrated further inland, they took de-facto control of the colony and radically transformed its administration. The Ogboni ruled Ile Damoy as a settler colony, encouraging immigrants of Yoruba freemen who would exploit the region's natural resources for profit. They mainly exported sugar and Brazilwood, but also developed a thriving mining industry for gold and silver. The overlap of gold deposits between the territories of Ile Damoy and Asikyira was always a source of tension between the two colonies, and one of the leading causes for the Great West African War. As the Ogboni was primarily lead by Islamic clerics, the colony was run as a kind of theocracy where the rule of law and Quranic teachings were closely intertwined. The missions of Ile Damoy made the largest concentration of Adayyas, when establishing Islamic schools for evangelizing to the Native Meridians.

In the late 16th century, the Ogboni had accumulated enough wealth and resources of the New World that their political power at home was becoming a threat to the Oyo Mesi. When the nobility attempted to crack down on them, the merchants responded with a widespread popular revolt known as the Ogboni Revolution. In the wake of the revolution, most of the existing political structures of Oyo remained unchanged, but the franchise became expanded to all Yoruba freemen, both in Africa and in Ile Damoy. At the same time, they also became much harsher in their treatment of non-Yoruba subjects, particularly the Egba people in Egbado, which contributed to their disastrous defeat in the Great West African War.

Each metropolitan area or group of villages had their own local Ogboni, also called Warafa, who would manage the affairs and laws of that specific area. The Warafa was sized based on the population of the region, typically ranging from 6-20 people. The people would elect their own Baale who would be represented at the Ologrun in Ile-Oyo, which was a council of military officers. Some cities with large enough size would have multiple representative Baales, up to a maximum of four. The Yoruba population of each area would additionally elect their own Oba, who would be represented in the federal Ogboni at Ile-Oyo. In this way, the free population of ethnic Yorubas had direct influence over two of the four houses of government, not including the monarch.

Ulugwanyi

Procession of the Oba of Benin

The Benin Empire was the only African colonial state that had no legal precedence for administrating distant territory. Rather than being a federation of tributary states or a central bureaucracy, the entire Benin Kingdom was under the direct control of the Oba. The Oba was considered to be divinely-ordained, and part of the Ona Faith was a belief that he was the descendent or living embodiment of the god Koko. Any territory outside of metropolitan Edo was organized as a perpetual military occupation, where the Ezomo led the armies at the capital and the Iyase led the armies in the hinterlands. Ulugwanyi was originally claimed as the direct province of the Oba, and all the logistics and strategy for the colony were planned out directly from Edo.

Very early on, Ulugwanyi became dominated by the Ona priesthood. As Benin lacked much of a mercantile social class, the main draw for immigration to the New World came from the spread of the Ona faith. The first Ona Temple in the New World was constructed in 1551, shortly after Ilyas Joofa was confirmed as governor. The Ona clerics believed in the necessity of spreading the faith, but did not have an organized doctrine of evangelization like Christianity or Islam. Instead, they focused on subjugating tributary status from Native Meridian tribes, and requiring these tributaries to integrate Ona as part of their pantheon. Decisions for the colony were de-facto under the authority of a council of priests, who would advise the resident governor on the actions of the military. After the First West African War, the Oba designated a military commander (called the Iyase) as an official secular ruler of Ulugwanyi.

Military

Ashanti footsoldier

Military organization and discipline varied greatly between the five colonies. The Sahrawi military depended on heavy cavalry, augmented by siege cannons and blackpowder muskets imported from Lotharingia. Military organization was divided between constituent vassal states, as each Emirate had obligations to contribute their levies to the national army. However, the Sahrawi rarely ever made use of the national army, and typically deferred to local Emirates for securing the southern border against Wolof, or the northern border against Portuguese-controlled Bajor. In all the wars involving the Sahrawi Sultanate, the vast majority of their contributions were maritime in nature, either direct naval combat or coastal raids. In that regard, the Babani people were particularly proficient, and throughout the colonial era they maintained the largest and most effective navy out of all the African states. The naval arsenal in Samla could produce a Carrack in a few months, and a Jersey Cog in a matter of weeks. Outside of the royal navy, the Sahrawi also had plethora of privateers who worked with the government on a contractual basis. Up until the 1520s, these privateers were notorious for raiding and pirating, particularly along the coasts of West Africa, Iram, and the Gorgades Islands. After relations between Sahrawi and Wolof improved, pirating activities shifted focus to the New World, operating from Jayyan to raid the coasts of Spanish, Belgian and Hanseatic colonies.

