Cuban insurgency

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Cuban insurgency
Part of the Cold War, Opposition to Amelia Abarough, and the Cross-Sea conflict
Leffler - 1968 Washington, D.C. Martin Luther King, Jr. riots.jpg
A United Commonwealth Army soldier surveying damage in New Charleston (circa 1964).
DateApril 3, 1953 – February 14, 1969
Location
Result

Antillean victory

Belligerents

 Antilles

Confederation of Cuban Loyalists
Supported by:

La Libertad (Cuba) flag.svg La Libertad
White Cross Movement
Cuban Democratic Army (1959–1961)
3rd of April Movement (1956–1962)
Flag of the Cuban Liberation Front.svg Cuban Liberation Front (1962–1968)
Supported by:
United Commonwealth United Commonwealth
Brazoria Brazoria
Commanders and leaders

Flag of the United Commonwealth of America.svg Amelia Abarough
Flag of the United Commonwealth of America.svg Emilio Espinoza
Flag of the United Commonwealth of America.svg George Harrison Sr. 


Flag of the United Commonwealth of America.svg Douglas MacArthur (1953-1964)
Flag of the United Commonwealth of America.svg Eric McKinley

La Libertad (Cuba) flag.svg Miguel Brambillo
La Libertad (Cuba) flag.svg Daniel Rodriquez 


La Libertad (Cuba) flag.svg Raul Marquez 

Flag of the Cuban Liberation Front.svg Fidel Castro
Flag of the Cuban Liberation Front.svg Che Guevara 


Flag of the Cuban Liberation Front.svg Raul Castro
Flag of the Cuban Liberation Front.svg Morgan William Cohen
Strength
150,000 Peak 9,000 (1959) Unknown
Casualties and losses
4,304 Around 4,982 Around 893

The Cuban insurgency, commonly and colloquially referred to as the Cuban Troubles and the Cuban Civil War, was a armed insurgency in Cuba from 1953 to 1968. It was fought primarily between the United Commonwealth Army of the Antilles and a number of anti-American and Cuban nationalist groups led by La Libertad. During the later stages of the conflict, leftist and Landonist militias formed the Cuban Liberation Front. The legacy and effects of the conflict have a major hold on the modern-day state of Cuba.

In 1899, the island of Cuba was placed under the control of the United Commonwealth following its victory in the Spanish–American War. Acting as the leading territory of the American Antilles, Cuba retained its Spanish-centered culture and avoided conflicts between settlers and native populations seen on the islands of Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. Following the Great Retreat, Cuba and the other Antillean islands was placed under martial law. Despite this, Cuba retained its self-governance as the United Commonwealth government reorganized itself in Hispaniola. In 1950, a failed coup attempt resulted in President Amelia Abarough's official ascension as a de facto military dictator, gaining the loyalty of the army. With her newfound power, Abarough began to forcefully move forward with anglicization, a process which slowly began in 1899.

Anglicization saw the renaming and "re-culturing" of a number of Cuban cities, including Havana, which was re-founded as New Charleston in 1952. In response to the desecration of the native Spanish culture, a number of anti-Antilles and separatist groups, led by the recently-formed La Libertad, beginning an armed revolt against the Antillean government in 1953, beginning the insurgency. Although there was occasional instances of direct combat, the insurgency mostly, and famously, fought through guerilla warfare. Cuba's tropical forests providing sanctuary for rebel forces and used to stage attacks against Antillean supply lines and outposts. The common use of guerilla warfare resulted in the Antillean army mostly remaining in the populated and urban areas of the nation. The conflict reached a stalemate in terms of territorial gains by 1955, but skirmishes between Antillean forces and La Libertad continued to occur in rural areas.

La Libertad and its allies receives its largest support in 1958, when landonist and leftist militias led by Fidel Castro joined the rebels under the 3rd of April Movement. With the bolstering of both morale and troops, the rebels took a more aggressive approach in the war, resulting in a disastrous offensive into urban Cuba. The Havana Push, as it would be called, resulted in significant losses for La Libertad and the damaging of its reputation amongst urban Cubans. However, Castro, who had opposed the offensive, became popular amongst many leftist rebel groups. Disagreements between Castro and the leader of La Libertad, Miguel Brambillo resulted in Castro leaving the coalition, forming the landonist-centered and United Commonwealth-backed Cuban Liberation Front in 1962. With its enemies divided and fighting amongst themselves, Antillean forces led by generals Emilio Espinoza and Eric McKinley seized the opportunity to push inland in 1964, defeating both Castro and Brambillo forces in a series of skirmishes. The conflict reached its conclusion in 1968 at the Battle of La Ciudad de Libertad, where Antillean forces captured Brambillo and Castro's right hand man, Che Guevara. With Brambillo captured, La Libertad splintered and dissolved, and with continuing defeats and surrenders by his own forces, Castro eventually left Cuba to the United People's Committees. The war officially concluded with the Battle of Lake Victory, where the remaining rebels surrendered to the Antillean army.

