Italo–Continental split
| Italo–Continental split | |||||||||||
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| Part of the Cold War | |||||||||||
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| Mao Zedong, Seamus Callahan, and Spartaco Oddi in 1947 during the celebration of the 30th August Revolution Day | |||||||||||
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| Parties to the civil conflict | |||||||||||
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| Lead figures | |||||||||||
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The Italo–Continental split was an ideological rivalry between the socialist states of Italy and the United Commonwealth, which arose over divergent interpretations and practical applications of socialism, and the countries’ respective geopolitical interests during the Cold War. The dispute had its origins in the separate rises of the two countries as independent socialist states, which sparked a clash in the Landonist International for ideological leadership of the world socialist movement. The rise of Callahanism in the United Commonwealth, as well as the repressive measures taken by the country during the post-Great War period, were interpreted by the Italian government as betraying the cause of the socialist movement. Italy distanced itself from the Continental-backed ideology of “Marxism–Landonism”, in favor of what would become Eurocommunism, which stressed broader cooperation and democratic reforms as an alternative to vanguardism, and Multiparty People's Democracy as an alternative to the one-party state. The United Commonwealth in turn interpreted this as revisionism and a return by Italy toward liberal democracy.
The Italian government openly criticized the United Commonwealth in the face of the repudiation of Decallahanization and the Quebec Uprising of 1956, beginning a divergence in their interpretations and applications of Marxist theory. Additionally the two countries clashed over their respective spheres of influence in Europe, with Italy creating the Mediterranean Union as a rival military bloc, and the United Commonwealth seeking to purge Italian influence in the Atlantic states of Ireland and Iberia. The Italo–Continental split would create a strong sense of cooperation between the United Commonwealth and China, until this was shattered by the Sino–Continental split.
Background
Revolutionary allies
During the Revolutions of 1917–1923, both the United Commonwealth and Italy emerged as socialist states, based on independent socialist movements disconnected from each other. The earlier of the two, the United Commonwealth supported the foundation of Italy, although was hampered from sending major aid by the outbreak of the Continental Revolutionary War and invasion by its neighbors. In April 1922 the two states would sign the Treaty of Miramas, pledging mutual financial, economic, and military support in the face of capitalist aggression. However, the emergence of the two states also spawned tensions regarding the emergence of world revolution; both countries saw revolution as occurring imminently and radiating from the two countries in their respective continents. In the coming years, in which it became clear that revolution was not imminent, both countries spearheaded separate interpretations for why this was, which in the United Commonwealth’s case evolved into the concept of national communism, becoming a source of tension with other socialist states.
Although nominally both countries agreed to the concept of a fraternal brotherhood of socialist states, in which none dominated the other, under the leadership of Seamus Callahan, who became leader of the United Commonwealth after 1922, the country pushed for recognition of itself as a de facto first among equals. As the main controller of the Landonist International, the ideological organization of the international socialist movement, Callahan sought to influence the movement toward Continental positions. The independence of the Italian socialists proved a major obstacle in this regard, informally leading to separate camps within the organization. After the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1925, which normalized relations between Ireland and the United Kingdom, the United Commonwealth sought to increase its military presence in Ireland in the name of protection, which Italian leader Spartaco Oddi saw as intrusion on what was previously considered “Italy’s continent”. This would come to a head during the Spanish Civil War, in which the two leaders openly clashed over proper strategy in Iberia. Oddi generally pushed for greater cooperation with leftist groups and an increased Italian presence in the peninsula, while Callahan sought to expel non-Landonist factions and prevent what he interpreted as Italian expansionism. In 1930 victory would be declared under Luis Guido, leading to the creation of the Iberian Union of Socialist Republics, which toed the line between Continental and Italian influence.
In the leadup to the Great War, the United Commonwealth and Italy pursued separate foreign policy aims and normalized relations with other European countries. In particular, the United Commonwealth under foreign commissar Samson Zima opened up talks with Germany, which Italy saw as its main rival following their standoff in the Austrian Revolution. The negotiation of a Landonist non-aggression pact with Derzhavist France in turn, spearheaded by Italy, would prove controversial within the Landonist International, as it seemed to contradict Callahan’s rhetoric of the popular front against Derzhavism. This created discoordination in the early years of the Great War, with the United Commonwealth granting only tentative military support to the Invasion of Yugoslavia. However, following Operation Charlemagne, in which Iberia was invaded by France, the two countries reinvigorated their alliance in the name of repulsing the Derzhavists. The United Commonwealth would provide several million soldiers to the European theatre, which led to the occupation of South France and the successful invasion of the Balkans. Although Oddi recognized that this assistance proved important in their success, he looked on the growing Continental influence in Europe with suspicion. Disagreements broke out in the post-war peace negotiations, with Italy pushing for the creation of puppet states in the Balkans outside Continental control.