In Iram, each of the individual tributary states levied and maintained their own armies, but were required to cooperate with the Seb Ak Baor (or their representative, the Ghana Al-Iram) in matters of national defense. Because of this, it was not uncommon for tributary states to have political and territorial disputes with each other, which in many cases would erupt into civil conflict. While the Seb Ak Baor back in Lebou technically had authority to moderate federal disputes, this was often ignored by the power of local nobility, especially in Iram which was separated from the capital by a large distance. It was also not uncommon for tributary states to make alliances with the breakaway slave states further inland, and participate on joint campaigns against either Native Meridians or other colonial powers. In addition to feudal levies, the Wolof military also made use of slave conscriptions to make up the core of the infantry. Some slaves were promoted into elite cavalry units known as Tyeddo warriors. The Tyeddo operated as their own social caste, and would often raid parts of the countryside (mainly from Native Meridian settlements) to steal food, gold, or slaves of their own. In many cases, conscripted slaves were known to hold high military positions, and even influence the politics of Iram. Wolof's military relied heavily on fast cavalry attacks, inheriting many of the same military strategies of the Mali Empire that proceeded them. Wolof's cavalry was world famous for having exceptionally fast horse breeds, mainly from Baol, which were even faster than the horses of the Sahel.

Just like their administrative system, the Ashanti military was organized in a complex, meritocratic system across several different branches and services. The Ashanti Kingdom had a unified national army across their colonial empire, and their efficient bureaucratic systems enabled them to levy vast numbers of soldiers at any given time. The kingdom as a whole could sustain between 80,000 and 200,000 soldiers at its peak, while the colonial military had a maximum of 10,000 men. The army adapted well to the Atlantic forest region of Asikyira, as the Ashanti tactics were optimized for fighting in forests. The vast majority of Ashanti's army were infantry, typically armed with sabres and blackpowder muskets. Cavalry units were almost exclusively used by high-ranking officers, or to transport troops over large distances, but never in a tactical capacity. The Ashanti were among the most well-adapted colonial militaries with respect to European armaments, and had facilities to both repair and mass-produce their own arms. Strategically, the Ashanti focused on column-based formations arranged in left, right and middle flanks. On a local level, each metropolitan city or village district would have a local police force known as the Ankobia, whose chief was known as Gyaasehene. The police were lightly armed with clubs and short swords, with the responsibility of maintaining social order and suppressing rebellions, especially among slaves. They would be distinguished by having particularly long hair.

The Oyo Empire was a highly militant society, and dishonoring the nation through military failure was oftentimes punishable by death. The military high council, called the Ologrun, was a separate branch of the government who held great influence over the nation's decisions, both before and after the Ogboni Revolution. Across the empire were different military branches that had their own separate organizations, all of which would report back to the Ologrun in Ile-Oyo. In the core Yorubaland, the Onikoyi commanded the eastern territories while the Okere commanded the west. The military commander of the colonies was called the Are-Ona-Kakanfo, who had supreme authority alongside the provincial governor of Ile Damoy. The Esho was a specialized elite cavalry unit. Each of their members were appointed by merit, loyal directly to the Are-Ona-Kakanfo, and followed a special religious code of honor. Typically, most of Oyo's military relied on levies from their tributary states and Egbo vassals. But after establishing Ile Damoy, the Ogboni became accustomed to building their military through professional mercenaries and career soldiers. After the Ogboni Revolution, military organization in Oyo became far more democratized. The local military leaders in each metropolitan area, called Baales, were now elected directly from the free Yoruba population, and these representatives ensured that decisions of the Ologrun reflected the interests of the people.

In terms of organization, Oyo's military was evenly divided between infantry, light and heavy cavalry. Cavalry was used much more heavily in the New World than it was in core Yorubaland, as the terrain of Ile Damoy was much more favorable to cavalry tactics than in Africa. The Oyo infantry were typically armed with broadswords, lances, and elephant-hide shields. Swords were used for close-quarter combat, whereas lances were used for medium and long-range. These lances were triple barbed, and could hit a target up to 30 paces. Light cavalry units would be armed with clubs, while heavy cavalry would use a composite bow. After gunpowder was introduced to Nigeria, infantry lancers and heavy cavalry were supplemented with blackpowder muskets. This did not completely replace any of their units, however, as gunpowder was found to be often unreliable and hard to procure. Typically, the heavy cavalry would also be heavily armored, both the horse and rider.

Instead of relying on tributary levies, the Benin Empire was unique in that they used a professional army of Edo volunteers, which was led directly by the Oba. Similar to Oyo, the military was divided according to different levels of administration. The army occupying the metropolitan area of Benin City was commanded by the Ezomo, who was effectively one of the most influential political offices after the Oba. The Iyase commanded the military of the frontier and conquered territory. There was originally only one Iyase, but after the conquest of Ulugwanyi the Oba appointed a second Iyase for colonies specifically. The Iyabe (or Queen Mother) commanded a military unit of her own, referred to as the "Queen's Own". Outside of these offices, there also existed a strict chain of command of commanders and sub-commanders down to the smallest regiments. Typically, any preliminary strategy during warfare had to be reviewed by the Oba, but during the colonial era this was gradually deferred to local administration.