In the aftermath of the war, over two hundred Cuban rebels were tried and executed for treason, and addition three hundred were imprisoned. With no armed opposition, anglicization continued in Cuba and concluded with the death of Abarough and the establishment of democracy in 1985. While many Cuban urban centers, which had been under the control of the government all through the insurgency, have been anglicized, Spanish culture, heritage, and language have continued to prosper in the rural regions of Cuba. The legacy of the Cuban insurgency has seen a lasting impact on the island, establishing the current political and cultural divides and issues in present-day Cuba. The plight of the rebels has been greatly romanticized outside of the Antilles, and despite opposition by the government, many statues, monuments, and places in rural areas have been dedicated to rebel leaders.

Background

Colonial history and Spanish-American War

The Rough Riders, led by Theodore Roosevelt, shortly after their victory at the Battle of San Juan Hill.
Carlos Manuel de Cépedes, a Cuban revolutionary whose calls for independence later inspired members of La Libertad and other anti-Antillean groups.

Since European discovery of the Americas in 1492 by Spanish explorers led by Christopher Columbus, the island of Cuba had been under control of Spain. Cuba became the last Spanish colonial territory in the Americas following the independence of Mexico in 1821, the subsequent collapse of Spanish South America, and the independence of the Dominican Republic ten years later. Under Spain, Cuba was placed under a de facto authoritarian state, with the ideals of liberty and free expression, which had been promoted by the revolutions in America and France, being tightly crushed. Despite Spanish colonial forces' best efforts, these enlightenment ideals spread all throughout Cuba during the nineteenth century, influencing many.

In the late 1860s, Cuba became the headquarters of a revived Council of the Indies, as Spanish forces reclaimed a number of former colonial territories, including the entire island of Hispaniola. Spain, along with other former European colonial powers, was able to regain their lost territories due to the War of Contingency rendering the Monroe Doctrine defunct as the United States collapsed and reformed into the United Commonwealth. With a renewed interest in colonialism, Spanish territorial forces harshly cracked down on Cuban dissidents, establishing a repressive and authoritarian colonial government. At this time, calls of Cuban independence grow amongst the dissatisfied and angered people of Cuba, with many supporting the idea of a independent Cuban republic based on the ideals that the Spanish were trying to snuff out. There was a number of attempts at Cuban independence, most notably in 1868 by Carlos Manuel de Cépedes, who declared the island independent and was eventually defeated in the Ten Years' War. With independent attempts at independence being routinely crushed, many leaders of the Cuban independence movement began lobbying for foreign intervention.

Since re-building itself, the United Commonwealth had an interest in expansion, particularly into its breakaway states of Florida, Acadiana, Superior, and the Northeastern Union. However, as these nations received the support of other, more powerful nations (such as Sierra and Great Britain), the United Commonwealth would shift its focus to regaining its lost influence in the Americas. In the early 1880s, the United Commonwealth, which had to its pre-War of Contingency economic and military status, would re-implement a anti-colonial policy in the Americas (particularly in the Caribbean), similar to the Monroe Doctrine, pushing for the independence of Spanish colonial territories. Although the nation supported the independence of Cuba, many in the nation saw its inclusion into the union as extremely beneficial. In order to pressure for a Spanish withdrawal, the United Commonwealth Navy would begin to institute blockades around Cuba and other Spanish-controlled islands, hoping the negative economic output would force a retreat. However, Spanish colonial forces would not react, prompting more aggressive actions by the United Commonwealth. In 1898, the UCS Maine would be destroyed in the harbor of Havana, which is now known as New Charleston. The sinking of the Maine would prompt the United Commonwealth Congress to declare war on Spain, and with similar declarations of war being declared by Sierra, Brazoria, and the Northeastern Union for similar reasons, the Spanish-American War would officially begin.