Growing discontent
Although the Great War represented a high point of cooperation between the two, the post-war would lead to growing mistrust between the United Commonwealth and Italy. The Continental government would push for rebuilding of Europe under Continental advise and strategy, pushing for centralized industrialization and the adoption of Callahanist political principles in Europe, which Italy openly rebuked. Within Oddi’s government, a rift developed between himself and the Callahanists, which included both Continental advisors and theoreticians who were sympathetic. Under the post-war Nuova Società program issued by Oddi, he sought to undermine the influence of the Callahanists by asserting a uniquely Italian form of industrialization, in which planning was partially decentralized among the communes. At the same time, he rejected the strict sectarianism proposed by Callahan and his labeling of social democracy as “Social Derzhavism”. Influenced by the writings of Antonio Gramsci, Oddi instead argued that the Landonists should form social alliances to gain control in the liberal democracies of Europe. He also pushed for lessening of restrictions in the elections in the Balkans, although he also send soldiers into the Greek Civil War and to put down an uprising in Serbia; Callahan criticized both the rhetoric of cooperation but also paradoxically the heavy handedness in the Balkans.
Onset of the dispute
Decallahanization
Following the death of Callahan in 1947, a split occurred in the global Landonist movement, with a faction within the United Commonwealth pushing for a policy of Decallahanization from 1947 to 1950. The incompleteness of this policy was criticized by Italy, whereas in China it would be interpreted as a threat. The repudiation of the Decallahanists by Amelia Fowler Crawford was criticized publicly by Italy. In response, Crawford labeled Italian reforms as “revisionist” and weakening the socialist alliance in the wake of renewed capitalist aggression. During a state trip to the United Commonwealth on 4 December 1952 by foreign secretary Gracchus Prato, an attempt would be made to repair relations, with Prato offering a dedication to Callahan as a revolutionary leader. This cooperation broke again with the Irish Missile Crisis, which would be blamed on Crawford and “Continental chauvinism” by the Italian government, who now believed that the United Commonwealth was flippant on the issue of nuclear warfare.
A turning point for the two countries would prove to be the Quebec Uprising of 1956, in which Continental forces heavily repressed a reformist faction in the state of Quebec. Italy interpreted this as the United Commonwealth announcing its intentions to police the Landonist countries and interfere in their domestic affairs, and was also criticized for associating the Landonist movement with repressive violence. As such, Italy began to distance itself from the concept of “Marxism–Landonism”, with Oddi formulating his own theory of Eurocommunism. A chief principle of this movement would be the gradual opening up of the political process to other political parties, in what Italy coined the “Multiparty People's Democracy”, in direct opposition to the vanguardism intrinsic to Landonism. Also part of this process would be the opening up of Italy to the rest of Europe, as a means of introducing socialism into the western-aligned states, and to spur European cooperation, which culminated in the creation of the European Community. This would also spark increased cooperation between the United Commonwealth and China, who were temporarily united in their criticism of Italy.
Mediterranean disputes
Although not initially breaking off diplomatic ties, in private Italy criticized Continental proceedings during a state meeting with Lysander Hughes on 17 November 1957. The Continental leader in turn believed that Italy was moving away from socialism through its liberalization of the political process. The two countries would clash over Iberia, which Italian premier Nestore Zino called “the propped-up bastion of Callahanism” for the repressive policies of its leadership and the high degree of financial aid supplied by the United Commonwealth. Although ostensively Italy criticized Continental influence in Spain to stress independence of the Mediterranean states, the United Commonwealth countered that Italy sought a “new Roman Empire” in southern Europe against the wishes of the Landonist states. Rapprochement broke off following Hughes’ death the following year, with new General Secretary Christopher McCormack greatly increasing tensions with his attacks against the Italian reforms.
In 1959 the two states clashed over policy in Libya, which declared its independence on 1 April. The United Commonwealth backed an unsuccessful Landonist faction within the government, which pushed the country into the sphere of Italy. This culminated in the Bayda Affair, in which Landonist insurgents were purged by the Libyan government. In response Italy would create the Mediterranean Union, as a separate military alliance of socialist-leaning countries in southern Europe, which was interpreted by the United Commonwealth as the creation of a rival military bloc to counter their own.
New Left
During the rise of the Continental New Left, Italy criticized the United Commonwealth’s crackdown on the student protest movements, which it saw as confirmation of the unviability of the repressive Continental system. The Continental government in turn investigated the movement for “Italian deviations”, implying that the Italian government was financing insurgent movements in the country. Ideologically, Italy saw Eurocommunism as the modern alternative to the New Left, the latter developing in reaction to Continental backwardness, but nonetheless Italy offered verbal support to the movement as a means of democratizing the Chattanooga Pact. With the 1960 election of Rupert Gardner, the conflict between the socialist countries was further complicated with China reversing course and criticizing the United Commonwealth, creating a Sino–Continental split.
Conflict
See also
- Anti-Italian sentiment
- Anti-Continental sentiment
- Sino–Continental split
- History of the United Commonwealth (1947–1960)
- History of the United Commonwealth (1960–1968)
- Italy–United Commonwealth relations