Strategically, control of logistics was the most vital component of Benin warfare. All strategies involved grand encirclement maneuvers, cutting off enemy supply lines and slowly suffocating them with attrition. In this regard, Benin was quite proficient at siege warfare, and quickly constructing fortifications to withstand sieges from the enemy. This also meant that Benin heavily focused on maintaining efficient supply lines, making use of riverboats and canoes to relay any needed equipment and provisions. This turned out to be quite effective in the New World, as the mass network of estuaries from the Ulugwanyi River lent themselves to being harnessed and navigated. This particularly proved to be an effective strategy in the conquest of Herdersdal, as the much larger Belgian ships were unable to navigate Meridia's smaller inlets. In terms of equipment, Benin infantry originally used a traditional crossbow known as ekpede, prior to the introduction of gunpowder, and afterwards they changed to blackpowder muskets. As Benin's strategy focused heavily on siege warfare, their military quickly adapted to the use of field cannons, which were readily used for conducting sieges.

Economy

Local economic systems varied a lot between the five colonies, but they also held many aspects in common. Most of the Meridian colonies were dominated by a mercantile social class operating within a feudal administration system. But the degree of freedom and political power the merchants held with respect to the nobility varied from one state to another. In Ile Damoy, the colony was entirely run by the merchants guilds loyal to the Ogboni, and had virtually no feudal oversight at all. Ulugwanyi, however, was under the direct control of the Oba and had virtually no free merchants whatsoever. In Iram, the mercantile caste was recognized as a respectable occupational caste (or jambur) within Serar society. While it still used a feudal administration, the occupational castes had a seat of representation in the Seb Ak Baor, giving them some voice in the government.

Sugar production made up the vast majority of Meridia's economic output, making as much as 90% of the continent's GDP in the 16th century. Other valuable goods from the colonies included Brazilwood, tobacco, and precious metals such as gold and silver. The gold and silver mining operations were almost entirely controlled by Asikyira and Ile Damoy, and disagreements over ownership of these mines was one major catalyst for the Great West African War. Tobacco was the most successful export of Jayyan along the north coast of Meridia. While they generally couldn't compete against the tobacco markets of European colonies, in Africa the Sahrawi held a veritable monopoly over the industry, completely pushing out the existing Hashish market traditionally controlled by the Arabs. The Ashanti kingdom also capitalized on New World crops that could be reliably grown and traded in Africa, including peanuts, sweet potatoes, corn, and tomatoes.

Some of the colonies also relied on importing Old World crops that could be grown in large numbers in the New World. In Iram, their staple crops were millet, cassava, and Jolof rice. Serar culture believed that the soil was spiritually sacred, because that was where their ancestors were buried in. Thus, they took great caution in mixing different crops in the same region, and were particularly careful against overworking the land. The Serar were also avid fishermen, and in the 16th century Iram was famous for its crabs and shellfish exports. In terms of animal husbandry, Iram was known to raise chickens, goats and cattle. However, due to Islamic dietary restrictions, cows were raised purely for their milk rather than meat. Fermented milk was considered a special delicacy, traditionally eaten with ground couscous. Horse breeding was also a particularly lucrative industry, as Serar horses were famously among the fastest breeds in Africa.

Traditionally, Serar society deferred different occupations and social roles to different castes and ethnic groups, where the artisan caste was given responsibility towards metallurgy, weaving, pottery, leatherwork, jewelry, carpentry, and tailoring. As part of the ancient tradition of Wolof, the Fula people were employed to do pastoral work of raising and caring for animals on the Serar's behalf.

Asikyira farmers followed slash-and-burn practices, where leftover crops were set on fire to create a fertile topsoil of ash. This practice was seen as abhorrent to the Serar people, who considered it to be a violation of the sanctity of the soil, and after the Great West African War this custom was abolished. The main crops grown in Asikyira were cocoa, kola nuts, yams, manioc, beans, onions, and fruit, in addition to their main exports of gold, sugar, and Brazilwood. They were also famous for the production of palm wine and beer. Unlike Iram, Asikyira generally did not practice animal husbandry.

In Ile Damoy, the merchant guilds were an integral part of the de-facto government, both before and after the Ogboni Revolution. The Parakoyi (traders guild), Egbe Ode (hunters guild) and Egbe Aro (farmers guild) were considered branches of the Ogboni fraternal society, which ended up having real political power over the empire after the revolution. The staple crops of Ile Damoy included cocoyam, plantains, beans, and fish. They were also known to export ornate works of wood and leather. The Oyo Empire was also the only African state to have their own banking system, using a rotating credit and loan society called the Esusu, which also worked in conjunction with the Ogboni.