Due to the combined strength of the Anglo-American coalition, which was led by the United Commonwealth in the Caribbean, Spanish colonial forces would be overwhelmed, and with a number of Cuban separatist groups rising up in support of the Americans, the armies of Spain would suffer a number of major defeats, prompting a formal withdrawal from the island to Hispaniola at the end of 1898. The war would continue in both Hispaniola and Tondo until 1899. In the Treaty of Paris, the United Commonwealth would gain the islands of Cuba, Hispaniola, and Puerto Rico, being incorporated into the newly-created American Antilles.

United Commonwealth territory and Continental Revolutionary War

Federalist ships retreating to the Antilles (1921).

As a territory of the United Commonwealth, Cuba would enjoy self-governance, with the United Commonwealth government focusing more on the brewing revolutionary activity on the mainland than governing the island. Unlike Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, the plantations and large uninhabited portions of Cuba would not be redistributed to American settlers. This was largely seen as a reward for the island's support during the Spanish-American War, support that was not seen in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. With the lack of American settlement, Cuba would retain its Spanish culture and identity, with natural anglicization of the island being at a standstill when compared to its fellow Antillean territories. Despite the retaining of a Spanish identity, the use of English would become more prominent in Cuba as American companies and services established themselves on the island.

Although most Cubans supported continued membership in the United Commonwealth, a large minority would continue to advocate for independence. As years went on, this minority would begin to subscribed to the revolutionary and anti-government ideology seen brewing in the mainland. As a result to this growing militant attitude, the United Commonwealth Army would begin to garrison the island, along with its Antillean counterparts. At the start of the Continental Revolutionary War, Cuba would be the home to 7,000 United Commonwealth soldiers, with the number steadily increasing as the war began favoring the landonist Continentalist rebellion. In 1920, after the fall of national capital of Chicago to Continentalist forces, acting President Amelia Abarough would call for a general retreat to the American Antilles. In the Great Retreat, over three million pro-Federalist citizens and forces would flee to the American Antilles, with over 500,000 arriving in Cuba.

With the war's conclusion in 1922, Cuba would be admitted a provisional commonwealth, subject to the direct control of the United Commonwealth government. Despite this, the Cuban state government would largely act independently as the federal government reorganized and established itself. During what would be later known as the Martial Period, Cuba would largely retain its self-governance it received as a territory of the pre-revolutionary United Commonwealth. However, Cuba would act as a semi-authoritarian state, with press freedom, individual rights, and political opposition being heavily restricted in alignment with the policy of the federal government.

Anglicization and rise of La Libertad

Miguel Brambillo in one of his final public appearances before the start of the conflict (1952).

The Martial Period would end in 1950 with a failed coup d'état resulting in President Abarough's centralization of power. With the end of the Martial Period also came the end of Cuba's self-governance, with the island being placed under the direct control of the federal government. With Cuba being the last provisional commonwealth to not fully anglicized, President Abarough would order the United Commonwealth Army to begin forcefully implementing anglicization policies on the island in 1951. With anglicization came the re-founding of cities, most notably Havana as New Charleston, the transition from Spanish to English as a primary working language, and the implementation of other policies aimed as "Americanizing" the island.

Anglicization would be met with strong opposition by Cuban's supportive of their cultural independence from the nation. At first, opposition to anglicization would be mostly peaceful, but after a number of harsh crackdowns, most famously at the University of Cuba, opposition would become more violent. In 1952, educator and political figure Miguel Brambillo would leave his prestigious position at the University of Cuba to organize an armed resistance against the Antillean government, one which would promote total independence from the United Commonwealth of America. He would form La Libertad, a anti-Antillean and pro-independence militia group, in the same year. Acting secretly up until this point, Brambillo would officially announce the creation of La Libertad in a fiery speech record and distributed through a pirated radio station, and called upon Cubans to "protect their fatherland" from anglicization. Brambillo's speech would identify himself as the main leader of an armed opposition to the Antilles, with a number of smaller militia and rebel groups joining La Libertad in a coalition.