The poorer colonies of Meridia were those controlled by Sahrawi and Benin. The soil of Jayyan at the mouth of the Jehanna Rainforest was significantly difficult to grow crops in, and suffered the most from hostile native attacks. Outside of reselling of slaves and tobacco plantations, the Sahrawi often resorted to using pirates to raid the Mexican gulf and Caribbean islands. Benin's colony of Ulugwanyi did not have a mercantile class, and entirely relied on indigenous agriculture or imports from Africa. The staple crop of Ulugwanyi was yams, but they also grew cassava, garri, okra, and plantains. They were also known to raise chicken, beef and goats.

Slavery

Slavery was a vital component of Meridia's economy, and the vast majority of Meridia's sugar plantations, production centers and farmlands all heavily relied on slave labor. In total, it is estimated that slaves made up as much as 15% of the population of colonial Meridia by the end of the 16th century. Most of these slaves were imported from Africa, either being kidnapped from their homes or captured in warfare. Many other slaves were purchased from other African states, mostly from Nigeria or Zayiyr, with minorities originating from Zanzibar and the Barbary coast. In the Wolof Empire, many crimes against the state were punishable by being deported to the New World to work on Iram's plantations as slaves. There was also a thriving business of Meridian merchants reselling slaves to other colonies, in either European or African spheres. Jayyan in particular sold most of their slaves to Spanish and Hanseatic colonies in the Caribbean. It was also common for Native Meridian tribes to be captured and sold into slavery under this same system, although African slaves were usually preferred. In Ulugwanyi, their wars of conquest eventually ended up enslaving almost the entire Guarani population.

Slaves in Iram were considered to be under the household of their master, who reserved the right to arrange their marriages just like their family members. As most occupational jobs were considered vulgar in Serar society, slaves were necessary to take on menial labor. However, people born into the slave caste could not be bought or sold. Iram's military was largely made up from slave conscriptions, who could potentially be promoted to high-ranking military positions. Slaves in Asikyira had a high degree of autonomy, and could appeal to a public court of they found their master to be too abusive or unreasonable. If a slave won such an appeal, they had the right to request a new master. While it was possible for people to be born into slavery in Asikyira, this was only applied to the children of female slaves (following matrilineal succession). If a male slave married a free woman, then their children would likewise be free. Because of this, miscegenation between different ethnic groups and Native Meridians was rather frequent in the Ashanti colonies, and this practice persisted after Asikyira's annexation into Iram.

Currency

In the 1370s, the Mali Empire began issuing a standard currency of gold and copper coins, known as the Mithqal. Inspired by the standard currencies used by their trading partners in Europe and the Middle East, this was intended to be an alternative from the barter system of salt and gold bullion they had been using up to that point. The salt and gold trade still continued throughout the rest of Mali's existence, but gradually over time the Mithqal became more ubiquitously used in various parts of the empire. Generally speaking, the Atlantic vassals that later became the Wolof Empire (alongside Kombo and Jabal Asada to the south) were the fastest to adapt to the new system. The eastern territories, along the Sahelian caravan trade route, where significantly slower to adapt, and many of them never ended up using the Mithqal at all. Officially, one Mithqal was meant to be valued at 4.3 grams of gold (as of 1430 AD), but this value varied in the late 15th century as a result of inflation.

During the age of colonization, the Wolof Empire issued the "Meridian Mithqal" as a local currency exclusively in Iram, which had a fixed value that was independent of inflation of the Malian Mithqal still used in Africa. This currency was also occasionally used in Asikyira and Jayyan as they traded with Iram. However, the Sahrawi Sultanate continued to use the Dinar which was imported from Arab merchants from North Africa, and this evolved into its own local currency commonly called the "Meridian Dinar". The Nigerian states of Oyo and Benin were known to use either the Mithqal or Dinar, or in many cases would use the Rial imported from East Africa. Overall, none of the African colonial states made concerted efforts to maintain a standard currency, and the vast majority of trade operated under a barter system much like the Sahelian caravans.

Art and Architecture

Music

A griot in Iram

Culturally, Iram was most famous for their music, produced by traveling folk bards known as griots. Griots were considered to be a low caste of society, and marriage between them and any higher caste (including artisans, nobility, or even slaves) was considered socially abhorrent. In many cases, however, the ruler of a tributary state would appoint a griot to serve a role in the royal court. Griots were primarily singers, either accompanied by drums or stringed instruments, and they would usually sing either religious chants or historical ballads. Griot music comprises the entire corpus of epic oral tradition of the Senegambia region, chronicling the major historical events and royal genealogies of both the Wolof and Mali Empires. They had special motifs and melodies to represent different concepts, ideas and people, in order to capture the emotion of each story alongside the events themselves. Griots would also be hired as the musical accompaniment of certain religious rituals, such as circumcisions, weddings and funerals. The two main styles of griot singing were called njuup and tassou. Even beyond the griots themselves, many of these same motifs and melodies seeped into the regular speech of Serar commoners, and this kind of rhythmic repartee permeated throughout their everyday lives.

The Akan people of Asikyira were also known for their music, but this was used in a more practical setting than entertainment. The fontomfrom was a special kind of drum used to relay basic messages across a long distance, with different Akan words or phrases translating to different drum rhythms and beats. Using this relay system, Asikyira was able to efficiently communicate from Tupiasi to every corner of the colony within a matter of hours. While the Akan did not have a griot caste, they did have their own bards for oral epic traditions, mainly based off of "spider stories" of the infamous djinn Ananse.

In Ile Damoy, music is one of the most important features of their annual public festivals, which occur thirteen times a year on a rotating schedule. These festivals held a sacred importance to the local community, typified by bright, expressive colors and evocative dancing. The music of these festivals are done by griots, including coordinated drums with passionate, heavy rhythms. The griots would also deliver their oral ballad tradition at these occasions, giving historical insight and meaning behind each event. Some griots would also perform oriki, which is a kind of musical poetry giving proverbs or moral lessons. Some festivals were location-specific, for example the Eye Olokun festival in Lagos. In these cases, their counterpart in Meridia had to be more abstract, capturing the emotions and significance of the festival rather than their literal rituals.

Yoruba drum ensembles were famous for having advanced, intricate rhythms. Different styles of drums constructed in Oyo were optimized for different styles of pitch and rhythm. For example, the ogido is a base drum, while the sakara drum is small and handheld. Members of a drum ensemble were also designated by special titles indicating the role they played in the overall organization. Regular drummers were given the title "Ayan", which dates back to pre-Islamic traditions where Ayan was the Yoruba deity of music. The leader of the ensemble was called "Oniyalu", which means "mother drum". Only master drummers were allowed to improvise, while the accompanying (omele) drums followed their lead. Other instruments in Yoruba music include violins, cymbals, flutes, and lamellophones.

The Benin Empire also held public festivals, which similarly marked different parts of the seasonal calendar. There were seven festivals in total, including winter, planting of yams, and beginning of the Oba's reign. All of these festivals were initiated by a pair of ivory gongs, emblematic of the royal court. Musical instruments of Benin included flutes, bells, and drums of various shapes and sizes. There are also many styles of dancing that is traditionally associated with music, mostly done with intricately-crafted masks. Masks were typically made of wood or fabric, and were decorated with parts of iron or vegetables. Some styles of dance using masks include agbogho, atilogwu, and egedege.

Architecture

In terms of architecture, the Ashanti Kingdom had well-organized cities that were planned from start to finish. The city of Tupiasi had 77 neighborhoods, and an intricate network of 27 streets, all of which were designated by signposts in the Adinkra script. Each of the neighborhoods were built with four rectangular houses around a central courtyard, each of which was accessible via screen doors. Each house was built with two stories and a central plumbing system, built from a timber framework and thatched roof. The rivers of Asikyira were typically crossed via rope bridges attached to trees, borrowing some inspiration from Inca architecture.

Oyo architecture is rather similar to the Ashanti, with the addition of potshard pavements for their streets. The most impressive work of architecture in Ile Damoy is the Grand Mosque of Pupaigi. The original mosque was probably fairly small, judging by the contemporary description by Rahi Mukhamil, but it was gradually expanded and redesigned all the way to the 1640s. It is 20 sq yards in size, with a polished red-stained floor and vaulted ceiling, imitating similar ascetics of the African Baroque from Mali. It is supported by one hundred brass pillars, seven silver doors and two bas-relief doors, intricately designed to reflect the oral history of Oyo. The cities in Ile Damoy were heavily fortified. They would typically use earthen walls, but the more vital strategic positions would use forts with massive granite walls. Most buildings were shotgun houses, with a verandah porch and central courtyard, and thatched with iron sheets.

The most significant architectural effort of the Benin Empire went into the Ona Temples, both in Africa (the Great Temple of Edo) and the New World (the Great Temple of Ahurumugwu). Each temple was a multi-layered circular pyramid, the first layer being 60 feet in circumference, and subsequent layers being smaller by a ratio of 3/4. The material of these pyramids were typically made from clay or limestone.

Construction of cities in Ulugwanyi was considered a sacred process that involved the entire community. Each building was an artistic expression, which had to seamlessly blend in with the natural environment. Consequently, cities in Ulugwanyi had a radically different aesthetic compared to those in Nigeria. Materials used for these cities included clay, wood, bamboo, and palm fronds, which were combined to create sunbaked bricks. Buildings were modular in construction, with the intention that new wings could be added as the household increased. The capital city of Ahurumugwu was over 2,000 sq miles in size, 80 leagues long and 40 leagues wide, and over 500 interconnected walls. It was defended by earthen walls, and a kind of moat system called iyo. They also used wooden watchtowers called ogene and potshard pavements. The arrangement of buildings in the city was carefully planned, following a fractal pattern.