Early stages

Conflict begins

In April of 1953, the United Commonwealth Army, specifically the 3rd Infantry Division led by Colonel George Harrison Jr., would be ordered to find Brambillo, who had taken refuge in the Sierra Maestra mountain range after nearly being arrested in Santiago de Cuba, which is now known as South Miami. Because of the United Commonwealth Army's lack of experience in the Cuban tropical forests, the 3rd division would be ambushed and overwhelmed by La Libertad, with Harrison being killed in combat. The 1st Battle of Sierra Maestra would be the start of the Cuban insurgency, with news of rebel victory inspiring other separatist and revolutionary groups to mobilize against the United Commonwealth Army. In response to this mass mobilization of rebel forces, President Amelia Abarough would mobilize the Cuban National Guard in order to assist Antillean forces.

Despite receiving a large amount of support from other revolutionary groups, La Libertad and its allies would still be outnumbered by the large and technologically-advanced Antillean forces. Because of this, the rebel groups would resort to guerilla wafare, attacking Antillean forces in ambushes and retreating into Cuba's vast tropical forests before any serious type of response. This tactic would become a staple of the conflict, and would become famously well known internationally as a major factor of combat during the insurgency. After suffering a number of losses, the United Commonwealth Army would be ordered to remain in the urban and populated areas of the country, leaving many of its smaller outposts vulnerable to guerilla attack and capture.

Emergence of revolutionary heroes

Fidel Castro with fellow leftist militants circa 1959.

During the early stages of the conflict, a number of important revolutionary figures in the conflict would emerge. In 1955, Daniel Rodriquez, a student at Santiago University, now known as George Harrison University, would lead fellow revolutionary-aligned students in attacking and defeating a small Antillean force at the Diaz Range Skirmish. Although the victory would not effect the conflict overall, Rodriquez would become a nationwide symbol of the revolutionary youth. Rodriquez as his group of student revolutionaries would officially join La Libertad the same year, with Brambillo becoming the mentor of the young Rodriquez.

In 1956, a young Fidel Castro, inspired by the ideals of Landonism, would form the 3rd of April Movement, a militia made up of leftist and pro-Landonist militants. The 3rd of April Movement would not join La Libertad initially, operating in swamps of western Cuba. Castro would be joined by Che Guevara, an Argentine-born landonist revolutionary and friend of Castro and Santo Leon, a former professor and colleague of Brambillo at the University of Cuba, and a notable supporter of radical socialism.

Stalemate and urban clashes

With La Libertad and its allies operating in the rural parts of the state, while the United Commonwealth Army and Cuban National Guard defending the populated and urban centers, the conflict would reach a stalemate in 1957, with no side gaining any significant ground against the other. However, there would still be combat fought, with rebel forces attacking Antillean supply lines, while Antillean forces worked to end revolutionary activity in the state's cities. In July of 1957, La Libertad would raid the Washington Regional Depot Center, gaining three TBD tanks and over fifty-eight crates of military supplies, most prominently AK-47s. Although Antillean forces had a number of opportunities to advance into rebel territory, incompetent and inexperienced leadership would instead focus on the continued defense of the cities and populated areas.

Since the beginning of the conflict, a number of small, urban-based, revolutionary groups would begin ambushing Antillean forces in Cuba's major cities, most predominantly in New Charleston. The major urban revolutionary group would be the Cuban Democratic Army, which was based in New Charleston and provided most of the urban conflict seen in the war.. During the stalemate between the United Commonwealth Army and the rebel forces in the forests, instances of urban clashes would increase. Curfews would be enforced beginning in 1957, with the Cuban National Guard patrolling the streets and arresting violators. In response to the rise of urban revolutionary groups, the Confederation of Cuban Loyalists would be formed by Cuban citizens supportive of the Antillean government and President Abarough. The CCL, along with smaller pro-Antillean groups such as the Cuban Federalist League, would assist Antillean forces in their fight against urban revolutionaries and would encourage greater support for the Antilles in city centers. Loyalist recruitment campaigns would largely be successful in retaining support for the Antilles among Cuban urbanites, a factor that would effect the outcome of the conflict.

Escalated conflict

Reinforcing the rebellion

On July 6, 1958, Miguel Brambillo and Fidel Castro would meet at an undisclosed location in central Cuba. Representing the two largest revolutionary groups at that point, both men agreed to unite their forces in order to defeat the United Commonwealth Army, with Castro relocating the 3rd of April Movement to "La Ciudad de Libertad", the headquarters of La Libertad and the rebel coalition. Although the entrance of the 3rd of April Movement into La Libertad's coalition was largely supported by its members, Castro's inclusion would be strongly opposed by Daniel Rodriquez, who wrote that Castro was an extremist and political opportunist who "is riding on the waves of liberty to assume power". A rivalry would brew between Rodriquez and Castro and would affect the morale of rebel forces.