The houses in Ahurumugwu were arranged into compounds, each of which was packed with dozens of homes. This was still lightly populated compared to Benin City, which was known to have thousands of homes per compound. The homes were two stories and had no windows, instead using a skylight for light and ventilation. They had a steep, slanted roof (called impulvium) which was designed to deflect and collect rainwater. The floors were elevated, creating space used for storage water drainage. This was particularly useful in Meridia, where the Ulugwanyi river would often flood the region. Various beams and doors on these houses were often decorated with intricate carvings, having cultural and symbolic significance. They also included a raised veranda, and a communal courtyard between compounds. These porches would typically be decorated with life-sized statues called mbari, which variously represented local and foreign dignitaries considered important to the community.

Fashion

In terms of fashion, people of Asikyira had a variety of styles and materials that reflected the social status and mood of the wearer: nobles wore silk, freemen wore cotton, and slaves wore cloth. White was proudly worn by people who just won a court case, while black was used for funerals. Yoruba fashion in Ile Damoy had a rather similar system, where a wide variety of colors represented the wearer's social status and personality. Additionally, people would distinguish their rank and tribal affiliation with face markings or hair beads, many of which drew inspiration from the Native Tupi people. Most clothing was made from cotton, and traditionally woven on a special hand loom called aso-oke. For men, the basic Yoruba tunic was called buba, their sewn pants called kembe, and their hat called gobi. For women, their dress was called iro and their hat was called gele. Women would also wear a special shawl called iborun. Yoruba fashion were quite colorful, including rich red, brown, dark blue, and pure white. The underwear of both men and women was called tobi.

In Ulugwanyi, both men and women wore a kind of wrapper tunic. Women would wear beads on their waist or necklace, and a buff sleeve blouse. Men would wear an isiagu shirt along with a striped hat called okpu agu. Similar to the Yoruba, the Igbo people would decorate their bodies with symbols of their heritage, called Uli art. The Igbo were also world-renowned for their kind of perfume, which was specially designed for different tastes and occasions.

Sculpture

The Queen's Mask of Benin

Sculpture work in the Ashanti Kingdom was limited to small weights and ornaments made from cast gold and bronze, typically made by lost-wax casting. Across the Oyo Empire, a wide variety of art forms were mass-produced and commercialized by the Ogboni merchant guilds, mostly to Ulugwanyi and Asikyira. These works of art were typically made from bronze, ivory, copper, glass, ceramics or brass. The craft of Yoruba sculpture, particularly the mbari facades, were famous for their striking realism, and were included in many aspects of everyday life, particularly their houses and clothing. The Yoruba were particularly known for making intricate face-masks of cloth or wood, which were used in a boisterous annual festival called the Eyo Masquerade. This holiday is still practiced in Ile Damoy to this day, even after it's annexation into Iram.

In the Benin Empire, art is used to convey the oral history of their people, and also reinforce the divine nature of the Oba, by depicting him interacting with the spirits of departed ancestors. As Benin expanded its navy and interacted with overseas trading partners, the diversity of their art changed dramatically. Most works of art are made in brass, ivory or choral, but also included parts made of jade and agate. Some of their finest work are done in brass reliefs and masks, such as the famous Queen's Mask from the 17th century. Benin art was also used for ancestral shrines, which was an important ritual within the Ona faith.

Culture

Society

Serar society in Iram saw a gradual divide between rural and urban communities. Rural communities were very socially conservative, where the traditional Serar castes were considered to be part of a sacred framework for life. Urban communities, particularly in Zamz Al-Abim and Kakaita, were rather diverse and cosmopolitan, where most of the immigrant population came from Sine and Saloum. These areas tended to be religiously liberal, and more likely to challenge the traditional norms of Serar castes. There were only a handful of Imams in the major cities at any given time, but every village had a local Marabout cleric and Qadi judge.

Serar generally had patriarchal households, where the eldest male had absolute authority over his family, particularly in terms of arranging marriages. Most marriages were endogamous, for the purpose of keeping the family line and inheritance contained in the same caste and tribe. Due to the preference of matrilineal inheritance, it was most common to marry a cousin on the mother's side. Serar people were not usually against miscegenation, and it wasn't uncommon to see immigrants from different tribes or ethnic groups intermarrying, as long as they were the same caste.

Serar matrilineality (called tim) was largely driven by their ubiquitous practice of polygamy, as it is much easier to track a child's mother than their father. Consequently, women of the Wolof Empire held a high degree of autonomy and independence, particularly among the traditional Serar matriclans. The dowry was considered to be a woman's personal property before marriage, and female-initiated divorce (as permitted under Islam) was fairly common. Bilineal inheritance was also not too uncommon, where female-inherited property was called feen yaay and male-inherited property was called kucarla.