Havana Push

Rebel forces advancing at the Battle of Wright's Pass, the only rebel victory during the Havana Push.

Following the 3rd of April Movement's inclusion into La Libertad's coalition, the leadership of both groups would begin making plans for a largescale offensive into urban Cuba, hoping to finally defeat the United Commonwealth Army and force a retreat. Known as Operation Liberation (Operación Liberación in Spanish, the coalition would begin preparing for a major assault, capturing a number of smaller outposts situated near New Charleston, South Miami, and Pensacola (which at the time was known as Guantanamo). The capture of New Charleston was the main goal of Operation Liberation. According to a number of sources, Brambillo believed that with New Charleston's capture, the United Commonwealth Army would be forced to make a tactical retreat from Cuba.

In May of 1961, Operation Liberation would begin with the Battle of Bayamo, where rebel forces would overwhelm the small garrison defending the city. In central Cuba, where the the coalition was located, united rebel forces led by Castro and Rodriquez would move north towards New Charleston, taking any village or town that came into their path. Antillean forces, now led by Generals Emilio Espinoza and Eric McKinley would prepare for the inevitable battle in New Charleston, with the former calling the city's defense "essential towards defeating the rebels". The Battle of New Charleston would be an overwhelming success for the United Commonwealth Army, with defending army and loyalist forces decimating rebel forces. The death of Rodriquez in the battle would greatly affect morale, and the remaining rebel forces lead by Castro would attempt to retreat to the western swamps.

Along with New Charleston, the battles of South Miami and Charlottesville, formerly known as Cienfuegos, would resounding defeats for the rebel forces, effectively ending the "Havana Push", as the operation has come to be known as. These defeats were largely attributed to the poor planning, poor reconnaissance, and the assumption that Cubans in these cities would assist rebels in combat. The planning for the operation was heavily rushed by rebel leadership, as they feared further continuation of the stalemate period would result in prolonging the almost decade-long conflict. According to historical sources, the operation was built around highly outdated information, the result of a success misinformation campaign by Antillean forces. Initially, rebel forces believed that there were a total of 43,000 deployed soldiers in Cuba, but in reality there were a total of 100,000 stationed in Cuba in 1961. Along with that, historical sources also determined that the operation was heavily dependent upon the support of the Cuban urbanites, with Brambillo and Castro assuming that the insurgency was widely supported. Unfortunately for Brambillo and Castro, historically studies have shown that a majority of Cuban urbanites supported the Antillean government and army against the rebels, a product of the successful propaganda and recruitment campaigns of a multitude of loyalist groups.

Final years

Splitting of the rebellion and formation of the CLF

The reputation of rebellion, particularly La Libertad, would be greatly damaged with the failure of Operation Liberation, leading to many of its allies to question its continued dominance. These questions would largely be purported by Castro, who blamed Brambillo for the failed operation and for potentially "destroying the revolution". Brambillo, who was greatly affected by the death of his student Daniel Rodriquez, would begin to seclude himself, leaving the de facto leadership of the coalition to Raul Marquez, who blamed the failure of the operation on Castro and his militants, who he believed had damaged the reputation of the insurgents through their radical leftist views. Disagreements between Castro and the leadership of La Libertad would eventually spill out amongst rebel soldiers, with leftist-aligned soldiers supporting Castro while moderate-aligned soldiers supporting Brambillo and la Libertad.

In 1964, three years following the Havana Push, Castro, along with the 3rd of April Movement, would officially leave La Libertad's coalition, reforming into the Cuban Liberation Front. The CLF would promote Landonism as its official ideology, believing in the creation of a Cuban marxist-landonist republic. Almost immediately, the CLF and La Libertad would come into conflict with one another, allowing the United Commonwealth Army, still led by Espinoza and McKinley, to enact Operation Goodwill, advancing from the urban centers and into the rebel-controlled forests of Cuba. The operation would be a success for Antillean forces, pushing the divided rebels further into hiding.

Final days

United Commonwealth soldiers shortly after the Battle of La Ciudad de Libertad.

In December of 1968, Brambillo would recall remaining La Libertad forces to their headquarters at La Ciudad de Libertad, where he planned to re-organize the group and hopefully remain in hiding as he does so. The location of La Ciudad de Libertad, located in the Sierra Maestra mountain range, was well hidden from Antillean forces throughout the conflict. However, its location would be discovered by the United Commonwealth Air Force, who captured evidence of a rebel settlement deep in the Sierra Maestra mountains. It wouldn't be known that the settlement was in fact the headquarters of La Libertad until after the conflict's conclusion.

In January of 1969, the United Commonwealth Army's 1st, 5th, and 3rd divisions, led by Espinoza, would march towards La Ciudad de Libertad. Unbeknownst to both Antillean and La Libertad forces, a separate group of militants loyal to the Cuban Liberation Front and led by Che Guevara, was also heading towards La Libertad's headquarters, with Castro hoping to reach a truce with Brambillo after suffering his own major defeats. La Libertad would discover the United Commonwealth Army on January 7, and would attempt to stall them in order to allow the families of soldiers and the group's leadership to flee. However, Brambillo would prevent any form of retreat, instead enlisting any able-body person to fight the Antilleans. La Libertad would be joined by Guevarra and his CLF group in the evening of January 7, and together they would both fight to prevent Antillean forces from taking the settlement. Fighting would continue until the morning of January 8, when refueled Antillean air wings bombed rebel positions and the settlement itself, breaking the La Libertad-CLF force.

The Battle of La Ciudad de Libertad would be the final major battle of the insurgency and resulted in the capture of Brambillo and Guevara, and the dissolution of La Libertad. Viewing the conflict as over, Castro, along with a number of other CLF leaders, would flee Cuba to the Andes, which had recently become a communist state. The Battle of Lake Victory would be the final battle of the war, with the Antillean victory over the CLF resulting in its dissolution and the end of the conflict.

Aftermath

Che Guevarra, Argentine revolutionary, would become a global symbol of resistance and socialism following his execution in 1969.

In the aftermath of the conflict, a total of two hundred revolutionaries would be tried and executed. Among these revolutionaries was Che Guevara, who became a martyr of both Cuban revolutionaries and leftist revolutionaries around the world. In order to prevent inadvertently creating another martyr, Brambillo and other leaders of La Libertad and the CLF would be given life sentences and would be held in Guantanamo Bay, the Antilles' notorious prison complex. Brambillo himself would die in 1973 due to his contraction of a number of diseases.

With the end of the conflict, anglicization would continue without any major interruption up until 1980, where Cuba was considered "Americanized" by the Antillean government. The end of the conflict would be celebrated by Antilleans outside of Cuba and Cuban loyalists, with parades and celebrations occurring in a number of places. The most notable of these celebrations was a 1970 parade in New Charleston, where a number of rebel leaders deemed insignificant by the Antillean government were paraded in the streets. A number of smaller rebel groups, mainly remnants of the CLF, would still be active throughout the remaining portion of the twentieth century, but these groups would be successfully suppressed, with no conflict between them and Antillean forces ever escalating into another insurgency. Armed revolutionary groups would largely disappear following the democratization of the Antilles in 1983.

Legacy

The effects and products of the Cuban insurgency, which is colloquially called the Cuban Civil War by many Cubans, has had a lasting effect on the island. Inside the Antilles, the revolutionaries are viewed as both traitors and "foreign agents", with later Antillean cinema and media portraying the heroes of La Libertad and the CLF in a negative light. This would go on even after democratization, with somewhat positive portrayals of the La Libertad only being seen recently, with recent films portraying them as misguided and misled by demagogues and pursuits of power. Outside of the Antilles, the struggle of the rebel groups was highly documented by western media, with the romanticization of the rebels being common in a number of late twentieth century films. Che Guevarra would be immortalized as a symbol of resistance and socialism globally following his execution.

In Cuba, the effects of the insurgency, along with its goals and motives, are highly debated upon. Many of the insurgency's revolutionary heroes are honored in rural places of Cuba, and it areas of the island that retain a somewhat significant Spanish culture. However, the insurgency is viewed more negatively by urban Cubans, who continue to view the rebels in a critical light. Th Cuban insurgency is viewed as a notable conflict within the Cold War, as the possibility of another hostile nation in the Americas prompted Sierran and Brazilians support for the Antilles. Sierran support for the Antilles during the insurgency would establish a close working relationship between the two countries, something that lasts into the modern era.

See also