Akan people also practiced matrilineality (called abusa) and polygamy, but Ashanti's reverence for religion and spirituality meant that the matrilineal system was justified by philosophical and theological arguments. It was believed that the physical body came from one's mother, while the father passed on a spiritual inheritance called ntoro. These two elements combine with the sunsun (environmental nurturing) and kra (connection to God) to define a complete human being. Thus, the monetary property of a woman is inherited by her brother before it goes to her sons. However, any religious or sacred property is inherited patrilineally. Property was under the collective control of the matriclan, and extended households lived in the same home.

Female-initiated divorce was common for the Akan just as it was for the Serar. However, unlike the Serar, Akan were exogenous and any sexual relations between family members was strictly forbidden. Marriage was still treated with a serious weight, and an adulterous woman could be punished by mutilation. The Akan were also proud of the ability to rear lots of children, and women who were barren would be subject to public ridicule. Twins were considered a sign of good fortune, and there were similar rituals or superstitions regarding the exact order that children were born. For example, the third child was considered lucky while the fifth child was considered unlucky. Raising of children was taken fairly loosely, and were not considered responsible for their actions until they reached puberty. Upon reaching puberty, there were special rituals to initiate them into menstration and adulthood.

In Ile Damoy, all Yoruba people were considered brethren and treated as equals, with the immigrants from Oyo having a respectful preeminence. Society in the colony was highly militaristic, with an emphasis on expansion and conquest as a source of wealth. At the same time, freedom of speech and freedom of expression was highly valued, and it was encouraged for people to debate philosophical and spiritual matters. It was believed that religious doctrine derived from philosophy, forming a collective spiritual consciousness called ori. The community was also highly valued, as both births, marriages and funerals would all be done as communal activities. Yoruba also have a rather high rate of twins, which like the Ashanti is considered to have mystical significance.

In the Benin Empire, marriage engagement is a long process that involves the participation of both partners' families. The groom's family tests the background and integrity of the bride, and both sides negotiate the price of the dowry. This process usually takes several days, at the end of which is a grand engagement feast. Polygamy and arranged marriages are also practiced, but not nearly as much as in other African states.

Funerary rites varied in some respects between the colonies, but most of their elements were shared in common. In the Wolof Empire, funeral processions were signaled by beating a calabash plant. In Ashanti, funerals were actually celebrations of the person's passage into the afterlife, and they dead were dressed in traveling clothes and pocket money for use on their spiritual journey. They euphemistically referred to death as "going up the hill". In Ile Damoy, a famous dignitary or wealthy individual would be publicly displayed for some time after death, typically dressed in fine clothes and perfume. The funeral procession would have a number of animal sacrifices, before burying the person at their home. Commoners would be buried in a grave outside the house, while children were typically buried in secret. Both Oyo and Ashanti believed that burial should be quick after death, taking no more than 24 hours.

Religion

While the vast majority of colonial Meridia embraced Yunni Islam, there was also a wide variety of minority religions under varying degrees of tolerance. Yunni Islam shares many elements in common with Sunni Islam, founded in the mid 14th century by the Prophet Abu Yunus (c.1318-1363). Yunnism distinguishes itself by having only three required doctrines or "rings" instead of five: Shahada, Sallat, and Ramadan. Additionally, Yunnism believes that the Sunni Caliphate ceased to be legitimate after the collapse of the Old Abbasid Empire, and the true successors of the Prophet are the Caliphs located in Segu. Yunnism also accepts the veneration and divination of spirits called Djinn, which makes it much more acceptable to Sub-Saharan African people. It is also theorized that Abu Yunus dispensed with the Islamic "pillars" because five is considered an evil number in Akan philosophy, whereas three is considered to be divine.

As the Sahrawi Sultanate went through a period of cultural and political centralization in the early 16th century, Sunni Islam was more heavily enforced as the state religion of the realm, where other Abrahamic faiths were subject to the jizya tax and other social restrictions. Consequently, the minority religious groups (mainly the Yunni Muslims and Babani Catholics) immigrated in large numbers to the New World, creating their own semi-autonomous settlements in Tabuiyya and Kabina, respectively. While the Emirate of Jayyan was officially a Sunni state, this was rarely ever enforced outside the city of Bebaghad. The Babani Catholics in Kabina used their own translation of the Bible for holding Mass, the "Babani Bible", which was originally created by the Belgian Reformed movement in the 1530s. They also signed a special agreement with the Jesuit Order in 1598, supporting their efforts to evangelize to the Tupi population. Still, this didn't deter the Babani from participating in piracy across the Caribbean, including raids against other Catholic colonies.

In Iram, Yunni Muslim clerics made a concerted effort towards evangelizing the Native Meridian population. They set up Islamic schools for primary education, teaching the natives how to understand Arabic so that they could both read the Quran and participate in daily prayers. They also instructed the natives on agriculture, and encouraged them to live in rural communities known as addayyas. This system was popular at first, but by 1550 the vast majority of addayyas were completely abandoned as the natives migrated westward. The addayyas were frequently raided by the Tyeddo warriors, both to steal their crops and force many of them into slavery. Almost all the evangelical work in Iram was done by Marabouts, as what few Imams the colony had were entirely focused on maintaining the Muslim communities in the major cities. The most famous Marabout of that generation was Musa Mboob, who wrote extensively on Tupi language and beliefs in the 1560s.

Zamz Al-Abim also had a prosperous school of Sufism, including members of the Tijaniyya and Mouride brotherhoods. They also did a lot of work towards evangelization of Native Meridians, which in some areas (such as the Caeta) was more successful than the Yunni Marabouts. The Sufi clerics incidentally helped to foster a syncretic faith between Islam and the Native Meridian mythology, where Tupa was treated as Allah and other deities were djinn in the service of Allah.

The clerics of Asikyira also did some evangelizing, but they were most famous for having a thriving school of philosophy and theology in Tupiasi. Since ancient times, the Akan people had always believed in guiding every aspect of their lives through spirituality and their connection with God. At the same time, the Akan also believed that beliefs should be critically analyzed, and every point of philosophy should be deconstructed and debated as they do for criminal justice. So after the Bono Kingdom (and later the Ashanti Kingdom) converted to Yunni Islam, the next generation of Akan philosophers made an intense work of studying the Quran, and it's applications in modern society. In fact, the Quranic School of Tupiasi remains the largest such institution in the western hemisphere. Ile Damoy was also known for its great philosophers, many of whom had traveled to Asikyira just to study in the school of Tupiasi.

The state religion of Ulugwanyi was Ona, making it the only African non-Muslim colony in the New World. Ona is a dualistic religion, connected very closely with the beliefs and practices indigenous to the Igbo people. They worship the creator god Koko, who is considered the eternal enemy of the evil demon Eshu. Ona temples are pyramidal and circular in shape, with the two largest temples located in Benin City and Ahurumugwu. The Ona priesthood strongly believed in spreading the faith, and any non-Ona people living in Ulugwanyi would be customarily enslaved. However, the priests had a loose definition on what counted as part of the Ona faith, and did not persecute any natives who added Koko as part of their local pantheon of gods. As all of Ulugwanyi was conquered in the late 16th century, this led to a transformation of the Guarani society, as elements of the Igbo religion became syncretized with Guarani mythology. The colony of Ulugwanyi also made no organized efforts to create evangelical missions into the mainland, as Ona was primarily based on enforcing religion within the state and tributaries.

Among the slave population in all five colonies, there was also a substantial community of adherents to the African Traditional Religion. Slaves imported from Africa tended to come from regions that were not converted to Islam, meaning that the vast majority of slaves were pagan. A small minority of pagan freemen also included in the colonies. African Traditionalism still persisted in Muslim African countries in miniscule numbers, and quite often they had an incentive to search for greater freedom in the New World. A larger number of pagan Africans also existed in the breakaway slave kingdoms adjacent to Iram and Asikyira, but these states tended to be majority Muslim as well. These people also contributed to the syncretism of Igbo and Tupi mythology, but due to their small numbers it was not by a significant degree.

Languages

One striking difference between the African people living in the New World verses the Old World is the wide variety of ethno-linguistic groups that either immigrated or imported as slaves to the colonies in Meridia. Africa was already extremely diverse in terms of ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups. However, most Sub-Saharan ethnic groups in Africa tended to remain in tightly-knit communities in specific geographical areas, especially in the Niger river valley. But in the New World, many ethnic groups from all across the continent were relocated to a variety of different settlements, causing each settlement to be rich in ethnic diversity.

In Iram, most of the free population were Mandike and Serar, with the former inhabiting the rural communities and the latter controlling the coastal cities. The upper class administrators and pastoralists were a minority Fula population. Other minority ethnic groups included Wolof, Bainuuk and Kasanga peoples. In Jayyan, the entire population is broadly categorized as Arab, which are subdivided into Sahrawi, Maqil, and Babani groups. The Babani language is a unique dialect of Arabic, using Belgian loan words and some grammatical elements similar to Romance languages.

Ile Damoy was largely dominated by Yoruba people, but included immigrants of Nupe, Songhai, Mossi, and Hausa origins. Additionally, much of the coastal cities had a plurality of Egba people. Asikyira and Ulugwanyi were both comparatively more homogenous, the former being entirely Akan and the latter being a mix of Edo and Igbo people. The slave populations are much broader and harder to track, but they generally came from Berber, Bantu, and Congolese origin. Several colonies saw some minority of Tupi populations remain, especially the Guarani in Ulugwanyi, either as slaves or disenfranchised lower classes.